Caesar World · 凯撒世界

Civil Wars · 内战史

Appian

Later historical synthesis. Books 1–5 supply background and aftermath, not five books by Caesar.

Chapter alignment only; no sentence or word correspondence asserted.

Greek proem loci 1.pr.1–6 and English 1.intro.1–6 retain their separate labels; English appendices and fragments remain unmatched. Greek 3.12.82 and English 3.12.83 also remain separate at a division boundary; their numbers are not interchangeable. The displayed three-part CTS locus is book.chapter.section; conventional book.section citations use the first and last parts, but the Book 3 boundary needs checking against the source edition.

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Edition attribution and source XML

Perseus Digital Library, Tufts University; Appianus. Appiani Historia Romana, Volume 2. Mendelssohn, Ludwig, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1881. · Original XML · CC BY-SA 4.0

Perseus Digital Library, Tufts University; Appianus. The Roman History of Appian of Alexandria, Volume 2: The Civil Wars. White, Horace, translator. New York: The Macmillan Company. London: Macmillan and Co. Ltd. 1899. · Original XML · CC BY-SA 4.0

1.pr.1 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.pr.1

Ῥωμαίοις ὁ δῆμος καὶ ἡ βουλὴ πολλάκις ἐς ἀλλήλους περί τε νόμων θέσεως καὶ χρεῶν ἀποκοπῆς ἢ γῆς διαδατουμένης ἢ ἐν ἀρχαιρεσίαις ἐστασίασαν· οὐ μήν τι χειρῶν ἔργον ἔμφυλον ἦν, ἀλλὰ διαφοραὶ μόναι καὶ ἔριδες ἔννομοι, καὶ τάδε μετὰ πολλῆς αἰδοῦς εἴκοντες ἀλλήλοις διετίθεντο. ὁ δὲ δῆμός ποτε καὶ στρατευόμενος ἐς τοιάνδε ἔριν ἐμπεσὼν οὐκ ἐχρήσατο τοῖς ὅπλοις παροῦσιν, ἀλλʼ ἐς τὸ ὄρος ἐκδραμών, τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦδε κλῃζόμενον ἱερόν, οὐδὲν οὐδὲ τότε χειρῶν ἔργον, ἀλλʼ ἀρχὴν ἑαυτοῦ προστάτιν ἀπέφηνε καὶ ἐκάλεσε δημαρχίαν ἐς κώλυσιν μάλιστα τῶν ὑπάτων ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς αἱρουμένων μὴ ἐντελὲς αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τῇ πολιτείᾳ τὸ κράτος εἶναι. ὅθεν δὴ καὶ μάλιστα δυσμενέστερον ἔτι καὶ φιλονεικότερον ἐς ἀλλήλας αἱ ἀρχαὶ διετίθεντο ἀπὸ τοῦδε, καὶ ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἐς αὐτὰς ἐμερίζετο ὡς ἐν ταῖς τῶνδε πλεονεξίαις ἑκάτεροι τῶν ἑτέρων ἐπικρατοῦντες. Μάρκιός τε ὁ Κοριολανὸς ἐν ταῖσδε ταῖς ἔρισιν ἐξελαθεὶς παρὰ δίκην ἐς Οὐολούσκους ἔφυγέ τε καὶ πόλεμον ἐπήγαγε τῇ πατρίδι.

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1.pr.2 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.pr.2

καὶ τοῦτο μόνον ἄν τις εὕροι τῶν πάλαι στάσεων ἔργον ἔνοπλον, καὶ τοῦθʼ ὑπʼ αὐτομόλου γενόμενον, ξίφος δὲ οὐδέν πω παρενεχθὲν ἐς ἐκκλησίαν οὐδὲ φόνον ἔμφυλον, πρίν γε Τιβέριος Γράκχος δημαρχῶν καὶ νόμους ἐσφέρων πρῶτος ὅδε ἐν στάσει ἀπώλετο καὶ ἐπʼ αὐτῷ πολλοὶ κατὰ τὸ Καπιτώλιον εἱλούμενοι περὶ τὸν νεὼν ἀνῃρέθησαν. καὶ οὐκ ἀνέσχον ἔτι αἱ στάσεις ἐπὶ τῷδε τῷ μύσει, διαιρουμένων ἑκάστοτε σαφῶς ἐπʼ ἀλλήλοις καὶ ἐγχειρίδια πολλάκις φερόντων κτιννυμένης τέ τινος ἀρχῆς ἐκ διαστήματος ἐν ἱεροῖς ἢ ἐκκλησίαις ἢ ἀγοραῖς, δημάρχων ἢ στρατηγῶν ἢ ὑπάτων ἢ τῶν ἐς ταῦτα παραγγελλόντων ἢ τῶν ἄλλως ἐπιφανῶν. ὕβρις τε ἄκοσμος ἐπεῖχεν αἰεὶ διʼ ὀλίγου καὶ νόμων καὶ δίκης αἰσχρὰ καταφρόνησις. προιόντος δʼ ἐς μέγα τοῦ κακοῦ, ἐπαναστάσεις ἐπὶ τὴν πολιτείαν φανεραὶ καὶ στρατεῖαι μεγάλαι καὶ βίαιοι κατὰ τῆς πατρίδος ἐγίγνοντο φυγάδων ἀνδρῶν ἢ καταδίκων ἢ περὶ ἀρχῆς τινος ἢ στρατοπέδου φιλονικούντων ἐς ἀλλήλους. δυναστεῖαί τε ἦσαν ἤδη κατὰ πολλὰ καὶ στασίαρχοι μοναρχικοί, οἱ μὲν οὐ μεθιέντες ἔτι τὰ πιστευθέντα σφίσιν ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου στρατόπεδα, οἱ δὲ καὶ κατὰ σφᾶς ἄνευ τοῦ κοινοῦ κατʼ ἀλλήλων ξενολογοῦντες. ὁπότεροι δʼ αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν προλάβοιεν, τοῖς ἑτέροις ἦν ὁ ἀγὼν λόγῳ μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀντιστασιώτας, ἔργῳ δʼ ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα· ἐσέβαλλον γὰρ ὡς ἐς πολεμίαν, καὶ σφαγαὶ τῶν ἐν ποσὶν ἐγίγνοντο νηλεεῖς καὶ ἄλλων ἐπὶ θανάτῳ προγραφαὶ καὶ φυγαὶ καὶ δημεύσεις, ἐνίων δὲ καὶ βάσανοι πάμπαν ἐπαχθεῖς.

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1.pr.3 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.pr.3

ἔργον τε οὐδὲν ἀηδὲς ἀπῆν, μέχρι τῶνδε τῶν στασιάρχων εἷς ἔτει πεντηκοστῷ μάλιστα ἀπὸ Γράκχου, Κορνήλιος Σύλλας, κακῷ τὸ κακὸν ἰώμενος μόναρχον αὑτὸν ἀπέφηνεν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον· οὓς δικτάτορας ἐκάλουν τε καὶ ἐπὶ ταῖς φοβερωτάταις χρείαις ἑξαμήνους τιθέμενοι ἐκ πολλοῦ διελελοίπεσαν. ὁ δὲ Σύλλας βίᾳ μὲν καὶ ἀνάγκῃ, λόγῳ δʼ αἱρετός, ἐς αἰεὶ δικτάτωρ γενόμενος ὅμως, ἐπεί τε ἐκορέσθη τῆς δυναστείας, πρῶτος ἀνδρῶν ὅδε μοι δοκεῖ θαρρῆσαι τυραννικὴν ἀρχὴν ἑκὼν ἀποθέσθαι καὶ ἐπειπεῖν, ὅτι καὶ τοῖς μεμφομένοις εὐθύνας ὑφέξει, ἰδιώτης τε ὁρώντων ἁπάντων ἐς πολὺ βαδίσαι κατʼ ἀγορὰν καὶ ἐπανελθεῖν ἀπαθὴς οἴκαδε. τυσοῦτον ἦν ἄρα τοῖς ὁρῶσιν ἔτι τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτοῦ δέος ἢ τῆς ἀποθέσεως κατάπληξις ἢ τῶν εὐθυνῶν τῆς ἐπαγγελίας αἰδὼς ἢ ἄλλη φιλανθρωπία καὶ λογισμὸς ἐπὶ συμφέροντι τὴν τυραννίδα γενέσθαι.

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1.pr.4 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.pr.4

ὧδε μὲν ἐπὶ βραχὺ ἔληξαν αἱ στάσεις ἐπὶ Σύλλα, καὶ κακῶν ἀντίδοσις ἦν ὧν ὁ Σύλλας εἰργάζετο· μετὰ δὲ Σύλλαν αὖθις ὅμοια ἀνερριπίζετο, μέχρι Γάιος Καῖσαρ, αἱρετὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπὶ πολὺ δυναστεύων ἐν Γαλατίᾳ, τῆς βουλῆς αὐτὸν ἀποθέσθαι κελευούσης αἰτιώμενος οὐ τὴν βουλήν, ἀλλὰ Πομπήιον, ἐχθρὸν ὄντα οἱ καὶ στρατοῦ περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἡγούμενον, ὡς τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτὸν ἐπιβουλεύοντα παραλύειν, προυτίθει προκλήσεις ἢ ἄμφω τὰ στρατεύματα ἔχειν ἐς τῆς ἔχθρας τὴν ἀφοβίαν ἢ καὶ Πομπήιον οὓς ἔχοι μεθέντα ἰδιωτεύειν ὁμοίως ὑπὸ νόμοις. οὐ πείθων δʼ ἐς οὐδέτερα ἐκ Γαλατίας ἤλαυνεν ἐπὶ τὸν Πομπήιον ἐς τὴν πατρίδα, ἐσβαλών τε ἐς αὐτὴν καὶ διώκων ἐκφυγόντα περὶ Θεσσαλίαν ἐνίκησε μεγάλῃ μάχῃ λαμπρῶς καὶ ἐδίωκεν ἐς Αἴγυπτον ὑποφεύγοντα. ἀναιρεθέντος δὲ Πομπηίου πρὸς ἀνδρῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἐπανῆλθεν ἐς Ῥώμην, ἔστιν ἃ καὶ περὶ Αἴγυπτον ἐργασάμενός τε καὶ ἐπιμείνας, μέχρι καταστήσαιτο αὐτῇ τοὺς βασιλέας. στασιώτην τε μέγιστον, ᾧ διὰ μεγαλουργίαν πολεμικὴν Μέγας ἐπώνυμον ἦν, οὗτος δὴ μάλιστα πολέμου κράτει σαφῶς καθελών, οὐδενὸς αὐτῷ θαρροῦντος εἰς οὐδὲν ἔτι ἀντειπεῖν, δεύτερος ἐπὶ Σύλλᾳ δικτάτωρ ἐς τὸ διηνεκὲς ᾑρέθη· καὶ στάσεις αὖθις κατεπαύοντο πᾶσαι, ἔστε καὶ τόνδε Βροῦτος καὶ Κάσσιος ζήλῳ τε τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῦ μεγέθους καὶ πόθῳ τῆς πατρίου πολιτείας ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ κατέκανον, δημοτικώτατον καὶ ἐμπειρότατον ἀρχῆς γενόμενον. ὅ γέ τοι δῆμος αὐτὸν μάλιστα πάντων ἐπεπόθησε, καὶ τοὺς σφαγέας ἐζήτουν περιιόντες καὶ τὸ σῶμα ἔθαψαν ἐν ἀγορᾷ μέσῃ καὶ νεὼν ἐπῳκοδόμησαν τῇ πυρᾷ καὶ θύουσιν ὡς θεῷ.

Translation

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1.pr.5 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.pr.5

αἱ δὲ στάσεις ἐπὶ τῷδε μάλιστα αὖθις ἐπανελθοῦσαί τε καὶ αὐξηθεῖσαι δυνατώτατα ἐς μέγα προῆλθον, καὶ φόνοι καὶ φυγαὶ καὶ ἐπὶ θανάτῳ προγραφαὶ βουλευτῶν τε καὶ τῶν καλουμένων ἱππέων, κατὰ πλῆθος ἀθρόως ἑκατέρων, ἐγίγνοντο, τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἀλλήλοις τῶν στασιωτῶν ἀντιπαρεχόντων καὶ ἐς τοῦτο ἀμελούντων καὶ φίλων καὶ ἀδελφῶν· τοσοῦτον ἐκράτει τῆς ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα εὐνοίας ἡ ἐς τὰ ἀντίπαλα φιλονικία. προιόντες τε τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν ὡς ἰδιωτικὸν σφῶν κτῆμα διενείμαντο ἐφʼ ἑαυτῶν τρεῖς οἵδε ἄνδρες, Ἀντώνιός τε καὶ Λέπιδος καὶ ὅτῳ πρότερον μὲν Ὀκτάουιος ὄνομα ἦν, Καίσαρι δὲ πρὸς γένους ὢν καὶ θετὸς ἐν διαθήκαις ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ γενόμενος Καῖσαρ ἐκ τοῦδε μετωνομάζετο. ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ διαιρέσει τῇδε μετὰ βραχὺ συμπεσόντες, ὡς εἰκὸς ἦν, ἐς ἀλλήλους ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτῶν συνέσει τε καὶ ἐμπειρίᾳ προύχων Λέπιδον μὲν πρότερον αὐτῶν ἣν ἐκεκλήρωτο Λιβύην, ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ Λεπίδῳ καὶ Ἀντώνιον πολέμῳ περὶ Ἄκτιον ἀφείλετο τὴν ἀπὸ Συρίας ἐπὶ κόλπον τὸν Ἰόνιον ἀρχήν. ἐπί τε τούτοις, μεγίστοις δὴ φανεῖσι καὶ ἐς ἔκπληξιν ἅπαντας ἐμβαλοῦσιν, εἷλε καὶ Αἴγυπτον ἐπιπλεύσας, ἣ χρονιωτάτη τε ἦν ἐς τότε καὶ δυνατωτάτη μετὰ Ἀλέξανδρον ἀρχὴ καὶ μόνη Ῥωμαίοις ἔλειπεν ἐς τὰ νῦν ὄντα, ὥστε Σεβαστὸς εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τοῖς ἔργοις, ἔτι περιών, ὅδε πρῶτος ὀφθῆναί τε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ κληθῆναι πρὸς αὐτῶν, αὐτός τε ἑαυτόν, ὥσπερ Γάιος καὶ ἐς τὸ δυνατώτερον ἔτι Γαΐου, ἄρχοντα ἀποφῆναι τῇ τε πατρίδι καὶ τοῖς ὑπʼ αὐτὴν ἔθνεσιν ἅπασιν, οὐδὲν αἱρέσεως ἢ χειροτονίας ἢ προσποιήματος ἔτι δεηθείς. χρονίου δʼ αὐτῷ καὶ ἐγκρατοῦς τῆς ἀρχῆς γενομένης, ἐπιτυχὴς ἐς πάντα καὶ φοβερὸς ὢν γένος ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ διαδοχὴν τὴν ἐπικρατοῦσαν ὁμοίως ἐπʼ ἐκείνῳ κατέλιπεν.

Translation

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1.pr.6 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.pr.6

ὧδε μὲν ἐκ στάσεων ποικίλων ἡ πολιτεία Ῥωμαίοις ἐς ὁμόνοιαν καὶ μοναρχίαν περιέστη· ταῦτα δʼ ὅπως ἐγένετο, συνέγραψα καὶ συνήγαγον, ἀξιοθαύμαστα ὄντα τοῖς ἐθέλουσιν ἰδεῖν φιλοτιμίαν ἀνδρῶν ἄμετρον καὶ φιλαρχίαν δεινὴν καρτερίαν τε ἄτρυτον καὶ κακῶν ἰδέας μυρίων, μάλιστα δʼ, ὅτι μοι τῆς Αἰγυπτίας συγγραφῆς τάδε προηγούμενα καὶ τελευτήσοντα εἰς ἐκείνην ἀναγκαῖον ἦν προαναγράψασθαι· ὧδε γὰρ Αἴγυπτος ἐλήφθη, διὰ τήνδε τὴν στάσιν, Ἀντωνίῳ Κλεοπάτρας συμμαχούσης. διῄρηται δʼ αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἐνθάδε μέν, ὅσα ἐπὶ Κορνήλιον Σύλλαν ἀπὸ Σεμπρωνίου Γράκχου, ἑξῆς δʼ, ὅσα μέχρι Γαΐου Καίσαρος τῆς τελευτῆς. αἱ δὲ λοιπαὶ τῶν ἐμφυλίων βίβλοι δεικνύουσιν, ὅσα οἱ τρεῖς ἐς ἀλλήλους τε καὶ Ῥωμαίους ἔδρασαν, μέχρι τὸ τελευταῖον δὴ τῶν στάσεων καὶ μέγιστον ἔργον, τὸ περὶ Ἄκτιον Καίσαρι πρὸς Ἄντώνιον ὁμοῦ καὶ Κλεοπάτραν γενόμενον, ἀρχὴ καὶ τῆς Αἰγυπτιακῆς συγγραφῆς ἔσται.

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1.1.7 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.1.7

Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν Ἰταλίαν πολέμῳ κατὰ μέρη χειρούμενοι γῆς μέρος ἐλάμβανον καὶ πόλεις ἐνῴκιζον ἢ ἐς τὰς πρότερον οὔσας κληρούχους ἀπὸ σφῶν κατέλεγον. καὶ τάδε μὲν ἀντὶ φρουρίων ἐπενόουν, τῆς δὲ γῆς τῆς δορικτήτου σφίσιν ἑκάστοτε γιγνομένης τὴν μὲν ἐξειργασμένην αὐτίκα τοῖς οἰκιζομένοις ἐπιδιῄρουν ἢ ἐπίπρασκον ἢ ἐξεμίσθουν, τὴν δʼ ἀργὸν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου τότε οὖσαν, ἣ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα ἐπλήθυεν, οὐκ ἄγοντές πω σχολὴν διαλαχεῖν ἐπεκήρυττον ἐν τοσῷδε τοῖς ἐθέλουσιν ἐκπονεῖν ἐπὶ τέλει τῶν ἐτησίων καρπῶν, δεκάτῃ μὲν τῶν σπειρομένων, πέμπτῃ δὲ τῶν φυτευομένων. ὥριστο δὲ καὶ τοῖς προβατεύουσι τέλη μειζόνων τε καὶ ἐλαττόνων ζῴων. καὶ τάδε ἔπραττον ἐς πολυανδρίαν τοῦ Ἰταλικοῦ γένους, φερεπονωτάτου σφίσιν ὀφθέντος, ἵνα συμμάχους οἰκείους ἔχοιεν. ἐς δὲ τοὐναντίον αὐτοῖς περιῄει. οἱ γὰρ πλούσιοι τῆσδε τῆς ἀνεμήτου γῆς τὴν πολλὴν καταλαβόντες καὶ χρόνῳ θαρροῦντες οὔ τινα σφᾶς ἔτι ἀφαιρήσεσθαι τά τε ἀγχοῦ σφίσιν ὅσα τε ἦν ἄλλα βραχέα πενήτων, τὰ μὲν ὠνούμενοι πειθοῖ, τὰ δὲ βίᾳ λαμβάνοντες, πεδία μακρὰ ἀντὶ χωρίων ἐγεώργουν, ὠνητοῖς ἐς αὐτὰ γεωργοῖς καὶ ποιμέσι χρώμενοι τοῦ μὴ τοὺς ἐλευθέρους ἐς τὰς στρατείας ἀπὸ τῆς γεωργίας περισπᾶν, φερούσης ἅμα καὶ τῆσδε τῆς κτήσεως αὐτοῖς πολὺ κέρδος ἐκ πολυπαιδίας θεραπόντων ἀκινδύνως αὐξομένων διὰ τὰς ἀστρατείας. ἀπὸ δὲ τούτων οἱ μὲν δυνατοὶ πάμπαν ἐπλούτουν, καὶ τὸ τῶν θεραπόντων γένος ἀνὰ τὴν χώραν ἐπλήθυε, τοὺς δʼ Ἰταλιώτας ὀλιγότης καὶ δυσανδρία κατελάμβανε, τρυχομένους πενίᾳ τε καὶ ἐσφοραῖς καὶ στρατείαις. εἰ δὲ καὶ σχολάσειαν ἀπὸ τούτων, ἐπὶ ἀργίας διετίθεντο, τῆς γῆς ὑπὸ τῶν πλουσίων ἐχομένης καὶ γεωργοῖς χρωμένων θεράπουσιν ἀντὶ ἐλευθέρων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.1.7

The Romans, as they subdued the Italian nations successively in war, seized a part of their lands and built towns there, or established their own colonies in those already existing, and used them in place of garrisons. Of the land acquired by war they assigned the cultivated part forthwith to settlers, or leased or sold it. Since they had no leisure as yet to allot the part which then lay desolated by war (this was generally the greater part), they made proclamation that in the meantime those who were willing to work it might do so for a share of the yearly crops a tenth of the grain and a fifth of the fruit. From those who kept flocks was required a share of the animals, both oxen and small cattle. They did these things in order to multiply the Italian race, which they considered the most laborious of peoples, so that they might have plenty of allies at home. But the very opposite thing happened; for the rich, getting possession of the greater part of the undistributed lands, and being emboldened by the lapse of time to believe that they would never be dispossessed, and adding to their holdings the small farms of their poor neighbors, partly by purchase and partly by force, came to cultivate vast tracts instead of single estates, using for this purpose slaves as laborers and herdsmen, lest free laborers should be drawn from agriculture into the army. The ownership of slaves itself brought them great gain from the multitude of their progeny, who increased because they were exempt from military service. Thus the powerful ones became enormously rich and the race of slaves multiplied throughout the country, while the Italian people dwindled in numbers and strength, being oppressed by penury, taxes, and military service. If they had any respite from these evils they passed their time in idleness, because the land was held by the rich, who employed slaves instead of freemen as cultivators.

1.1.8 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.1.8

ἐφʼ οἷς ὁ δῆμος ἐδυσφόρει μὲν ὡς οὔτε συμμάχων ἐξ Ἰταλίας ἔτι εὐπορήσων οὔτε τῆς ἡγεμονίας οἱ γενησομένης ἀκινδύνου διὰ πλῆθος τοσόνδε θεραπόντων· διόρθωσιν δʼ οὐκ ἐπινοοῦντες, ὡς οὐδὲ ῥᾴδιον ὂν οὐδὲ πάντῃ δίκαιον ἄνδρας τοσούσδε ἐκ τοσοῦδε χρόνου κτῆσιν τοσήνδε ἀφελέσθαι φυτῶν τε ἰδίων καὶ οἰκοδομημάτων καὶ κατασκευῆς, μόλις ποτὲ τῶν δημάρχων εἰσηγουμένων ἔκριναν μηδένα ἔχειν τῆσδε τῆς γῆς πλέθρα πεντακοσίων πλείονα μηδὲ προβατεύειν ἑκατὸν πλείω τὰ μείζονα καὶ πεντακοσίων τὰ ἐλάσσονα. καὶ ἐς ταῦτα δʼ αὐτοῖς ἀριθμὸν ἐλευθέρων ἔχειν ἐπέταξαν, οἳ τὰ γιγνόμενα φυλάξειν τε καὶ μηνύσειν ἔμελλον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.1.8

For these reasons the people became troubled lest they should no longer have sufficient allies of the Italian stock, and lest the government itself should be endangered by such a vast number of slaves. Not perceiving any remedy, as it was not easy, nor exactly just, to deprive men of so many possessions they had held so long, including their own trees, buildings, and fixtures, a law was once passed with difficulty at the instance of the tribunes, that nobody should hold more than 500 jugera of this land, or pasture on it more than 100 cattle or 500 sheep. To ensure the observance of this law it was provided also that there should be a certain number of freemen employed on the farms, whose business it should be to watch and report what was going on. Those who held possession of lands under the law were required to take an oath to obey the law, and penalties were fixed for violating it, and it was supposed that the remaining land would soon be divided among the poor in small parcels. But there was not the smallest consideration shown for the law or the oaths. The few who seemed to pay some respect to them conveyed their lands to their relations fraudulently, but the greater part disregarded it altogether.

Edition note

Y.R. 387

Edition note

B.C. 367

Edition note

τῆσδε τῆς γῆς. Of this land, the public land (ager publicus), not land in general. There has been much controversy over the question whether the agrarian laws of Rome were sumptuary laws intended to restrict the amount of landed property that one man could hold, or whether they applied only to the public domain, and this passage in Appian has played a large part in the controversy. M. Dureau de la Malle in his Economie Politique des Romains (ii. 282 seq.) held that they were true sumptuary laws and he cited numerous authorities in support of the position. The most thorough examination of this question has been made by Mr. Geo. Long in his Decline of the Roman Republic (i. 144-159). His argument is convincing to the effect that these laws applied only to the public lands. This is the opinion also of Niebuhr, Mommsen, and Duruy. It may therefore be considered settled that they were not sumptuary laws and did not limit the amount of land a man might acquire by purchase, inheritance, or gift. The word possessio in Roman law meant not ownership, but a seizing or sitting upon land. A Possessor was a squatter. The law referred to by Appian as having been formerly passed with difficulty was the Licinian law, B.C. 367. The Roman jugerum was about two-thirds of an acre.

Edition note

τὰ γιγνομένα, what was going on. Mr. Long in his history (i. 161 and 166) construes this phrase by the word produce, meaning that it was the duty of the freemen employed on the farms to keep account of the crops and make reports to the public authorities so that the state might receive its due share. This may be the true meaning, but it should be observed that in the preceding section where the author speaks of the yearly produce he uses the words τῶν ἐτησίων καρπῶν. According to the other interpretation it was the duty of the freemen to keep watch and make reports to the masters in order to prevent servile insurrection.

Edition note

Y.R. 621

1.1.9 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.1.9

οἱ μὲν δὴ τάδε νόμῳ περιλαβόντες ἐπώμοσαν ἐπὶ τῷ νόμῳ καὶ ζημίαν ὥρισαν, ἡγούμενοι τὴν λοιπὴν γῆν αὐτίκα τοῖς πένησι κατʼ ὀλίγον διαπεπράσεσθαι· φροντὶς δʼ οὐδεμία ἦν οὔτε τῶν νόμων οὔτε τῶν ὅρκων, ἀλλʼ οἵτινες καὶ ἐδόκουν φροντίσαι, τὴν γῆν ἐς τοὺς οἰκείους ἐπὶ ὑποκρίσει διένεμον, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ τέλεον κατεφρόνουν, μέχρι Τιβέριος Σεμπρώνιος Γράκχος, ἀνὴρ ἐπιφανὴς καὶ λαμπρὸς ἐς φιλοτιμίαν εἰπεῖν τε δυνατώτατος καὶ ἐκ τῶνδε ὁμοῦ πάντων γνωριμώτατος ἅπασι, δημαρχῶν ἐσεμνολόγησε περὶ τοῦ Ἰταλικοῦ γένους ὡς εὐπολεμωτάτου τε καὶ συγγενοῦς, φθειρομένου δὲ κατʼ ὀλίγον εἰς ἀπορίαν καὶ ὀλιγανδρίαν καὶ οὐδὲ ἐλπίδα ἔχοντος ἐς διόρθωσιν. ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ δουλικῷ δυσχεράνας ὡς ἀστρατεύτῳ καὶ οὔποτε ἐς δεσπότας πιστῷ, τὸ ἔναγχος ἐπήνεγκεν ἐν Σικελίᾳ δεσποτῶν πάθος ὑπὸ θεραπόντων γενόμενον, ηὐξημένων κἀκείνων ἀπὸ γεωργίας, καὶ τὸν ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς Ῥωμαίων πόλεμον οὐ ῥᾴδιον οὐδὲ βραχύν, ἀλλὰ ἔς τε μῆκος χρόνου καὶ τροπὰς κινδύνων ποικίλας ἐκτραπέντα. ταῦτα δὲ εἰπὼν ἀνεκαίνιζε τὸν νόμον μηδένα τῶν πεντακοσίων πλέθρων πλέον ἔχειν. παισὶ δʼ αὐτῶν ὑπὲρ τὸν παλαιὸν νόμον προσετίθει τὰ ἡμίσεα τούτων· καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν τρεῖς αἱρετοὺς ἄνδρας, ἐναλλασσομένους κατʼ ἔτος, διανέμειν τοῖς πένησι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.1.9

At length Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, an illustrious man, eager for glory, a most powerful speaker, and for these reasons well known to all, delivered an eloquent discourse, while serving as tribune, concerning the Italian race, lamenting that a people so valiant in war, and blood relations to the Romans, were declining little by little in pauperism and paucity of numbers without any hope of remedy. He inveighed against the multitude of slaves as useless in war and never faithful to their masters, and adduced the recent calamity brought upon the masters by their slaves in Sicily, where the demands of agriculture had greatly increased the number of the latter; recalling also the war waged against them by the Romans, which was neither easy nor short, but long-protracted and full of vicissitudes and dangers. After speaking thus he again brought forward the law, providing that nobody should hold more than 500 jugera of the public domain. But he added a provision to the former law, that the sons of the present occupiers might each hold one-half of that amount, and that the remainder should be divided among the poor by triumvirs, who should be changed annually.

Edition note

B.C. 133

1.1.10 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.1.10

τοῦτο δʼ ἦν, ὃ μάλιστα ἠνώχλει τοὺς πλουσίους, οὐ δυναμένους ἔτι ὡς προτερον τοῦ νόμου καταφρονεῖν διὰ τοὺς διαιροῦντας οὐδὲ ὠνεῖσθαι παρὰ τῶν κληρουμένων· ὁ γάρ τοι Γράκχος καὶ τόδε προϊδόμενος ἀπηγόρευε μὴ πωλεῖν. συνιστάμενοι δὴ κατὰ μέρος ὠλοφύροντο καὶ προύφερον τοῖς πένησιν ἀρχαῖά τε ἔργα ἑαυτῶν καὶ φυτὰ καὶ οἰκοδομίας, καὶ τιμὴν ἔνιοι δεδομένην γείτοσιν, εἰ καὶ τήνδε μετὰ τῆς γῆς ἀπολέσουσι, τάφους τε ἔνιοι πατέρων ἐν τῇ γῇ καὶ διαιρέσεις ἐπὶ τοῖς κλήροις ὡς πατρῴοις, οἱ δὲ καὶ προῖκας γυναικῶν ἐς ταῦτα ἀνηλωμένας ἢ τὴν γῆν παισὶν ἐμπροίκιον δεδομένην, δανεισταί τε χρέα καὶ ταύτης ἐπεδείκνυον, καὶ ἄκοσμος ἦν ὅλως οἰμωγὴ καὶ ἀγανάκτησις. οἱ δʼ αὖ πένητες ἀντωδύροντο ἐξ εὐπορίας ἐς πενίαν ἐσχάτην καὶ ἀπʼ αὐτῆς ἐς ἀγονίαν, οὐ δυνάμενοι παιδοτροφεῖν, περιφέρεσθαι. στρατείας τε ὅσας στρατεύσαιντο τὴν γῆν τήνδε περιποιούμενοι, κατέλεγον καὶ ἠγανάκτουν, εἰ τῶν κοινῶν ἀποστερήσονται, ὠνείδιζόν τε ἅμα αὐτοῖς αἱρουμένοις ἀντὶ ἐλευθέρων καὶ πολιτῶν καὶ στρατιωτῶν θεράποντας, ἄπιστον ἔθνος καὶ δυσμενὲς αἰεὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἀστράτευτον. τοιαῦθʼ ἑκατέρων ὀδυρομένων τε καὶ ἀλλήλοις ἐπικαλούντων, πλῆθος ἄλλο, ὅσον ἐν ταῖς ἀποίκοις πόλεσιν ἢ ταῖς ἰσοπολίτισιν ἢ ἄλλως ἐκοινώνει τῆσδε τῆς γῆς, δεδιότες ὁμοίως ἐπῄεσαν καὶ ἐς ἑκατέρους αὐτῶν διεμερίζοντο. πλήθει τε θαρροῦντες ἐξετραχύνοντο καὶ στάσεις ἐξάπτοντες ἀμέτρους τὴν δοκιμασίαν τοῦ νόμου περιέμενον, οἱ μὲν ὡς οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ συγχωρήσοντες αὐτὸν γενέσθαι κύριον, οἱ δʼ ὡς κυρώσοντες ἐξ ἅπαντος. φιλονικία δὲ ἑκατέροις προσέπιπτεν ἐπὶ τῇ χρείᾳ καὶ ἐς τὴν κυρίαν ἡμέραν παρασκευὴ κατʼ ἀλλήλων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.1.10

This was extremely disturbing to the rich because, on account of the triumvirs, they could no longer disregard the law as they had done before; nor could they buy the allotments of others, because Gracchus had provided against this by forbidding sales. They collected together in groups, and made lamentation, and accused the poor of appropriating the results of their tillage, their vineyards, and their dwellings. Some said that they had paid the price of the land to their neighbors. Were they to lose the money with the land? Others said that the graves of their ancestors were in the ground, which had been allotted to them in the division of their fathers’ estates. Others said that their wives’ dowries had been expended on the estates, or that the land had been given to their own daughters as dowry. Money-lenders could show loans made on this security. All kinds of wailing and expressions of indignation were heard at once. On the other side were heard the lamentations of the poor—that they had been reduced from competence to extreme penury, and from that to childlessness, because they were unable to rear their offspring. They recounted the military services they had rendered, by which this very land had been acquired, and were angry that they should be robbed of their share of the common property. They reproached the rich for employing slaves, who were always faithless and ill-tempered and for that reason unserviceable in war, instead of freemen, citizens, and soldiers. While these classes were lamenting and indulging in mutual accusations, a great number of others, composed of colonists, or inhabitants of the free towns, or persons otherwise interested in the lands and who were under like apprehensions, flocked in and took sides with their respective factions. Emboldened by numbers and exasperated against each other they attached themselves to turbulent crowds, and waited for the voting on the new law, some trying to prevent its enactment by all means, and others supporting it in every possible way. In addition to personal interest the spirit of rivalry spurred both sides in the preparations they were making against each other for the day of the comitia.

1.1.11 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.1.11

Γράκχῳ δʼ ὁ μὲν νοῦς τοῦ βουλεύματος ἦν οὐκ ἐς εὐπορίαν, ἀλλʼ ἐς εὐανδρίαν, τοῦ δὲ ἔργου τῇ ὠφελείᾳ μάλιστα αἰωρούμενος, ὡς οὔ τι μεῖζον οὐδὲ λαμπρότερον δυναμένης ποτὲ παθεῖν τῆς Ἰταλίας, τοῦ περὶ αὐτὸ δυσχεροῦς οὐδὲν ἐνεθυμεῖτο. ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς χειροτονίας πολλὰ μὲν ἄλλα προεῖπεν ἐπαγωγὰ καὶ μακρά, διηρώτα δʼ ἐπʼ ἐκεινοις, εἰ δίκαιον τὰ κοινὰ κοινῇ διανέμεσθαι καὶ εἰ γνησιώτερος αἰεὶ θεράποντος ὁ πολίτης καὶ χρησιμώτερος ὁ στρατιώτης ἀπολέμου καὶ τοῖς δημοσίοις εὐνούστερος ὁ κοινωνός. οὐκ ἐς πολὺ δὲ τὴν σύγκρισιν ὡς ἄδοξον ἐπενεγκὼν αὖθις ἐπῄει τὰς τῆς πατρίδος ἐλπίδας καὶ φόβους διεξιών, ὅτι πλείστης γῆς ἐκ πολέμου βίᾳ κατέχοντες καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν τῆς οἰκουμένης χώραν ἐν ἐλπίδι ἔχοντες κινδυνεύουσιν ἐν τῷδε περὶ ἁπάντων, ἢ κτήσασθαι καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ διʼ εὐανδρίαν ἢ καὶ τάδε διʼ ἀσθένειαν καὶ φθόνον ὑπʼ ἐχθρῶν ἀφαιρεθῆναι. ὧν τοῦ μὲν τὴν δόξαν καὶ εὐπορίαν, τοῦ δὲ τὸν κίνδυνον καὶ φόβον ὑπερεπαίρων ἐκέλευε τοὺς πλουσίους ἐνθυμουμένους ταῦτα ἐπιδόσιμον, εἰ δέοι, παρὰ σφῶν αὐτῶν τήνδε τὴν γῆν εἰς τὰς μελλούσας ἐλπίδας τοῖς παιδοτροφοῦσι χαρίσασθαι καὶ μή, ἐν ᾦ περὶ μικρῶν διαφέρονται, τῶν πλεόνων ὑπεριδεῖν, μισθὸν ἅμα τῆς πεπονημένης ἐξεργασίας αὐτάρκη φερομένους τὴν ἐξαίρετον ἄνευ τιμῆς κτῆσιν ἐς αἰεὶ βέβαιον ἑκάστῳ πεντακοσίων πλέθρων, καὶ παισίν, οἷς εἰσὶ παῖδες, ἑκάστῳ καὶ τούτων τὰ ἡμίσεα. τοιαῦτα πολλὰ ὁ Γράκχος εἰπὼν τούς τε πένητας καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι λογισμῷ μᾶλλον ἢ πόθῳ κτήσεως ἐχρῶντο, ἐρεθίσας ἐκέλευε τῷ γραμματεῖ τὸν νόμον ἀναγνῶναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.1.11

What Gracchus had in his mind in proposing the measure was not wealth, but an increase of efficient population. Inspired greatly by the usefulness of the work, and believing that nothing more advantageous or admirable could ever happen to Italy, he took no account of the difficulties surrounding it. When the time for voting came he advanced many other arguments at considerable length and also asked them whether it was not just to divide among the common people what belonged to them in common; whether a citizen was not worthy of more consideration at all times than a slave; whether a man who served in the army was not more useful than one who did not; and whether one who had a share in the country was not more likely to be devoted to the public interests. He did not dwell long on this comparison between freemen and slaves, which he considered degrading, but proceeded at once to a review of their hopes and fears for the country, saying that the Romans had acquired most of their territory by conquest, and that they had hopes of occupying the rest of the habitable world, but now the question of greatest hazard was, whether they should gain the rest by having plenty of brave men, or whether, through their weakness and mutual jealousy, their enemies should take away what they already possessed. After exaggerating the glory and riches on the one side and the danger and fear on the other, he admonished the rich to take heed, and said that for the realization of these, hopes they ought to bestow this very land as a free gift, if necessary, on men who would rear children, and not, by contending about small things, overlook larger ones; especially since they were receiving an ample compensation for labor expended in the undisputed title to 500 jugera each of free land, in a high state of cultivation, without cost, and half as much more for each son of those who had sons. After saying much more to the same purport and exciting the poor, as well as others who were moved by reason rather than by the desire for gain, he ordered the scribe to read the proposed law.

1.1.12 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.1.12

Μᾶρκος δʼ Ὀκτάουιος δήμαρχος ἕτερος, ὑπὸ τῶν κτηματικῶν διακωλύειν παρεσκευασμένος, καὶ ὢν ἀεὶ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ὁ κωλύων δυνατώτερος. ἐκέλευε τὸν γραμματέα σιγᾶν. καὶ τότε μὲν αὐτῷ πολλὰ μεμψάμενος ὁ Γράκχος ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἀγορὰν ἀνέθετο […: gap in edition] φυλακήν τε παραστησάμενος ἱκανὴν ὡς καὶ ἄκοντα βιασόμενος Ὀκτάουιον ἐκέλευε σὺν ἀπειλῇ τῷ γραμματεῖ τὸν νόμον εἰς τὸ πλῆθος ἀναγινώσκειν. καὶ ἀνεγίνωσκε καὶ Ὀκταουίου κωλύοντος ἐσιώπα. λοιδοριῶν δὲ τοῖς δημάρχοις ἐς ἀλλήλους γενομένων καὶ τοῦ δήμου θορυβοῦντος ἱκανῶς, οἱ δυνατοὶ τοὺς δημάρχους ἠξίουν ἐπιτρέψαι τῇ βουλῇ, περὶ ὧν διαφέρονται, καὶ ὁ Γράκχος ἁρπάσας τὸ λεχθέν, ὡς δὴ πᾶσι τοῖς εὖ φρονοῦσιν ἀρέσοντος τοῦ νόμου, διέτρεχεν ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον. ἐκεῖ δʼ ὡς ἐν ὀλίγοις ὑβριζόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν πλουσίων, αὖθις ἐκδραμὼν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἔφη διαψήφισιν προθήσειν ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἀγορὰν περί τε τοῦ νόμου καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς Ὀκταουίου, εἰ χρὴ δήμαρχον ἀντιπράττοντα τῷ δήμῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπέχειν. καὶ ἔπραξεν οὕτως· ἐπείτε γὰρ Ὀκτάουιος οὐδὲν καταπλαγεὶς αὖθις ἐνίστατο, ὁ δὲ προτέραν τὴν περὶ αὐτοῦ ψῆφον ἀνεδίδου. καὶ τῆς πρώτης φυλῆς καταψηφισαμένης τὴν ἀρχὴν τὸν Ὀκτάουιον ἀποθέσθαι, ἐπιστραφεὶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Γράκχος ἐδεῖτο μεταθέσθαι. οὐ πειθομένου δὲ τὰς ἄλλας ψήφους ἐπῆγεν. οὐσῶν δὲ τότε φυλῶν πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα καὶ συνδραμουσῶν ἐς τὸ αὐτὸ σὺν ὀργῇ τῶν προτέρων ἑπτακαίδεκα, ἡ μὲν ὀκτωκαιδεκάτη τὸ κῦρος ἔμελλεν ἐπιθήσειν, ὁ δὲ Γράκχος αὖθις, ἐν ὄψει τοῦ δήμου, τότε μάλιστα κινδυνεύοντι τῷ Ὀκταουίῳ λιπαρῶς ἐνέκειτο μὴ ἔργον ὁσιώτατον καὶ χρησιμώτατον Ἰταλίᾳ πάσῃ συγχέαι μηδὲ σπουδὴν τοῦ δήμου τοσήνδε ἀνατρέψαι, ᾧ τι καὶ παρενδοῦναι προθυμουμένῳ δήμαρχον ὄντα ἥρμοζε, καὶ μὴ αὑτοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀφαιρουμένην περιιδεῖν ἐπὶ καταγνώσει. καὶ τάδε λέγων καὶ θεοὺς μαρτυρόμενος ἄκων ἄνδρα σύναρχον ἀτιμοῦν, ὡς οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἐπῆγε τὴν ψῆφον. καὶ ὁ μὲν Ὀκτάουιος αὐτίκα ἰδιώτης γενόμενος διαλαθὼν ἀπεδίδρασκε, Κόιντος δὲ Μούμμιος ἀντʼ αὐτοῦ δήμαρχος ᾑρεῖτο, καὶ ὁ νόμος ὁ περὶ τῆς γῆς ἐκυροῦτο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.1.12

Marcus Octavius, another tribune, who had been induced by those in possession of the lands to interpose his veto (for among the Romans the tribune’s veto always prevailed), ordered the scribe to keep silence. Thereupon Gracchus reproached him severely and adjourned the comitia to the following day. Then he stationed a sufficient guard, as if to force Octavius against his will, and ordered the scribe with threats to read the proposed law to the multitude. He began to read, but when Octavius again vetoed he stopped. Then the tribunes fell to wrangling with each other, and a considerable tumult arose among the people. The leading citizens besought the tribunes to submit their controversy to the Senate for decision. Gracchus seized on the suggestion, believing that the law was acceptable to all well-disposed persons, and hastened to the senate-house. There, as he had only a few followers and was upbraided by the rich, he ran back to the forum and said that he would take the vote at the comitia of the following day, both on the law and on the magistracy of Octavius, to determine whether a tribune who was acting contrary to the people’s interest could continue to hold his office. And so he did, for when Octavius, nothing daunted, again interposed, Gracchus distributed the pebbles to take a vote on him first. When the first tribe voted to abrogate the magistracy of Octavius, Gracchus turned to him and begged him to desist from this veto. As he would not yield, the votes of the other tribes were taken. There were thirty-five tribes at that time. The seventeen that voted first angrily sustained this motion. If the eighteenth should do the same it would make a majority. Again did Gracchus, in the sight of the people, urgently importune Octavius in his present extreme danger not to prevent this most pious work, so useful to all Italy, and not to frustrate the wishes so earnestly entertained by the people, whose desires he ought rather to share in his character of tribune, and not to risk the loss of his office by public condemnation. After speaking thus he called the gods to witness that he did not willingly do any despite to his colleague. As Octavius was still unyielding he went on taking the vote. Octavius was forthwith reduced to the rank of a private citizen and slunk away unobserved.

Edition note

This was an unconstitutional proceeding. Under Roman law a tribune could not be deprived of his office during his official term.

1.1.13 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.1.13

διανέμειν τε αὐτὴν ἐκεχειροτόνηντο πρῶτοι Γράκχος αὐτός, ὁ νομοθέτης, καὶ ἀδελφὸς ὁμώνυμος ἐκείνου καὶ ὃς ἐκήδευε τῷ νομοθέτῃ Κλαύδιος Ἄππιος, πάνυ τοῦ δήμου καὶ ὣς δεδιότος, μὴ τὸ ἔργον ἐκλειφθείη τοῦ νόμου, εἰ μὴ Γράκχος αὐτοῦ σὺν ὅλῃ τῇ οἰκίᾳ κατάρχοιτο. Γράκχος δὲ μεγαλαυχούμενος ἐπὶ τῷ νόμῳ ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους οἷα δὴ κτίστης οὐ μιᾶς πόλεως οὐδὲ ἑνὸς γένους, ἀλλὰ πάντων, ὅσα ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ ἔθνη, ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν παρεπέμπετο. καὶ μετὰ ταῦθʼ οἱ μὲν κεκρατηκότες ἐς τοὺς ἀγροὺς ἀνεχώρουν, ὅθεν ἐπὶ ταῦτʼ ἐληλύθεσαν, οἱ δʼ ἡσσημένοι δυσφοροῦντες ἔτι παρέμενον καὶ ἐλογοποίουν οὐ χαιρήσειν Γράκχον, αὐτίκα ὅτε γένοιτο ἰδιώτης, ἀρχήν τε ὑβρίσαντα ἱερὰν καὶ ἄσυλον καὶ στάσεως τοσήνδε ἀφορμὴν ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐμβαλόντα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.1.13

Quintus Mummius was chosen tribune in his place, and the agrarian law was enacted. The first triumvirs appointed to divide the land were Gracchus himself, the proposer of the law, his brother of the same name, and his father-in-law, Appius Claudius, since the people still feared that the law might fail of execution unless Gracchus should be put in the lead with his whole family. Gracchus became immensely popular by reason of the law and was escorted home by the multitude as though he were the founder, not of a single city or race, but of all the nations of Italy. After, this the victorious party returned to the fields from which they had come to attend to this business. The defeated ones remained in the city and talked the matter over, feeling bitterly, and saying that as soon as Gracchus should become a private citizen he would be sorry that he had done despite to the sacred and inviolable office of tribune, and had opened such a fountain of discord in Italy.

1.2.14 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.2.14

θέρος δʼ ἦν ἤδη καὶ προγραφαὶ δημάρχων ἐς τὸ μέλλον· καὶ οἱ πλούσιοι τῆς χειροτονίας πλησιαζούσης ἔνδηλοι σαφῶς ἦσαν ἐσπουδακότες ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῖς μάλιστα Γράκχῳ πολεμίοις. ὁ δʼ ἐγγὺς τοῦ κακοῦ γιγνομένου δείσας, εἰ μὴ καὶ ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἔσοιτο δήμαρχος, συνεκάλει τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἐπὶ τὴν χειροτονίαν. ἀσχολουμένων δʼ ἐκείνων ὡς ἐν θέρει, συνελαυνόμενος ὑπὸ τῆς προθεσμίας ὀλίγης ἐς τὴν χειροτονίαν ἔτι οὔσης ἐπὶ τὸν ἐν τῷ ἄστει δῆμον κατέφευγε, καὶ περιιὼν κατὰ μέρος ἑκάστων ἐδεῖτο δήμαρχον αὑτὸν ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἑλέσθαι, κινδυνεύοντα διʼ ἐκείνους. γιγνομένης δὲ τῆς χειροτονίας δύο μὲν ἔφθασαν αἱ πρῶται φυλαὶ Γράκχον ἀποφῆναι, τῶν δὲ πλουσίων ἐνισταμένων οὐκ ἔννομον εἶναι δὶς ἐφεξῆς τὸν αὐτὸν ἄρχειν καὶ Ῥουβρίου δημάρχου τοῦ προεστάναι τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐκείνης διειληχότος ἐνδοιάζοντος ἐπὶ τῷδε, Μούμμιος αὐτόν, ὁ ἐπὶ τῷ Ὀκταουίῳ δημαρχεῖν ᾑρημένος, ἐκέλευεν ἑαυτῷ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐπιτρέψαι. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπέτρεψεν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ δήμαρχοι περὶ τῆς ἐπιστασίας ἠξίουν ἀνακληροῦσθαι· Ῥουβρίου γὰρ τοῦ λαχόντος ἐκστάντος αὖθις ἐς ἅπαντας τὴν διακλήρωσιν περιιέναι. ἔριδος δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε πολλῆς γενομένης ὁ Γράκχος ἐλταττούμενος τὴν μὲν χειροτονίαν ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν ἀνέθετο, πάντα δʼ ἀπογνοὺς ἐμελανειμόνει τε ἔτι ὢν ἔναρχος καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν τῆς ἡμέρας ἐν ἀγορᾶ τὸν υἱὸν ἐπάγων ἑκάστοις συνίστη καὶ παρετίθετο ὡς αὐτὸς ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν αὐτίκα ἀπολούμενος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.2.14

At the advent of summer the notices for the election of tribunes were given, and as the day for voting approached it was very evident that the rich were earnestly promoting the election of those most inimical to Gracchus. The latter, fearing that evil would befall if he should not be reelected for the following year, summoned his friends from the fields to attend the comitia, but as they were occupied with their harvest he was obliged, when the day fixed for the voting drew near, to have recourse to the plebeians of the city. So he went around asking each one separately to elect him tribune for the ensuing year, on account of the danger he had incurred for them. When the voting took place the first two tribes pronounced for Gracchus. The rich objected that it was not lawful for the same man to hold the office twice in succession. The tribune Rubrius, who had been chosen by lot to preside over the comitia, was in doubt about it, and Mummius, who had been chosen in place of Octavius, urged him to turn over the comitia to his charge. This he did, but the remaining tribunes contended that the presidency should be decided by lot, saying that when Rubrius, who had been chosen in that way, resigned, the casting of lots ought to be done over again for all. As there was much strife over this question, Gracchus, who was getting the worst of it, adjourned the voting to the following day. In utter despair he clothed himself in black, while still in office, and led his son around the forum and introduced him to each man and committed him to their charge, as if he were about to perish at the hands of his enemies.

1.2.15 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.2.15

οἴκτου δὲ πολλοῦ σὺν λογισμῷ τοὺς πένητας ἐπιλαμβάνοντος ὑπέρ τε σφῶν αὐτῶν, ὡς οὐκ ἐν ἰσονόμῳ πολιτευσόντων ἔτι, ἀλλὰ δουλευσόντων κατὰ κράτος τοῖς πλουσίοις, καὶ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ Γράκχου, τοιαῦτα δεδιότος τε καὶ πάσχοντος ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν, σύν τε οἰμωγῇ προπεμπόντων αὐτὸν ἁπάντων ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἑσπέρας καὶ θαρρεῖν ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν ἐπικελευόντων, ἀναθαρρήσας ὁ Γράκχος ἔτι νυκτὸς τοὺς στασιώτας συναγαγὼν καὶ σημεῖον, εἰ καὶ μάχης δεήσειεν, ὑποδείξας κατέλαβε τοῦ Καπιτωλίου τὸν νεών, ἔνθα χειροτονήσειν ἔμελλον, καὶ τὰ μέσα τῆς ἐκκλησίας. ἐνοχλούμενος δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν δημάρχων καὶ τῶν πλουσίων, οὐκ ἐώντων ἀναδοθῆναι περὶ αὐτοῦ χειροτονίαν, ἀνέσχε τὸ σημεῖον. καὶ βοῆς ἄφνω παρὰ τῶν συνειδότων γενομένης χεῖρές τε ἦσαν ἤδη τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦδε, καὶ τῶν Γρακχείων οἱ μὲν αὐτὸν ἐφύλαττον οἷά τινες δορυφόροι, οἱ δὲ τὰ ἱμάτια διαζωσάμενοι, ῥάβδους καὶ ξύλα τὰ ἐν χερσὶ τῶν ὑπηρετῶν ἁρπάσαντές τε καὶ διακλάσαντες ἐς πολλά, τοὺς πλουσίους ἐξήλαυνον ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας, σὺν τοσῷδε ταράχῳ καὶ τραύμασιν, ὡς τούς τε δημάρχους δείσαντας διαφυγεῖν ἐκ μέσον, καὶ τὸν νεὼν τοὺς ἱερέας ἐπικλεῖσαι, δρόμον τε πολλῶν ἄκοσμον εἶναι καὶ φυγὴν καὶ λόγον οὐκ ἀκριβῆ, τῶν μὲν ὅτι καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους δημάρχους ὁ Γράκχος παραλύσειε τῆς ἀρχῆς (οὐ γὰρ ὁρωμένων αὐτῶν εἴκαζον οὕτως), τῶν δʼ ὅτι αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ἐς τὸ μέλλον δήμαρχον ἄνευ χειροτονίας ἀποφαίνοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.2.15

The poor were moved with deep sorrow, and rightly so, both on their own account (for they believed that they were no longer to live in a free state under equal laws, but were reduced to servitude by the rich), and on account of Gracchus himself, who had incurred such danger and suffering in their behalf. So they all accompanied him with tears to his house in the evening, and bade him be of good courage for the morrow. Gracchus cheered up, assembled his partisans before daybreak, and communicated to them a signal to be displayed in case of a fight. He then took possession of the temple on the Capitoline hill, where the voting was to take place, and occupied the middle of the assembly. As he was obstructed by the other tribunes and by the rich, who would not allow the votes to be taken on this question, he gave the signal. There was a sudden shout from those who saw it, and a resort to violence in consequence. Some of the partisans of Gracchus took position around him like body-guards. Others, having girded themselves, seized the fasces and staves in the hands of the lictors and broke them in pieces. They drove the rich out of the assembly with such disorder and wounds that the tribunes fled from their places in terror, and the priests closed the doors of the temple. Many ran away pell-mell and scattered wild rumors. Some said that Gracchus had deposed all the other tribunes, and this was believed because none of them could be seen. Others said that he had declared himself tribune for the ensuing year without an election.

1.2.16 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.2.16

γιγνομένων δὲ τούτων ἡ βουλὴ συνῆλθεν εἰς τὸ τῆς Πίστεως ἱερόν. καί μοι θαῦμα καταφαίνεται τὸ πολλάκις ἐν τοιοῖσδε φόβοις διὰ τῆς αὐτοκράτορος ἀρχῆς διασεσωσμένους τότε μηδʼ ἐπὶ νοῦν τὸν δικτάτορα λαβεῖν, ἀλλὰ χρησιμώτατον τοῖς προτέροις τόδε τὸ ἔργον εὑρεθὲν μηδʼ ἐν μνήμῃ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἄρα γενέσθαι μήτε τότε μήθʼ ὕστερον. κρίναντες δʼ ὅσα ἔκριναν ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἀνῄεσαν. καὶ πρῶτος αὐτοῖς ὁ μέγιστος ἀρχιερεὺς λεγόμενος ἐξῆρχε τῆς ὁδοῦ, Κορνήλιος Σκιπίων ὁ Νασικᾶς· ἐβόα τε μέγιστον ἕπεσθαί οἱ τοὺς ἐθέλοντας σῴζεσθαι τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸ κράσπεδον τοῦ ἱματίου ἐς τὴν κεφαλὴν περιεσύρατο, εἴτε τῷ παρασήμῳ τοῦ σχήματος πλέονάς οἱ συντρέχειν ἐπισπώμενος, εἴτε πολέμου τι σύμβολον τοῖς ὁρῶσιν ὡς κόρυθα ποιούμενος, εἴτε θεοὺς ἐγκαλυπτόμενος ὧν ἔμελλε δράσειν. ἀνελθόντι δὲ ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τοῖς Γρακχείοις ἐπιδραμόντι εἶξαν μὲν ὡς κατʼ ἀξίωσιν ἀνδρὶ ἀρίστῳ, καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ἅμα οἱ θεωροῦντες ἐπιοῦσαν· οἱ δὲ τὰ ξύλα τῶν Γρακχείων αὐτῶν περισπάσαντες, ὅσα τε βάθρα καὶ ἄλλη παρασκευὴ ὡς ἐς ἐκκλησίαν συνενήνεκτο διελόντες, ἔπαιον αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐδίωκον καὶ ἐς τὰ ἀπόκρημνα κατερρίπτουν. κἀν τῷδε τῷ κυδοιμῷ πολλοί τε τῶν Γρακχείων καὶ Γράκχος αὐτός, εἱλούμενος περὶ τὸ ἱερόν, ἀνῃρέθη κατὰ τὰς θύρας παρὰ τοὺς τῶν βασιλέων ἀνδριάντας. καὶ πάντας αὐτοὺς νυκτὸς ἐξέρριψαν εἰς τὸ ῥεῦμα τοῦ ποταμοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.2.16

Under these circumstances the Senate assembled at the temple of Fides. It is astonishing to me that they never thought of appointing a dictator in this emergency, although they had often been protected by the government of a single ruler in such times of peril. Although this resource had been found most useful in former times few people remembered it, either then or later. After reaching the decision that they did reach, they marched up to the Capitol, Cornelius Scipio Nasica, the pontifex maximus, leading the way and calling out with a loud voice, Let those who would save the country follow me. He wound the border of his toga about his head either to induce a greater number to go with him by the singularity of his appearance, or to make for himself, as it were, a helmet as a sign of battle for those who looked on, or in order to conceal from the gods what he was about to do. When he arrived at the temple and advanced against the partisans of Gracchus they yielded to the reputation of a foremost citizen, for they saw the Senate following with him. The latter wrested clubs out of the hands of the Gracchans themselves, or with fragments of broken benches or other apparatus that had been brought for the use of the assembly, began beating them, and pursued them, and drove them over the precipice. In the tumult many of the Gracchans perished, and Gracchus himself was caught near the temple, and was slain at the door close by the statues of the kings. All the bodies were thrown by night into the Tiber.

Edition note

The temple to the goddess of Public Faith was on the Capitoline hill.

Edition note

The Capitoline hill was flanked by the Tarpeian Rock.

Edition note

Reading ἁλώμενος, which Mendelssohn prefers instead of εἰλούμενος.

1.2.17 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.2.17

οὕτω μὲν δὴ Γράκχος, ὁ Γράκχου τοῦ δὶς ὑπατεύσαντος καὶ Κορνηλίας τῆς Σκιπίωνος τοῦ Καρχηδονίους τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἀφελομένου παῖς, ἀρίστου βουλεύματος ἕνεκα, βιαίως αὐτῷ προσιών, ἀνῄρητο ἔτι δημαρχῶν ἐν τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ. καὶ πρῶτον ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ τόδε μύσος γενόμενον οὐ διέλιπεν, αἰεί τινος ὁμοίου γιγνομένου παρὰ μέρος. ἡ δὲ πόλις ἐπὶ τῷ Γράκχου φόνῳ διῄρητο ἐς λύπην καὶ ἡδονήν, οἱ μὲν οἰκτείροντες αὑτούς τε κἀκεῖνον καὶ τὰ παρόντα ὡς οὐκέτι πολιτείαν, ἀλλὰ χειροκρατίαν καὶ βίαν, οἱ δʼ ἐξειργάσθαι σφίσιν ἡγούμενοι πᾶν, ὅσον ἐβούλοντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.2.17

So perished on the Capitol, and while still tribune, Gracchus, the son of the Gracchus who was twice consul, and of Cornelia, daughter of that Scipio who subjugated Carthage. He lost his life in consequence of a most excellent design, which, however, he pursued in too violent a manner. This shocking affair, the first that was perpetrated in the public assembly, was seldom without parallels thereafter from time to time. On the subject of the murder of Gracchus the city was divided between sorrow and joy. Some mourned for themselves and for him, and deplored the present condition of things, believing that the commonwealth no longer existed, but had been supplanted by force and violence. Others considered that everything had turned out for them exactly as they wished. These things took place at the time when Aristonicus was contending with the Romans for the government of Asia.

1.3.18 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.3.18

καὶ τάδε μὲν ἦν, ὅτε Ἀριστόνικος Ῥωμαίοις περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπολέμει τῆς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ· ἀναιρεθέντος δὲ Γράκχου καὶ τελευτήσαντος Ἀππίου Κλαυδίου, ἀντικαθίστανται μὲν ἐς τὸ τὴν γῆν ἅμα τῷ νεωτέρῳ Γράκχῳ διανέμειν Φούλβιος Φλάκκος καὶ Παπίριος Κάρβων, ἀμελούντων δὲ τῶν κεκτημένων αὐτὴν ἀπογράφεσθαι κατηγόρους ἐκήρυττον ἐνδεικνύναι. καὶ ταχὺ πλῆθος ἦν δικῶν χαλεπῶν· ὅση γὰρ ἄλλη πλησιάζουσα τῇδε ἐπέπρατο ἢ τοῖς συμμάχοις ἐπιδιῄρητο, διὰ τὸ τῆσδε μέτρον ἐξητάζετο ἅπασα, ὅπως τε ἐπέπρατο καὶ ὅπως ἐπιδιῄρητο, οὔτε τὰ συμβόλαια οὔτε τὰς κληρουχίας ἔτι ἐχόντων ἁπάντων· ἃ δὲ καὶ εὑρίσκετο, ἀμφίλογα ἦν. ἀναμετρουμένης τε αὐτῆς οἱ μὲν ἐκ πεφυτευμένης καὶ ἐπαύλεων ἐς ψιλὴν μετετίθεντο, οἱ δʼ ἐξ ἐνεργῶν ἐς ἀργὸν ἢ λίμνας ἢ τέλματα, οὐδὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὡς ἐπὶ δορικτήτοις ἀκριβῆ πεποιημένοι. καὶ τὸ κήρυγμα, τὴν ἀνέμητον ἐξεργάζεσθαι τὸν ἐθέλοντα προλέγον, ἐπῇρε πολλοὺς τὰ πλησίον ἐκπονοῦντας τὴν ἑκατέρας ὄψιν συγχέαι· χρόνος τε ἐπελθὼν ἐνεόχμωσε πάντα. καὶ τὸ τῶν πλουσίων ἀδίκημα καίπερ ὂν μέγα δυσεπίγνωστον ἦν. καὶ οὐδὲν ἀλλʼ ἢ πάντων ἀνάστασις ἐγίγνετο μεταφερομένων τε καὶ μετοικιζομένων ἐς ἀλλότρια.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.3.18

After Gracchus was slain Appius Claudius died, and Fulvius Flaccus and Papirius Carbo were appointed, in conjunction with the younger Gracchus, to divide the land. As the persons in possession neglected to hand in lists of their holdings, a proclamation was issued that informers should furnish testimony against them. Immediately a great number of embarrassing lawsuits sprang up. Wherever a new field had been bought adjoining an old one, or wherever a division of land had been made with allies, the whole district had to be carefully inquired into on account of the measurement of this one field, to discover how it had been sold and how divided. Not all owners had preserved their contracts, or their allotment titles, and even those that were found were often ambiguous. When the land was resurveyed some owners were obliged to give up their fruit-trees and farm-buildings in exchange for naked ground. Others were transferred from cultivated to uncultivated lands, or to swamps, or pools. In fact, the measuring had not been carefully done when the land was first taken from the enemy. As the original proclamation authorized anybody to work the undistributed land who wished to do so, many had been prompted to cultivate the parts immediately adjoining their own, till the line of demarkation between them had faded from view. The progress of time also made many changes. Thus the injustice done by the rich, although great, was not easy of ascertainment. So there was nothing but a general turn-about, all parties being moved out of their own places and settled down in other people’s.

Edition note

B.C. 132

Edition note

Y.R. 625

1.3.19 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.3.19

ταῦτά τε δὴ καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ τούτοις τῶν δικαζόντων ἐπείξεις οὐ φέροντες οἱ Ἰταλιῶται Κορνήλιον Σκιπίωνα, ὃς Καγχηδόνα ἐπόρθησεν, ἠξίουν προστάτην σφῶν ἀδικουμένων γενέσθαι. ὁ δʼ ἐς τοὺς πολέμους αὐτοῖς κεχρημένος προθυμοτάτοις ὑπεριδεῖν τε ὤκνησε καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον τὸν μὲν Γράκχου νόμον οὐκ ἔψεγε διὰ τὸν δῆμον σαφῶς, τὴν δὲ τοῦδε δυσχέρειαν ἐπεξιὼν ἠξίου τὰς δίκας οὐκ ἐπὶ τῶν διαιρούντων ὡς ὑπόπτων τοῖς δικαζομένοις, ἀλλʼ ἐφʼ ἑτέρων λέγεσθαι. ᾧ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα ἔπεισεν, εἶναι δοκοῦντι δικαίῳ· καὶ Τουδιτανὸς αὐτοῖς ὑπατεύων ἐδόθη δικάζειν. ἀλλʼ ὅδε μὲν ἁψάμενος τοῦ ἔργου καὶ τὴν δυσχέρειαν ἰδὼν ἐπʼ Ἰλλυριοὺς ἐστράτευε, πρόφασιν τήνδε ποιούμενος τοῦ μὴ δικάζειν· οἱ δὲ τὴν γῆν διανέμοντες, οὐκ ἀπαντῶντος ἐς αὐτοὺς οὐδενὸς ἐς δίκην, ἐπὶ ἀργίας ἦσαν. καὶ μῖσος ἐντεῦθεν ἤρξατο εἰς τὸν Σκιπίωνα τοῦ δήμου καὶ ἀγανάκτησις, ὅτι αὐτὸν ἀγαπήσαντες ἐπιφθόνως καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς δυνατοῖς ἐναντιωθέντες ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ὕπατόν τε δὶς ἑλόμενοι παρανόμως, ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἰταλιωτῶν ἀντιπεπραχότα σφίσιν ἑώρων. ταῦτα δʼ, ὅσοι τοῦ Σκιπίωνος ἦσαν ἐχθροί, κατιδόντες ἐβόων, ὡς λῦσαι τὸν Γράκχου νόμον ὅλως διεγνωκὼς μέλλοι πολὺν ἐπὶ τῷδε ἔνοπλον φόνον ἐργάσασθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.3.19

The Italian allies who complained of these disturbances, and especially of the lawsuits hastily brought against them, chose Cornelius Scipio, the destroyer of Carthage, to defend them against these grievances. As he had availed himself of their very valiant services in war he was reluctant to disregard their request. So he came into the Senate, and although, out of regard for the plebeians, he did not openly find fault with the law of Gracchus, he expatiated on its difficulties and held that these causes ought not to be decided by the triumvirs, because they did not possess the confidence of the litigants, but should be turned over to others. As his view seemed reasonable, they yielded to his persuasion, and the consul Tuditanus was appointed to give judgment in these cases. But when he took hold of the work he saw the difficulties of it, and marched against the Illyrians as a pretext for not acting as judge, and since nobody brought cases for trial before the triumvirs they relapsed into idleness. From this cause hatred and indignation arose among the people against Scipio because they saw him, in whose favor they had often opposed the aristocracy and incurred their enmity, electing him consul twice contrary to law, now taking the side of the Italian allies against them. When Scipio’s enemies observed this, they cried out that he was determined to abolish the law of Gracchus utterly and was about to inaugurate armed strife and bloodshed for that purpose.

Edition note

B.C. 129

1.3.20 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.3.20

ὧν ὁ δῆμος ἀκροώμενος ἐδεδίει, μέχρις ὁ Σκιπίων, ἑσπέρας παραθέμενος ἑαυτῷ δέλτον, εἰς ἣν νυκτὸς ἔμελλε γράψειν τὰ λεχθησόμενα ἐν τῷ δήμῳ, νεκρὸς ἄνευ τραύματος εὑρέθη, εἴτε Κορνηλίας αὐτῷ, τῆς Γράκχου μητρός, ἐπιθεμένης, ἵνα μὴ ὁ νόμος ὁ Γράκχου λυθείη, καὶ συλλαβούσης ἐς τοῦτο Σεμπρωνίας τῆς θυγατρός, ἣ τῷ Σκιπίωνι γαμουμένη διὰ δυσμορφίαν καὶ ἀπαιδίαν οὔτʼ ἐστέργετο οὔτʼ ἔστεργεν, εἴθʼ, ὡς ἔνιοι δοκοῦσιν, ἑκὼν ἀπέθανε συνιδών, ὅτι οὐκ ἔσοιτο δυνατὸς κατασχεῖν ὧν ὑπόσχοιτο. εἰσὶ δʼ οἳ βασανιζομένους φασὶ θεράποντας εἰπεῖν, ὅτι αὐτὸν ξένοι διʼ ὀπισθοδόμου νυκτὸς ἐπεισαχθέντες ἀποπνίξαιεν καὶ οἱ πυθόμενοι ὀκνήσαιεν ἐξενεγκεῖν διὰ τὸν δῆμον ὀργιζόμενον ἔτι καὶ τῷ θανάτῳ συνηδόμενον. Σκιπίων μὲν δὴ τεθνήκει καὶ οὐδὲ δημοσίας ταφῆς ἠξιοῦτο, μέγιστα δὴ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ὠφελήσας· οὕτως ἡ παραυτίκα ὀργὴ τῆς ποτὲ χάριτος ἐπικρατεῖ. καὶ τόδε ὂν τηλικοῦτον οἷα πάρεργον ἐπὶ τῇ Γράκχου στάσει συνέπεσε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.3.20

When the people heard these charges they were in a state of alarm until Scipio, after placing near his couch at home one evening a tablet on which he intended to write during the night the speech he intended to deliver before the people, was found dead in his bed without a wound. Whether this was done by Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi (aided by her daughter, Sempronia, who was married to Scipio, and was unloved and unloving because she was deformed and childless), lest the law of Gracchus should be abolished, or whether, as some think, he committed suicide because he saw plainly that he could not accomplish what he had promised, is not known. Some say that slaves, who were subjected to torture, testified that unknown persons were introduced through the rear of the house by night who suffocated him, and that those who knew about it hesitated to tell because the people were angry with him still and rejoiced at his death. So died Scipio, and although he had been of immense service to the Roman power he was not honored with a public funeral; so much does the anger of the present moment outweigh gratitude for the past. And this event, sufficiently important in itself, took place as an incident of the sedition of Gracchus.

Edition note

It is uncertain whether Scipio was murdered or not. Cicero alludes to the event in one of his letters (Ad Fam. ix. 21), in which, speaking of one Gaius Carbo, he says that he was thought to have laid violent hands upon Africanus. Velleius says that marks of strangulation were found on his neck, yet adds in the same paragraph that most people thought he died a natural death.

1.3.21 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.3.21

τὴν δὲ διαίρεσιν τῆς γῆς οἱ κεκτημένοι καὶ ὣς ἐπὶ προφάσεσι ποικίλαις διέφερον ἐπὶ πλεῖστον. καί τινες εἰσηγοῦντο τοὺς συμμάχους ἅπαντας, οἳ δὴ περὶ τῆς γῆς μάλιστα ἀντέλεγον, εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πολιτείαν ἀναγράψαι, ὡς μείζονι χάριτι περὶ τῆς γῆς οὐ διοισομένους. καὶ ἐδέχοντο ἄσμενοι τοῦθʼ οἱ Ἰταλιῶται, προτιθέντες τῶν χωρίων τὴν πολιτείαν. συνέπρασσέ τε αὐτοῖς ἐς τοῦτο μάλιστα πάντων Φούλβιος Φλάκκος, ὑπατεύων ἅμα καὶ τὴν γῆν διανέμων. ἡ βουλὴ δʼ ἐχαλέπαινε, τοὺς ὑπηκόους σφῶν ἰσοπολίτας εἰ ποιήσονται. καὶ τόδε μὲν τὸ ἐγχείρημα οὕτω διελύθη, καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἐν ἐλπίδι τέως τῆς γῆς γενόμενος ἠθύμει· ὧδε δὲ αὐτοῖς ἔχουσιν ἀσπάσιος ἐκ τῶν τὴν γῆν διαιρούντων ἐς δημαρχίαν ἐπιφαίνεται Γάιος Γράκχος, ὁ Γράκχου τοῦ νομοθέτου νεώτερος ἀδελφός, ἐς πολὺ μὲν ἡσυχάσας ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ συμφορᾷ· πολλῶν δʼ αὐτοῦ καταφρονούντων ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ, παρήγγειλεν ἐς δημαρχίαν. καὶ περιφανέστατα αἱρεθεὶς εὐθὺς ἐπεβούλευε τῇ βουλῇ, σιτηρέσιον ἔμμηνον ὁρίσας ἑκάστῳ τῶν δημοτῶν ἀπὸ τῶν κοινῶν χρημάτων, οὐ πρότερον εἰωθὸς διαδίδοσθαι. καὶ ὁ μὲν ὀξέως οὕτως ἑνὶ πολιτεύματι τὸν δῆμον ὑπηγάγετο, συμπράξαντος αὐτῷ Φουλβίου Φλάκκου. καὶ εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τῷδε καὶ ἐς τὸ μέλλον ᾕρητο δημαρχεῖν· καὶ γάρ τις ἤδη νόμος κεκύρωτο, εἰ δήμαρχος ἐνδέοι ταῖς παραγγελίαις, τὸν δῆμον ἐκ πάντων ἐπιλέγεσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.3.21

Those who were in possession of the lands even after these events postponed the division on various pretexts for a very long time. Some thought that the Italian allies, who made the greatest resistance to it, ought to be admitted to Roman citizenship so that, out of gratitude for the greater favor, they should no longer quarrel about the land. The Italians were glad to accept this, because they preferred Roman citizenship to possession of the fields. Fulvius Flaccus, who was then both consul and triumvir, exerted himself to the utmost to bring it about, but the Senate was angry at the proposal to make their subjects equal citizens with themselves. For this reason the attempt was abandoned, and the people, who had been so long in the hope of acquiring land, became disheartened. While they were in this mood Gaius Gracchus, who had made himself agreeable to them as a triumvir, offered himself for the tribuneship. He was the younger brother of Tiberius Gracchus, the promoter of the law, and had been silent for some time on the subject of the fate of his brother, but since many of the senators treated him scornfully he announced himself as a candidate for the office of tribune. As soon as he was elected to this distinguished position he began to lay plots against the Senate, and proposed that a monthly distribution of corn should be made to each citizen at the public expense, which had not been customary before. Thus he got the leadership of the people quickly by one measure of policy, in which he had the coöperation of Fulvius Flaccus. Directly after that he was chosen tribune for the following year, for in cases where there was not a sufficient number of candidates the law authorized the people to choose from the whole number then in office.

Edition note

Y.R. 629

Edition note

B.C. 125

Edition note

Y.R. 630

Edition note

B.C. 124

Edition note

Y.R. 631

Edition note

B.C. 123

Edition note

Y.R. 632

1.3.22 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.3.22

ὁ μὲν δὴ Γάιος Γράκχος οὕτως ἐδημάρχει τὸ δεύτερον· οἷα δʼ ἔχων τὸν δῆμον ἔμμισθον, ὑπήγετο καὶ τοὺς καλουμένους ἱππέας, οἳ τὴν ἀξίωσίν εἰσι τῆς βουλῆς καὶ τῶν δημοτῶν ἐν μέσῳ, διʼ ἑτέρου τοιοῦδε πολιτεύματος. τὰ δικαστήρια, ἀδοξοῦντα ἐπὶ δωροδοκίαις, ἐς τοὺς ἱππέας ἀπὸ τῶν βουλευτῶν μετέφερε, τὰ ὑπόγυα μάλιστα αὐτοῖς ὀνειδίζων, ὅτι Αὐρήλιος Κόττας καὶ Σαλινάτωρ καὶ τρίτος ἐπὶ τούτοις Μάνιος Ἀκύλιος, ὁ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἑλών, σαφῶς δεδωροδοκηκότες ἀφεῖντο ὑπὸ τῶν δικασάντων, οἵ τε πρέσβεις οἱ κατʼ αὐτῶν ἔτι παρόντες σὺν φθόνῳ ταῦτα περιιόντες ἐκεκράγεσαν. ἅπερ ἡ βουλὴ μάλιστα αἰδουμένη ἐς τὸν νόμον ἐνεδίδου· καὶ ὁ δῆμος αὐτὸν ἐκύρου. καὶ μετηνέχθη μὲν ὧδε ἐς τοὺς ἱππέας ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς τὰ δικαστήρια· φασὶ δὲ κυρωθέντος μὲν ἄρτι τοῦ νόμου τὸν Γράκχον εἰπεῖν, ὅτι ἀθρόως τὴν βουλὴν καθῃρήκοι, τοῦ δʼ ἔργου προϊόντος ἐς πεῖραν μειζόνως ἔτι ἐκφανῆναι τὸ ἔπος τὸ Γράκχου. τό τε γὰρ δικάζειν αὐτοὺς Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Ἰταλιώταις ἅπασι καὶ αὐτοῖς βουλευταῖς, ἐπὶ παντὶ μέτρῳ, χρημάτων τε πέρι καὶ ἀτιμίας καὶ φυγῆς, τοὺς μὲν ἱππέας οἷά τινας ἄρχοντας αὐτῶν ὑπερεπῇρε, τοὺς δὲ βουλευτὰς ἴσα καὶ ὑπηκόους ἐποίει. συνιστάμενοί τε τοῖς δημάρχοις οἱ ἱππεῖς ἐς τὰς χειροτονίας καὶ ἀντιλαμβάνοντες παρʼ αὐτῶν, ὅ τι θέλοιεν, ἐπὶ μέγα φόβου τοῖς βουλευταῖς ἐχώρουν· ταχύ τε περιῆν ἀνεστράφθαι τὸ κράτος τῆς πολιτείας, τὴν μὲν ἀξίωσιν μόνην ἔτι τῆς βουλῆς ἐχούσης, τὴν δὲ δύναμιν τῶν ἱππέων. προϊόντες γὰρ οὐκ ἐδυνάστευον μόνον· ἀλλὰ καὶ σαφῶς ἐνύβριζον τοῖς βουλευταῖς παρὰ τὰς δίκας. τήν τε δωροδοκίαν μεταλαβόντες καὶ γευσάμενοι καὶ οἵδε κερδῶν ἀθρόων αἰσχρότερον ἔτι καὶ ἀμετρότερον αὐτοῖς ἐχρῶντο. κατηγόρους τε ἐνετοὺς ἐπὶ τοῖς πλουσίοις ἐπήγοντο καὶ τὰς τῶν δωροδοκιῶν δίκας, συνιστάμενοι σφίσιν αὐτοῖς καὶ βιαζόμενοι, πάμπαν ἀνῄρουν, ὡς καὶ τὸ ἔθος ὅλως τῆς τοιᾶσδε εὐθύνης ἐπιλιπεῖν καὶ στάσιν ἄλλην τὸν δικαστικὸν νόμον οὐκ ἐλάσσω τῶν προτέρων ἐς πολὺ παρασχεῖν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.3.22

Thus Gaius Gracchus became tribune a second time. Having bought the plebeians, as it were, he began, by another like political manœuvre, to court the equestrian order, who hold the middle place between the Senate and the plebeians. He transferred the courts of justice, which had become discredited by reason of bribery, from the senators to the knights, reproaching the former especially with the recent examples of Aurelius Cotta, Salinator, and, third in the list, Manius Aquilius (the one who subdued Asia), all notorious bribe-takers, who had been acquitted by the judges, although ambassadors sent to complain against them were still present, going around uttering hateful accusations against them. The Senate was extremely ashamed of these things and yielded to the law, and the people ratified it. In this way were the courts of justice transferred from the Senate to the knights. It is said that soon after the passage of this law Gracchus remarked that he had broken the power of the Senate once for all. This saying of Gracchus has been even more confirmed by experience in the course of events. This power of sitting in judgment on all Romans and Italians, including the senators themselves, in all matters as to property, civil rights, and banishment, exalted the knights like rulers over them and put senators on the same level with subjects. Moreover, as the knights voted in the election to sustain the power of the tribunes, and obtained from them whatever they wanted in return, they became more and more formidable to the senators. So it shortly came about that the political mastery was turned upside down, the power being in the hands of the knights, and the honor only remaining with the Senate. The knights went so far that they not only held power over the senators, but they openly flouted them beyond their right. They also became addicted to bribe-taking, and having once tasted these enormous gains, they indulged in them even more basely and immoderately than the senators had done. They suborned accusers against the rich and did away with prosecutions for bribe-taking altogether, partly by concert of action and partly by force and violence, so that the practice of this kind of investigation became entirely obsolete. Thus the judiciary law gave rise to another struggle of factions, which lasted a long time and was not less baneful than the former ones.

Edition note

B.C. 122

Edition note

Cicero in his first oration against Verres (xiii.) says that there was no bribery of judges while the knights held that office, but inasmuch as he was trying to shame the senators against taking Verres’ money, it would not be safe to accept the statement as literally true.

1.3.23 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.3.23

ὁ δὲ Γράκχος καὶ ὁδοὺς ἔτεμνεν ἀνὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν μακράς, πλῆθος ἐργολάβων καὶ χειροτεχνῶν ὑφʼ ἑαυτῷ ποιούμενος, ἑτοίμων ἐς ὅ τι κελεύοι, καὶ ἀποικίας ἐσηγεῖτο πολλάς. καὶ τοὺς Λατίνους ἐπὶ πάντα ἐκάλει τὰ Ῥωμαίων, ὡς οὐκ εὐπρεπῶς συγγενέσι τῆς βουλῆς ἀντιστῆναι δυναμένης· τῶν τε ἑτέρων συμμάχων, οἷς οὐκ ἐξῆν ψῆφον ἐν ταῖς Ῥωμαίων χειροτονίαις φέρειν, ἐδίδου φέρειν ἀπὸ τοῦδε ἐπὶ τῷ ἔχειν καὶ τούσδε ἐν ταῖς χειροτονίαις τῶν νόμων αὑτῷ συντελοῦντας. ἐφʼ ᾧ δὴ μάλιστα ἡ βουλὴ διαταραχθεῖσα τοὺς ὑπάτους ἐκέλευσε προγράψαι μηδένα τῶν οὐ φερόντων ψῆφον ἐπιδημεῖν τῇ πόλει μηδὲ προσπελάζειν ἀπὸ τεσσαράκοντα σταδίων παρὰ τὴν ἐσομένην περὶ τῶνδε τῶν νόμων χειροτονίαν. Λίβιόν τε Δροῦσον, ἕτερον δήμαρχον, ἔπεισε κωλῦσαι τοὺς Γράκχου νόμους, οὐκ ἐπιλέγοντα τῷ δήμῳ τὰς αἰτίας· δέδοται δὲ τῷ κωλύοντι μηδʼ ἐπιλέγειν. ἔδωκαν δʼ αὐτῷ καὶ φιλανθρωπεύσασθαι τὸν δῆμον δώδεκα ἀποικίαις· ᾧ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα ὁ δῆμος ἡσθεὶς τῶν Γράκχου νόμων κατεφρόνησεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.3.23

Gracchus made long roads throughout Italy and thus put a multitude of contractors and artisans under obligations to him and made them ready to do whatever he wished. He proposed the founding of numerous colonies. He also called on the Latin allies to demand the full rights of Roman citizenship, since the Senate could not with decency refuse this privilege to their blood relations. To the other allies, who were not allowed to vote in Roman elections, he sought to give the right of suffrage, in order to have their help in the enactment of laws which he had in contemplation. The Senate was very much alarmed at this, and it ordered the consuls to give the following public notice, Nobody who does not possess the right of suffrage shall stay in the city or approach within forty stades of it while voting is going on concerning these laws. The Senate also persuaded Livius Drusus, another tribune, to interpose his veto against the laws proposed by Gracchus, but not to tell the people his reasons for doing so; for a tribune was not required to give reasons for his veto. In order to conciliate the people they gave Drusus the privilege of founding twelve colonies, and the plebeians were so much pleased with this that they began to scoff at the laws proposed by Gracchus.

Edition note

The founding of colonies, which was originally a method of guarding the frontier, now became a method of providing for the poorer citizens.

1.3.24 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.3.24

ὁ δὲ τοῦ δημοκοπήματος ἐκπεσὼν ἐς Λιβύην ἅμα Φουλβίῳ Φλάκκῳ, κἀκείνῳ μεθʼ ὑπατείαν διὰ τάδε δημαρχεῖν ἑλομένῳ, διέπλευσεν, ἐψηφισμένης κατὰ δόξαν εὐκαρπίας ἐς Λιβύην ἀποικίας καὶ τῶνδε αὐτῶν οἰκιστῶν ἐπίτηδες ᾑρημένων, ἵνα μικρὸν ἀποδημούντων ἀναπαύσαιτο ἡ βουλὴ τῆς δημοκοπίας. οἱ δὲ τῇ ἀποικίᾳ τὴν πόλιν διέγραφον, ἔνθα ποτὲ ἦν ἡ Καρχηδονίων, οὐδὲν φροντίσαντες, ὅτι Σκιπίων αὐτήν, ὅτε κατέσκαπτεν, ἐπηράσατο ἐς ἀεὶ μηλόβοτον εἶναι. διέγραφον δʼ ἐς ἑξακισχιλίους ἀντὶ ἐλαττόνων τῶν ὄντων ἐν τῷ νόμῳ, ὡς καὶ τῷδε τὸν δῆμον ὑπαξόμενοι. ἐπανελθόντες τε ἐς Ῥώμην συνεκάλουν ἐξ ὅλης Ἰταλίας τοὺς ἑξακισχιλίους. ἐπιστειλάντων δὲ τῶν ἐν Λιβύῃ τὴν πόλιν ἔτι διαγραφόντων, ὅτι λύκοι τοὺς ὅρους Γράκχου τε καὶ Φουλβίου διέρριψαν ἀνασπάσαντες, καὶ τῶν μάντεων τὴν ἀποικίαν ἡγουμένων ἀπαίσιον, ἡ μὲν βουλὴ προέγραφεν ἐκκλησίαν, ἐν ᾗ τὸν νόμον ἔμελλε τὸν περὶ τῆσδε τῆς ἀποικίας λύσειν· ὁ δὲ Γράκχος καὶ ὁ Φούλβιος, ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦδε ἐξέπιπτον, μεμηνόσιν ἐοικότες ἐψεῦσθαι τὴν βουλὴν ἔφασκον περὶ τῶν λύκων. οἵ τε θρασύτατοι τῶν δημοτῶν αὐτοῖς συνελάμβανον, ἐγχειρίδια φέροντες ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον, οὗ περὶ τῆς ἀποικίας ἐκκλησιάσειν ἔμελλον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.3.24

Having lost the favor of the rabble, Gracchus sailed for Africa in company with Fulvius Flaccus, who, after his consulship, had been chosen tribune for the same reasons as Gracchus himself. A colony had been voted to Africa on account of its reputed fertility, and these men had been expressly chosen the founders of it in order to get them out of the way for a while, so that the Senate might have a respite from demagogism. They marked out a town for the colony on the place where Carthage had formerly stood, disregarding the fact that Scipio, when he destroyed it, had devoted it with curses to sheep-pasturage forever. They assigned 6000 colonists to this place, instead of the smaller number fixed by law, in order further to curry favor with the people thereby. When they returned to Rome they invited the 6000 from the whole of Italy. The functionaries who were still in Africa laying out the city wrote home that wolves had pulled up and scattered the boundary marks made by Gracchus and Fulvius, and the soothsayers considered this an ill omen for the colony. So the Senate summoned the comitia, in which it was proposed to repeal the law concerning this colony. When Gracchus and Fulvius saw their failure in this matter they were furious, and declared that the Senate had lied about the wolves. The boldest of the plebeians joined them, carrying daggers, and proceeded to the Capitol, where the assembly was to be held in reference to the colony.

Edition note

Y.R. 633

Edition note

B.C. 121

1.3.25 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.3.25

ἤδη δὲ τοῦ δήμου συνειλεγμένου καὶ Φουλβίου τι περὶ τούτων ἀρχομένου λέγειν, ὁ Γράκχος ἀνέβαινεν ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ὑπὸ τῶν συνθεμένων δορυφορούμενος. ἐνοχλούμενος δʼ ὑπὸ τοῦ συνειδότος ὡς ἐπὶ ἀλλοκότοις βουλεύμασι τὴν μὲν σύνοδον τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀπέκλινεν, ἐς δὲ τὴν στοὰν παρελθὼν διεβάδιζεν, ἐφεδρεύων τοῖς ἐσομένοις. καὶ αὐτὸν οὕτως ἔχοντα θορύβου κατιδὼν δημότης ἀνὴρ Ἀντύλλος ἐν τῇ στοᾷ θύων, ἐμβαλὼν τὴν χεῖρα, εἴτε τι πυθόμενος ἢ ὑποπτεύων ἢ ἄλλως ἐς τὸν λόγον ὑπαχθείς, ἠξίου φείσασθαι τῆς πατρίδος. ὁ δὲ μᾶλλόν τε θορυβηθεὶς καὶ δείσας ὡς κατάφωρος ἐνέβλεψεν αὐτῷ δριμύ· καί τις τῶν παρόντων, οὔτε σημείου τινὸς ἐπαρθέντος οὔτε προστάγματός πω γεγονότος, ἐκ μόνης τῆς ἐς τὸν Ἀντύλλον Γράκχου δριμύτητος εἰκάσας ἤδη τὸν καιρὸν ἥκειν καὶ χαριεῖσθαί τι τῷ Γράκχῳ δόξας πρῶτος ἀρξάμενος ἔργου, τὸ ἐγχειρίδιον ἐπισπάσας διαχρῆται τὸν Ἀντύλλον. βοῆς δὲ γενομένης καὶ σώματος ὀφθέντος ἐν μέσῳ νεκροῦ πάντες ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ κατεπήδων σὺν ὁμοίου κακοῦ φόβῳ. Γράκχος δʼ ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν παρελθὼν ἐβούλετο μὲν αὐτοῖς ἐκλογίσασθαι περὶ τοῦ γεγονότος· οὐδενὸς δʼ αὐτὸν οὐδʼ ὑφισταμένου, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἐναγῆ πάντων ἐκτρεπομένων, ὁ μὲν Γράκχος καὶ ὁ Φλάκκος ἀπορούμενοι καὶ τὸν καιρὸν ὧν ἐβουλεύοντο διὰ τὸ φθάσαι τὴν ἐγχείρησιν ἀπολωλεκότες ἐς τὰς οἰκίας διέτρεχον, καὶ οἱ συνθέμενοι αὐτοῖς συνῄεσαν ἐς αὐτάς, τὸ δʼ ἄλλο πλῆθος ἐκ μέσων νυκτῶν ὡς ἐπὶ δή τινι κακῷ τὴν ἀγορὰν προκατελάμβανον. καὶ ὃς ἐπεδήμει τῶν ὑπάτων, Ὀπίμιος, διέτασσε μέν τινας ἐνόπλους ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἅμα ἕῳ συνιέναι καὶ τὴν βουλὴν διὰ κηρύκων συνεκάλει, αὐτὸς δʼ ἐν μέσῳ πάντων ἐν τῷ νεῲ τῶν Διοσκούρων ἐφήδρευε τοῖς ἐσομένοις.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.3.25

Now the people were assembled, and Fulvius had begun speaking about the business in hand, when Gracchus arrived at the Capitol attended by a body-guard of his partisans. Disturbed by what he knew about the extraordinary plans on foot he turned aside from the meeting-place of the assembly, passed into the portico, and walked about waiting to see what would happen. Just then a plebeian named Antyllus, who was sacrificing in the portico, saw him in this disturbed state, seized him by the hand, either because he had heard something or suspected something, or was moved to speak to him for some other reason, and asked him to spare his country. Gracchus, still more disturbed, and startled like one detected in a crime, gave the man a piercing look. Then one of his party, although no signal had been displayed or order given, inferred merely from the very sharp glance that Gracchus cast upon Antyllus that the time for action had come, and thought that he should do a favor to Gracchus by striking the first blow. So he drew his dagger and slew Antyllus. A cry was raised, the dead body was seen in the midst of the crowd, and all who were outside fled from the temple in fear of a like fate. Gracchus went into the assembly desiring to exculpate himself of the deed. Nobody would so much as listen to him. All turned away from him as from one stained with blood. Gracchus and Flaccus were nonplussed and, having lost the chance of accomplishing what they wished, they hastened home, and their partisans with them. The rest of the crowd occupied the forum throughout the night as though some calamity were impending. Opimius, one of the consuls, who was staying in the city, ordered an armed force to be stationed at the Capitol at daybreak, and sent heralds to convoke the Senate. He took his own station in the temple of Castor and Pollux in the centre of the city and there awaited events.

1.3.26 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.3.26

τάδε ἦν τοιάδε. ἡ μὲν βουλὴ Γράκχον καὶ Φλάκκον ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν ἐς ἀπολογίαν ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐκάλουν, οἱ δὲ σὺν ὅπλοις ἐξέθεον ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀβεντῖνον λόφον, ἐλπίσαντες, εἰ τόνδε προλάβοιεν, ἐνδώσειν πρὸς τὰς συνθήκας αὑτοῖς τι τὴν βουλήν. διαθέοντές τε τοὺς θεράποντας συνεκάλουν ἐπʼ ἐλευθερίᾳ. καὶ τῶνδε μὲν οὐδεὶς ὑπήκουεν, αὐτοὶ δέ, σὺν ὅσοις εἶχον ἀμφʼ αὑτούς, τὸ Ἀρτεμίσιον καταλαβόντες ἐκρατύνοντο καὶ Κόιντον Φλάκκου παῖδα ἐς τὴν βουλὴν ἔπεμπον, δεόμενοι διαλλαγῶν τυχεῖν καὶ βιοῦν μεθʼ ὁμονοίας. οἱ δʼ ἐκέλευον αὐτοὺς ἀποθεμένους τὰ ὅπλα ἥκειν εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον καὶ λέγειν, ὅ τι θέλοιεν, ἢ μηκέτι πέμπειν μηδένα. τῶν δʼ αὖθις τὸν Κόιντον ἐπιπεμψάντων, τόνδε μὲν Ὀπίμιος ὁ ὕπατος διὰ τὴν προαγόρευσιν, ὡς οὐκέτι πρεσβευτὴν ὄντα, συνελάμβανε, τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Γράκχον τοὺς ὡπλισμένους ἐπέπεμπεν. καὶ Γράκχος μὲν διὰ τῆς ξυλίνης γεφύρας ἐς τὸ πέραν τοῦ ποταμοῦ καταφυγὼν ἐς ἄλσος τι μεθʼ ἑνὸς θεράποντος ὑπέσχε τῷ θεράποντι τὴν σφαγὴν καταλαμβανόμενος· Φλάκκου δʼ ἐς ἐργαστήριον ἀνδρὸς γνωρίμου καταφυγόντος, οἱ μὲν διώκοντες, τὴν οἰκίαν οὐκ εἰδότες, ὅλον ἐμπρήσειν τὸν στενωπὸν ἠπείλουν, ὁ δʼ ὑποδεξάμενος αὐτὸς μὲν ὤκνησε μηνῦσαι τὸν ἱκέτην, ἑτέρῳ δὲ προσέταξε μηνῦσαι. καὶ συλληφθεὶς ὁ Φλάκκος ἀνῃρέθη. Γράκχου μὲν δὴ καὶ Φλάκκου τὰς κεφαλὰς ἔφερόν τινες Ὀπιμίῳ, καὶ αὐτοῖς ὁ Ὀπίμιος ἰσοβαρὲς χρυσίον ἀντέδωκεν· ὁ δὲ δῆμος αὐτῶν τὰς οἰκίας διήρπαζε, καὶ τοὺς συμφρονήσαντας ὁ Ὀπίμιος συλλαβὼν ἐς τὴν φυλακὴν ἐνέβαλέ τε καὶ ἀποπνιγῆναι προσέταξε. Κοΐντῳ δὲ τῷ Φλάκκου παιδὶ συνεχώρησεν ἀποθανεῖν, ὡς θέλοι, καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ τοῖς φόνοις ἐκάθαιρεν. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ καὶ νεὼν Ὁμονοίας αὐτὸν ἐν ἀγορᾷ προσέταξεν ἐγεῖραι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.3.26

When these arrangements had been made the Senate summoned Gracchus and Flaccus from their homes to the senate-house to defend themselves. But they ran out armed toward the Aventine hill, hoping that if they could seize it first the Senate would agree to some terms with them. They ran through the city offering freedom to the slaves, but none listened to them. With such forces as they had, however, they occupied and fortified the temple of Diana, and sent Quintus, the son of Flaccus, to the Senate seeking to come to an arrangement and to live in peace. The Senate replied that they should lay down their arms, come to the senate-house, tell what they wanted, or else send no more messengers. When they sent Quintus a second time the consul Opimius arrested him, as being no longer an ambassador after he had been warned, and at the same time sent an armed force against the Gracchans. Gracchus fled across the river by the Sublician bridge, with one slave, to a grove where he presented his throat to the slave, as he was on the point of being arrested. Flaccus took refuge in the workshop of an acquaintance. As his pursuers did not know which house he was in they threatened to burn the whole row. The man who had given shelter to the suppliant hesitated to point him out, but directed another man to do so. Flaccus was seized and put to death. The heads of Gracchus and Flaccus were carried to Opimius, and he gave their weight in gold to those who brought them. The people plundered their houses. Opimius arrested their fellow-conspirators, cast them into prison, and ordered that they should be strangled. He allowed Quintus, the son of Flaccus, to choose his own mode of death. After this a lustration was performed in behalf of the city for the bloodshed, and the Senate ordered the building of a temple to Concord in the forum.

Edition note

This well-known construction is called the wooden bridge in Appian’s history. The Romans called it Sublicius pons because it rested on wooden piles.

1.4.27 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.4.27

καὶ ἡ στάσις ἡ τοῦ δευτέρου Γράκχου ἐς τάδε ἔληγε· νόμος τε οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον ἐκυρώθη τὴν γῆν, ὑπὲρ ἧς διεφέροντο, ἐξεῖναι πιπράσκειν τοῖς ἔχουσιν· ἀπείρητο γὰρ ἐκ Γράκχου τοῦ προτέρου καὶ τόδε. καὶ εὐθὺς οἱ πλούσιοι παρὰ τῶν πενήτων ἐωνοῦντο, ἢ ταῖσδε ταῖς προφάσεσιν ἐβιάζοντο. καὶ περιῆν ἐς χεῖρον ἔτι τοῖς πένησι, μέχρι Σπούριος Θόριος δημαρχῶν εἰσηγήσατο νόμον, τὴν μὲν γῆν μηκέτι διανέμειν, ἀλλʼ εἶναι τῶν ἐχόντων, καὶ φόρους ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς τῷ δήμῳ κατατίθεσθαι καὶ τάδε τὰ χρήματα χωρεῖν ἐς διανομάς. ὅπερ ἦν μέν τις τοῖς πένησι παρηγορία διὰ τὰς διανομάς, ὄφελος δʼ οὐδὲν ἐς πολυπληθίαν. ἅπαξ δὲ τοῖς σοφίσμασι τοῖσδε τοῦ Γρακχείου νόμου παραλυθέντος, ἀρίστου καὶ ὠφελιμωτάτου, εἰ ἐδύνατο πραχθῆναι, γενομένου, καὶ τοὺς φόρους οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον διέλυσε δήμαρχος ἔτερος, καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἀθρόως ἁπάντων ἐξεπεπτώκει. ὅθεν ἐσπάνιζον ἔτι μᾶλλον ὁμοῦ πολιτῶν τε καὶ στρατιωτῶν καὶ γῆς προσόδου καὶ διανομῶν καὶ νομῶν, πεντεκαίδεκα μάλιστα ἔτεσιν ἀπὸ τῆς Γράκχου νομοθεσίας, ἐπὶ δίκαις ἐν ἀργίᾳ γεγονότες.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.4.27

So the sedition of the younger Gracchus came to an end. Not long afterward a law was enacted to permit the holders to sell the land about which they had quarrelled; for even this had been forbidden by the law of the elder Gracchus. Presently the rich bought the allotments of the poor, or found pretexts for seizing them by force. So the condition of the poor became even worse than it was before, until Spurius Borius, a tribune of the people, brought in a law providing that the work of distributing the public domain should no longer be continued, but that the land should belong to those in possession of it, who should pay rent for it to the people, and that the money so received should be distributed. This distribution was a kind of solace to the poor, but it did not serve to increase the population. By these devices the law of Gracchus (most excellent and useful if it could have been carried out) was once for all frustrated, and a little later the rent itself was abolished at the instance of another tribune. So the piebeians lost everything. Whence resulted a still further decline in the numbers of both citizens and soldiers, and in the revenue from the land and the distribution thereof; and about fifteen years after the enactment of the law of Gracchus, the laws themselves fell into abeyance by reason of the slackness of the judicial proceedings.

Edition note

The meaning of the last sentence of Sec. 27 is doubtful. Schweighäuser suspected a lacuna. Desperandum de totius enuntiati inde ab ὄθεν verbo vel emendatione vel enarratione, says Mendelssohn. I have followed the rendering of M. Combes-Dounous.

1.4.28 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.4.28

τῷ δʼ αὐτῷ χρόνῳ Σκιπίων ὕπατος καθεῖλε τὸ θέατρον, οὗ Λεύκιος Κάσσιος ἦρκτο ʽκαὶ ἤδη που τέλος ἐλάμβανεν̓, ὡς καὶ τόδε στάσεων ἄρξον ἑτέρων ἢ οὐ χρήσιμον ὅλως Ἑλληνικαῖς ἡδυπαθείαις Ῥωμαίους ἐθίζεσθαι. τιμητὴς δὲ Κόιντος Καικίλιος Μέτελλος Γλαυκίαν τε βουλεύοντα καὶ Ἀπουλήιον Σατορνῖνον δεδημαρχηκότα ἤδη τῆς ἀξιώσεως παρέλυεν, αἰσχρῶς βιοῦντας, οὐ μὴν ἐδυνήθη· ὁ γάρ οἱ συνάρχων οὐ συνέθετο. μικρὸν οὖν ὕστερον ὁ Ἀπουλήιος ὡς ἀμυνούμενος τὸν Μέτελλον ἐς ἑτέραν παρήγγελλε δημαρχίαν, φυλάξας στρατηγοῦντα τὸν Γλαυκίαν καὶ τῆσδε τῶν δημάρχων τῆς χειροτονίας προεστῶτα. Νώνιος μὲν οὖν, ἐπιφανὴς ἀνήρ, ἔς τε τὸν Ἀπουλήιον παρρησίᾳ χρώμενος καὶ Γλαυκίαν ἐξονειδίζων δήμαρχος ἀπεδείχθη. δείσαντες δʼ ὁ Γλαυκίας καὶ ὁ Ἀπουλήιος, μὴ δημαρχῶν αὐτοὺς ἀμύναιτο, ὄχλον ἀνδρῶν εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀπιόντι ἐπιπέμπουσι σὺν θορύβῳ καὶ ἔς τι πανδοχεῖον συμφυγόντα κατεκέντησαν. τοῦ δὲ πάθους οἰκτροῦ καὶ δεινοῦ φανέντος οἱ περὶ τὸν Γλαυκίαν, οὔπω τοῦ δήμου συνελθόντος, ἅμʼ ἕῳ χειροτονοῦσι δήμαρχον τὸν Ἀπουλήιον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.4.28

About this time the consul Scipio [Nasica] demolished the theatre begun by Lucius Cassius, and now nearly finished, because he considered this also the source of new seditions or because he thought it not altogether desirable that the Romans should become accustomed to Grecian pleasures. The censor, Quintus Caecelius Metellus, attempted to degrade Glaucia, a senator, and Apuleius Saturninus, who had already been a tribune, on account of their disgraceful mode of life, but was not able to do so because his colleague would not agree to it. Accordingly Saturninus, a little later, in order to have revenge on Metellus, became a candidate for the tribuneship again, seizing the occasion when Glaucia held the office of praetor and presided over the election of the tribunes; but Nonius, a man of noble birth, who used much plainness of speech in reference to Saturninus and reproached Glaucia bitterly, was chosen for the office. As they feared lest he should punish them as tribune, they made a rush upon him with a crowd of ruffians just as he was going away from the comitia, pursued him into a certain inn, and stabbed him. As this murder had a pitiful and shocking aspect, the adherents of Glaucia came together early the next morning, before the people had assembled, and declared Saturninus elected tribune. In this way the killing of Nonius was hushed up, since everybody was afraid to call Saturninus to account because he was a tribune.

Edition note

Y.R. 653

Edition note

B.C. 101

Edition note

Y.R. 654

1.4.29 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.4.29

καὶ τὸ μὲν Νωνίου πάθος ὧδε ἐσιγήθη διὰ τὴν δημαρχίαν Ἀπουληίου, δεδιότων αὐτὸν ἔτι ἐξελέγχειν· ἐξηλάθη δὲ καὶ Μέτελλος ὑπʼ αὐτῶν, προσλαβόντων Γάιον Μάριον ἕκτην ἄρχοντα ὑπατείαν, ἐχθρὸν ἀφανῆ τοῦ Μετέλλου. καὶ συνέπραξαν ὧδε ἅπαντες ἀλλήλοις. ὁ μὲν Ἀπουλήιος νόμον ἐσέφερε διαδάσασθαι γῆν, ὅσην ἐν τῇ νῦν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων καλουμένῃ Γαλατίᾳ Κίμβροι γένος Κελτῶν κατειλήφεσαν, καὶ αὐτοὺς ὁ Μάριος ἔναγχος ἐξελάσας τὴν γῆν ὡς οὐκέτι Γαλατῶν ἐς Ῥωμαίους περιεσπάκει. προσέκειτο δέ, εἰ κυρώσειε τὸν νόμον ὁ δῆμος, τὴν βουλὴν πένθʼ ἡμέραις ἐπομόσαι πεισθήσεσθαι τῷ νόμῳ, ἢ τὸν οὐκ ὀμόσαντα μήτε βουλεύειν καὶ ὀφλεῖν τῷ δήμῳ τάλαντα εἴκοσιν, ὑπονοοῦντες οὕτως ἄλλους τε τῶν δυσχεραινόντων ἀμυνεῖσθαι καὶ Μέτελλον ὑπὸ φρονήματος οὐκ ἐνδώσοντα ἐς τὸν ὅρκον. ὁ μὲν δὴ νόμος ὧδε εἶχεν, καὶ ὁ Ἀπουλήιος ἡμέραν αὐτοῦ τῇ δοκιμασίᾳ προυτίθει καὶ περιέπεμπε τοὺς ἐξαγγέλλοντας τοῖς οὖσιν ἀνὰ τοὺς ἀγρούς, οἷς δὴ καὶ μάλιστʼ ἐθάρρουν ὑπεστρατευμένοις Μαρίῳ. πλεονεκτούντων δʼ, ἐν τῷ νόμῳ τῶν Ἰταλιωτῶν ὁ δῆμος ἐδυσχέραινε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.4.29

Metellus was banished by them at the instigation of Gaius Marius, who was then in his sixth consulship, and was the secret enemy of Metellus. Thus they all helped each other. Saturninus brought forward a law to divide the land which the Cimbri (a Celtic tribe lately driven out by Marius) had seized in the country now called Gaul by the Romans, and which was considered as no longer Gallic but Roman territory. It was provided also in this law that if the people should enact it the senators should take an oath within five days to obey it, and that any one who should refuse to do so should be expelled from the Senate and should pay a fine of twenty talents for the benefit of the people. Thus they intended to punish those who should take it with a bad grace, and especially Metellus, who was too high-spirited to submit to the oath. Such was the proposed law. Saturninus appointed the day for holding the comitia and sent messengers to summon from the country districts those in whom he had most confidence, because they had served in the army under Marius. As the law gave the larger share to the Italian allies the city people were not pleased with it.

Edition note

B.C. 100

1.4.30 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.4.30

καὶ στάσεως ἐν τῇ κυρίᾳ γενομένης, ὅσοι μὲν ἐκώλυον τῶν δημάρχων τοὺς νόμους, ὑβριζόμενοι πρὸς τοῦ Ἀπουληίου κατεπήδων ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος, ὁ δὲ πολιτικὸς ὄχλος ἐβόα ὡς γενομένης ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ βροντῆς, ὅθεν οὐ θέμις ἐστὶ Ῥωμαίοις οὐδὲν ἔτι κυροῦν. βιαζομένων δὲ καὶ ὣς τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀπουλήιον οἱ πολιτικοὶ τά τε ἱμάτια διαζωσάμενοι καὶ τὰ προστυχόντα ξύλα ἁρπάσαντες τοὺς ἀγροίκους διέστησαν. οἱ δʼ αὖθις ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀπουληίου συγκαλούμενοι μετὰ ξύλων καὶ οἵδε τοῖς ἀστικοῖς ἐπῄεσαν καὶ βιασάμενοι τὸν νόμον ἐκύρωσαν. κυρωθέντος δʼ αὐτίκα Μάριος οἷα ὕπατος τῇ βουλῇ προυτίθει σκοπεῖν περὶ τοῦ ὅρκου· καὶ τὸν Μέτελλον εἰδὼς στερρόν τε τῇ γνώμῃ καὶ βέβαιον ἐφʼ ὅ τι φρονήσειεν ἢ εἰπεῖν φθάσειεν, ἐτίθει πρῶτος ἐς μέσον τὴν γνώμην τὴν ἑαυτοῦ μετʼ ἐνέδρας καὶ ἔλεγεν, ὡς οὔποτε τὸν ὅρκον ἑκὼν τόνδε αὐτὸς ὀμόσει. συναποφηναμένου δὲ ταῦτα καὶ τοῦ Μετέλλου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων αὐτοὺς ἐπαινεσάντων, ὁ Μάριος διέλυσε τὴν βουλήν. εἶτα τῆς πέμπτης ἡμέρας, ἣ τῷ ὅρκῳ τελευταία κατὰ τὸν νόμον ἦν, ἀμφὶ δεκάτην ὥραν αὐτοὺς κατὰ σπουδὴν συναγαγὼν ἔφη τὸν δῆμον ἐσπουδακότα περὶ τὸν νόμον δεδιέναι, μηχανὴν δʼ ὁρᾶν καὶ σόφισμα τοιόνδε· ὀμόσειν γάρ, ᾗ νόμος ἐστί, τῷδε πεισθήσεσθαι τῷ νόμῳ, καὶ νῦν μὲν οὕτω διασκεδᾶν τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἐνηδρευμένους, ὕστερον δʼ οὐ δυσχερῶς ἐπιδείξειν, ὅτι οὐκ ἔστι νόμος ὁ πρὸς βίαν τε καὶ βροντῆς ὠνομασμένης κεκυρωμένος παρὰ τὰ πάτρια.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.4.30

Sedition broke out in the comitia. Those who attempted to prevent the passage of the laws proposed by the tribunes were assaulted by Saturninus and driven away from the rostra. The city folks exclaimed that thunder was heard in the assembly, in which case it is not permitted by Roman custom to finish the business that day. As the adherents of Saturninus persisted nevertheless, the city people girded themselves, seized whatever clubs they could lay their hands on, and dispersed the rustics. The latter were rallied by Saturninus; they attacked the city folks with clubs, overcame them, and passed the law. When this was done Marius, in his capacity as consul, forthwith proposed to the Senate that they consider concerning taking the oath. Knowing that Metellus was a man of fixed opinion and firm in whatever he might believe or commit himself to, he gave his own opinion publicly, but deceitfully, saying that he would never willingly take this oath himself. When Metellus had agreed with him in this, and the others had praised them both, Marius adjourned the Senate. On the fifth day thereafter (the last day prescribed in the law for taking the oath) he called them together in haste about the tenth hour, saying that he was afraid of the people because they were so zealous for the law. He saw a way, however, to avoid it, and he proposed the following trick—to swear that they would obey the law as far as it was a law, and thus at once disperse the country people by stratagem. Afterward it could be easily shown that this thing, which had been enacted by violence and in spite of thunder, contrary to the custom of their ancestors, was not a law.

1.4.31 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.4.31

ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν καὶ τέλος οὐδὲν ἀναμείνας, πάντων ἔτι σιωπώντων ὑπʼ ἐκπλήξεως ἐπὶ τῇ ἐνέδρᾳ καὶ τῷ χρόνῳ δεδαπανημένῳ, οὐδʼ ἐνθυμηθῆναί τι παρασχὼν αὐτοῖς ἐξανίστατο ἐς τὸν τοῦ Κρόνου νεών, οὗ τοῖς ταμίαις ἐχρῆν ὀμνύναι, καὶ ὤμνυε σὺν τοῖς φίλοις πρῶτος. ὤμνυον δὲ καὶ οἱ λοιποί, τὸ ἑαυτοῦ δεδιὼς ἕκαστος· Μέτελλος δʼ οὐκ ὤμοσε μόνος, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ προαιρέσεως διέμεινεν ἀφόβως. καὶ αὐτὸν εὐθὺς τῆς ἐπιούσης ὁ Ἀπουλήιος ἐπιπέμψας τὸν ὑπηρέτην ἐξεῖλκεν ἀπὸ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου. ῥυομένων δὲ τῶν ἑτέρων δημάρχων, ὁ Γλαυκίας καὶ ὁ Ἀπουλήιος ἐς τοὺς ἀγροίκους ἐκδραμόντες οὐκ ἔφασκον αὐτοῖς ἔσεσθαι τὴν γῆν οὐδὲ τὸν νόμον κύριον, εἰ μὴ Μέτελλος ἐξελαθείη. ψήφισμά τε φυγῆς ἐπέγραφον αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους ἐπικηρῦξαι προσετίθεσαν μηδένα Μετέλλῳ κοινωνεῖν πυρὸς ἢ ὕδατος ἢ στέγης· ἔς τε τὴν δοκιμασίαν τοῦδε τοῦ ψηφίσματος ἡμέραν προύγραφον. δεινῆς δὲ τῶν ἀστικῶν ἀγανακτήσεως οὔσης καὶ παραπεμπόντων Μέτελλον αἰεὶ σὺν ξιφιδίοις, ὁ Μέτελλος αὐτοὺς ἀσπασάμενος καὶ ἐπαινέσας τῆς προαιρέσεως οὐκ ἔφη διʼ ἑαυτὸν ἐάσειν οὐδένα κίνδυνον ἐπιγενέσθαι τῇ πατρίδι. καὶ τόδε εἰπὼν ὑπεξῆλθε τῆς πόλεως. καὶ τὸ ψήφισμα ὁ Ἀπουλήιος ἐκύρου, καὶ τὰ ἐν τῷ ψηφίσματι Μάριος ἐπεκήρυττεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.4.31

After speaking thus he did not wait for the result, but while all were in silent amazement at the plot, and confused because there was no time to be lost and no opportunity for thinking, he rose and went to the temple of Saturn, where the quaestors were accustomed to administer oaths, and took the oath first with his friends. The rest followed his example, as each one feared for his own safety. Metellus alone refused to swear, but stood fearlessly by his first determination. Saturninus proceeded against him at once on the next day. He sent an officer for him and dragged him out of the senate-house. As the other tribunes defended him Glaucia and Saturninus hastened to the country people and told them that they would never get the land, and that the law would not be executed, unless Metellus were banished. They proposed a decree of banishment against him and directed the consuls to interdict fire and water and shelter to him, and appointed a day for the ratification of this decree. Great was the indignation of the city people, who constantly escorted Metellus, carrying daggers. He thanked them and praised them for their good intentions, but said that he could not allow any danger to befall the country on his account. After saying this he withdrew from the city. Saturninus got the decree ratified, and Marius made proclamation that it was a part of the law.

1.4.32 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.4.32

οὕτω μὲν δὴ καὶ Μέτελλος, ἀνὴρ εὐδοκιμώτατος, ἔφευγε, καὶ ὁ Ἀπουλήιος ἐπʼ αὐτῷ τρίτον ἐδημάρχει. καί τις αὐτῷ συνῆρχε δραπέτης εἶναι νομιζόμενος, Γράκχον ἑαυτῷ τὸν πρεσβύτερον πατέρα ἐπιγράφων. καὶ τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῷ συνεπεπράχει περὶ τὴν χειροτονίαν πόθῳ Γράκχου. προτεθείσης δὲ ὑπάτων χειροτονίας, Μᾶρκος μὲν Ἀντώνιος ἐπὶ τὴν ἑτέραν ἀναμφιλόγως ᾑρέθη, τὴν δὲ ὑπόλοιπον Γλαυκίας ὅδε καὶ Μέμμιος μετῄεσαν. Μεμμίου δʼ ὄντος ἐπιδοξοτέρου παρὰ πολύ, δείσας ὁ Γλαυκίας καὶ ὁ Ἀπουλήιος ἐπιπέμπουσί τινας αὐτῷ σὺν ξύλοις ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ χειροτονίᾳ, οἳ τὸν Μέμμιον παίοντες ἐν μέσῳ πάντων ὁρώντων συνέκοψαν. καὶ ἡ μὲν ἐκκλησία θορυβηθεῖσα διελύετο οὔτε νόμων οὔτε δικαστηρίων οὔτε τινὸς αἰδοῦς ἔτι ὑπούσης· ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἀγανακτῶν ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν μετʼ ὀργῆς συνέτρεχεν ὡς κτενοῦντες τὸν Ἀπουλήιον. ὁ δʼ ἄλλο πλῆθος ἁλίσας ἀπὸ τῶν ἀγρῶν μετὰ Γλαυκίου καὶ Γαΐου Σαυφηίου ταμίου τὸ Καπιτώλιον κατέλαβε. καὶ αὐτοὺς τῆς βουλῆς ἀναιρεθῆναι ψηφισαμένης ὁ Μάριος ἀχθόμενος ὅμως ὥπλιζέ τινας σὺν ὄκνῳ· καὶ βραδύνοντος ἕτεροι τὸ ὕδωρ τὸ ἐπιρρέον ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν διέτεμον. καὶ Σαυφήιος μὲν ἐμπρῆσαι τὸν νεών, ὑπὸ δίψης ἀπολλύμενος, ἠξίου, Γλαυκίας δὲ καὶ Ἀπουλήιος ἐλπίσαντες αὑτοῖς ἐπικουρήσειν Μάριον παρέδωκαν ἑαυτούς, οἵδε πρῶτοι, καὶ ἐπʼ ἐκείνοις ὁ Σαυφήιος. Μάριος δʼ, αὐτίκα πάντων αὐτοὺς ἀναιρεῖν κελευόντων, ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον συνέκλεισεν ὡς ἐννομώτερον ἐργασόμενος. οἱ δὲ πρόφασιν τοῦτʼ εἶναι νομίσαντες τὸν κέραμον ἐξέλυον τοῦ βουλευτηρίου καὶ τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἀπουλήιον ἔβαλλον, ἔως ἀπέκτειναν, ταμίαν τε καὶ δήμαρχον καὶ στρατηγόν, ἔτι περικειμένους τὰ σύμβολα τῆς ἀρχῆς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.4.32

In this way was Metellus, a most admirable man, sent into banishment. Thereupon Saturninus was made tribune a third time and he had for a colleague one who was thought to be a fugitive slave, but who claimed to be a son of the elder Gracchus. The multitude supported him in the election because they regretted Gracchus. When the election for consuls came on Marcus Antonius was chosen as one of them by common consent. The aforesaid Glaucia and Memmius contended for the other place. Memmius was the more illustrious man by far, and Glaucia and Saturninus were fearful of the result. So they sent a gang of ruffians to attack him with clubs while the election was going on. They fell upon him in the midst of the comitia and beat him to death in the sight of all. The assembly was broken up in terror. Neither laws nor courts nor sense of shame remained. The people ran together in anger the following day intending to kill Saturninus, but he had collected another mob from the country and, with Glaucia and Gaius Saufeius, the quaestor, seized the Capitol. The Senate voted them public enemies. Marius was vexed; nevertheless he armed some of his forces reluctantly, and, while he was delaying, some other persons cut off the water-supply from the Capitoline temple. Saufeius was near perishing with thirst and proposed to set the temple on fire, but Glaucia and Saturninus, who hoped that Marius would assist them, surrendered first, and after them Saufeius. As everybody demanded that they should be put to death, Marius shut them up in the senate-house as though he intended to deal with them in a more legal manner. The crowd considered this a mere pretext. They tore the tiles off the roof and stoned them to death, including a quaestor, a tribune, and a praetor, who were still wearing their insignia of office.

1.4.33 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.4.33

πολὺς δὲ καὶ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ἐν τῇ στάσει διέφθαρτο καὶ δήμαρχος ἕτερος, ὁ τοῦ Γράκχου παῖς εἶναι νομιζόμενος, πρώτην δημαρχῶν ἐκείνην ἡμέραν, οὐδένα ἔτι ὠφελούσης οὔτε ἐλευθερίας οὔτε δημοκρατίας οὔτε νόμων οὔτε ἀξιώσεως οὔτε ἀρχῆς, ὅπου καὶ ἡ τῶν δημάρχων ἔς τε κώλυσιν ἁμαρτημάτων καὶ ἐς ἐπικούρησιν τῶν δημοτῶν γενομένη, ἱερὰ καὶ ἄσυλος οὖσα, τοιάδε ὕβριζε καὶ τοιάδε ἔπασχεν. ἀναιρεθέντων δὲ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἀπουλήιον ἡ μὲν βουλὴ καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἐκεκράγεσαν κατακαλεῖν Μέτελλον, Πούπλιος δὲ Φούριος δήμαρχος, οὐδʼ ἐλευθέρου πατρός, ἀλλʼ ἐξελευθέρου, θρασέως ἐνίστατο αὐτοῖς καὶ οὐδὲ Μετέλλου τοῦ Μετέλλου παιδὸς ἱκετεύοντος αὐτὸν ἐν ὄψει τοῦ δήμου καὶ δακρύοντος καὶ τοῖς ποσὶ προσπίπτοντος ἐνεκλάο θη. ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν παῖς ἐκ τῆσδε τῆς ὄψεως Εὐσεβὴς ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα ἐκλήθη, τοῦ δʼ ἐπιόντος ἔτους Φούριον μὲν ἐπὶ τῷδε ἐς δίκην Γάιος Κανουλήιος δήμαρχος ὑπῆγε, καὶ ὁ δῆμος οὐδὲ τοὺς λόγους ὑπομείνας διέσπασε τὸν Φούριον· οὕτως αἰεί τι μύσος ἑκάστου ἔτους ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐγίγνετο· Μετέλλῳ δʼ ἡ κάθοδος ἐδόθη, καὶ φασιν αὐτῷ τὴν ἡμέραν οὐκ ἀρκέσαι περὶ τὰς πύλας δεξιουμένῳ τοὺς ἀπαντῶντας. τρίτον μὲν δὴ τόδε ἔργον ἐμφύλιον ἦν τὸ Ἀπουληίου, μετὰ δύο τὰ Γράκχεια, καὶ τοσάδε εἴργαστο Ῥωμαίους·

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.4.33

Very many others were swept out of existence in this sedition. Among them was that other tribune who was supposed to be the son of Gracchus, and who perished on that first day of his magistracy. Freedom, democracy, laws, reputation, official position, were no longer of any use to anybody, since even the tribunician office, which had been devised for the restraint of wrong-doers and the protection of the plebeians, and was sacred and inviolable, now committed such outrages and suffered such indignities. When the party of Saturninus was destroyed the Senate and people clamored for the recall of Metellus, but Publius Furius, a tribune who was not the son of a free citizen but of a freedman, boldly resisted them. Not even Metellus, the son of Metellus, who besought him in the presence of the people with tears in his eyes, and threw himself at his feet, could move him. From this spectacle the son ever afterward bore the name of Metellus Pius. The following year Furius was called to account for his obstinacy by the new tribune, Gaius Canuleius. The people did not wait for the argument, but tore Furius in pieces. Thus every year some new deed of abomination was committed in the forum. Metellus was allowed to return, and it is said that a whole day was not sufficient for the greetings of those who went to meet him at the city gates. Such was the third civil strife (that of Saturninus) which succeeded those of the two Gracchi, and such results it brought to the Romans.

Edition note

Y.R. 655

Edition note

B.C. 99

1.5.34 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.5.34

οὕτω δʼ ἔχουσιν αὐτοῖς ὁ συμμαχικὸς καλούμενος πόλεμος ἐπιγίγνεται ἐθνῶν ἀνὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν πολλῶν, ἀρξάμενός τε παραδόξως, καὶ ἀθρόως ἐπὶ μέγα προελθών, καὶ τὰς στάσεις ἐν Ῥώμῃ σβέσας ὑπὸ δέους ἐπὶ πολύ. λήγων δὲ καὶ ὅδε στάσεις τε ἄλλας καὶ στασιάρχους δυνατωτέρους ἀνέθρεψεν οὐ νόμων εἰσηγήσεσιν ἔτι οὐδὲ δημοκοπίαις, ἀλλὰ ἀθρόοις στρατεύμασι κατʼ ἀλλήλων χρωμένους. καὶ αὐτὸν διὰ τάδε συνήγαγον ἐς τήνδε τὴν συγγραφήν, ἔκ τε τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ στάσεως ἀρξάμενον καὶ ἐς πολὺ χείρονα στάσιν ἑτέραν ἐκπεσόντα. ἤρξατο δὲ ὧδε. Φούλβιος Φλάκκος ὑπατεύων μάλιστα δὴ πρῶτος ὅδε ἐς τὸ φανερώτατον ἠρέθιζε τοὺς Ἰταλιώτας ἐπιθυμεῖν τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας ὡς κοινωνοὺς τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἀντὶ ὑπηκόων ἐσομένους. εἰσηγούμενος δὲ τὴν γνώμην καὶ ἐπιμένων αὐτῇ καρτερῶς, ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπί τινα στρατείαν ἐξεπέμφθη διὰ τόδε. ἐν ᾗ τῆς ὑπατείας αὐτῷ δεδαπανημένης, ὁ δὲ καὶ δημαρχεῖν εἵλετο μετʼ αὐτὴν καὶ ἔπραξε γενέσθαι σὺν Γράκχῳ τῷ νεωτέρῳ, τοιάδε ἄλλα ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐσφέροντι κἀκείνῳ. ἀναιρεθέντοιν δὲ ἀμφοῖν, ὥς μοι προείρηται, πολὺ μᾶλλον ἠρέθιστο ἡ Ἰταλία· οὔτε γὰρ ἠξίουν ἐν ὑπηκόων ἀντὶ κοινωνῶν εἶναι μέρει οὔτε Φλάκκον καὶ Γράκχον ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν πολιτεύοντας τοιάδε παθεῖν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.5.34

While they were thus occupied the so-called Social War, in which many Italian peoples were engaged, broke out. It began unexpectedly, grew to great proportions rapidly, and extinguished the Roman seditions for a long time by a new terror. When it was ended it gave rise to new seditions under more powerful leaders, who did not work by introducing new laws, or by playing the demagogue, but by employing whole armies against each other. I have treated it in this history because it had its origin in a Roman sedition and resulted in another one much worse. It began in this way. Fulvius Flaccus in his consulship first openly excited among the Italians the desire for Roman citizenship, so as to be partners in the hegemony instead of subjects. When he introduced this idea and strenuously persisted in it, the Senate, for that reason, sent him away to take command in a war, in the course of which his consulship expired, but he obtained the tribuneship after that and managed to have the younger Gracchus for a colleague, with whose coöperation he brought forward other measures in favor of the Italians. When they were both killed, as I have previously related, the Italians were still more excited. They could not bear to be considered subjects instead of equals, or to think that Flaccus and Gracchus should suffer such calamities while working for their political advantage.

Edition note

Y.R. 629

Edition note

B.C. 125

Edition note

Y.R. 663

1.5.35 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.5.35

ἐπὶ δὲ ἐκείνοις καὶ Λίβιος Δροῦσος δημαρχῶν, ἀνὴρ ἐπιφανέστατος ἐκ γένους, δεηθεῖσι τοῖς Ἰταλιώταις νόμον αὖθις ἐσενεγκεῖν περὶ τῆς πολιτείας ὑπέσχετο· τούτου γὰρ δὴ μάλιστα ἐπεθύμουν ὡς ἑνὶ τῷδε αὐτίκα ἡγεμόνες ἀντὶ ὑπηκόων ἐσόμενοι. ὁ δὲ τὸν δῆμον ἐς τοῦτο προθεραπεύων ὑπήγετο ἀποικίαις πολλαῖς ἔς τε τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ Σικελίαν ἐψηφισμέναις μὲν ἐκ πολλοῦ, γεγονυίαις δὲ οὔπω. τήν τε βουλὴν καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας, οἳ μάλιστα δὴ τότε ἀλλήλοις διὰ τὰ δικαστήρια διεφέροντο, ἐπὶ κοινῷ νόμῳ συναγαγεῖν ἐπειρᾶτο, σαφῶς μὲν οὐ δυνάμενος ἐς τὴν βουλὴν ἐπανενεγκεῖν τὰ δικαστήρια, τεχνάζων δʼ ἐς ἑκατέρους ὧδε. τῶν βουλευτῶν διὰ τὰς στάσεις τότε ὄντων μόλις ἀμφὶ τοὺς τριακοσίους, ἑτέρους τοσούσδε αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ἱππέων εἰσηγεῖτο ἀριστίνδην προσκαταλεγῆναι καὶ ἐκ τῶνδε πάντων ἐς τὸ μέλλον εἶναι τὰ δικαστήρια· εὐθύνας τε ἐπʼ αὐτῶν γίγνεσθαι δωροδοκίας προσέγραφεν, ἐγκλήματος ἴσα δὴ καὶ ἀγνοουμένου διὰ τὸ ἔθος τῆς δωροδοκίας ἀνέδην ἐπιπολαζούσης. ὁ μὲν δὴ τάδε πρὸς ἑκατέρους ἐπενόει, περιῆλθε δὲ ἐς τὸ ἐναντίον αὐτῷ. ἥ τε γὰρ βουλὴ χαλεπῶς ἔφερεν ἀθρόως αὑτῇ τοσούσδε προσκαταλεγῆναι καὶ ἐξ ἱππέων ἐς τὸ μέγιστον ἀξίωμα μεταβῆναι, οὐκ ἀδόκητον ἡγουμένη καὶ βουλευτὰς γενομένους κατὰ σφᾶς ἔτι δυνατώτερον τοῖς προτέροις βουλευταῖς στασιάσειν· οἵ τε ἱππεῖς ὑπώπτευον, ὅτι τῇδε τῇ θεραπείᾳ πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐς τὴν βουλὴν μόνην τὰ δικαστήρια ἀπὸ τῶν ἱππέων περιφέροιτο, γευσάμενοί τε κερδῶν μεγάλων καὶ ἐξουσίας οὐκ ἀλύπως τὴν ὑπόνοιαν ἔφερον. τό τε πλῆθος αὐτῶν ἐν ἀπορίᾳ σφᾶς ἐποίει καὶ ὑποψίᾳ πρὸς ἀλλήλους, τίνες ἀξιώτεροι δοκοῦσιν ἐς τοὺς τριακοσίους καταλεγῆναι· καὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς φθόνος ἐς τοὺς κρείττονας ἐσῄει· ὑπὲρ ἅπαντα δʼ ἠγανάκτουν ἀναφυομένου τοῦ τῆς δωροδοκίας ἐγκλήματος, ὃ τέως ἡγοῦντο καρτερῶς ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν πρόρριζον ἐσβέσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.5.35

After them the tribune Livius Drusus, a man of most illustrious birth, promised the Italians, at their urgent request, that he would bring forward a new law to give them citizenship. They desired this especially because by that one step they would become rulers instead of subjects. In order to conciliate the plebeians to this measure he led out to Italy and Sicily several colonies which had been voted some time before, but not yet planted. He endeavored to bring to an agreement the Senate and the equestrian order, who were then in sharp antagonism to each other, in reference to the law courts. As he was not able to restore the courts to the Senate openly, he tried the following artifice on both of them. As the senators had been reduced by the seditions to scarcely 300 in number, he brought forward a law that an equal number should be added to their enrolment from the knights, to be chosen according to merit, and that the law courts should be made up from all of these hereafter. He provided in the law that they should make investigations about bribery, as accusations of that kind were almost unknown, since the custom of bribe-taking prevailed without restraint. This was the plan that he contrived for both of them, but it turned out contrary to his expectations, for the senators were indignant that so large a number should be added to their enrolment at one time and be transferred from knighthood to the highest rank. They thought it not unlikely that they would form a faction in the Senate by themselves and contend against the old senators more powerfully than ever. The knights, on the other hand, suspected that, by this doctoring, the courts of justice would be transferred from their order to the Senate exclusively. Having acquired a relish for the great gains and power of the judicial office, this suspicion disturbed them. Most of them fell into doubt and distrust toward each other, discussing which ones seemed more worthy than others to be enrolled among the 300; and envy against their betters filled the breasts of the remainder. Above all were they angry at the revival of the charge of bribery, which they thought had been ere this entirely suppressed, so far as they were concerned.

Edition note

B.C. 91

1.5.36 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.5.36

οὕτω μὲν δὴ καὶ οἱ ἱππεῖς καὶ ἡ βουλή, καίπερ ἔχοντες ἀλλήλοις διαφόρως, ἐς τὸ Δρούσου μῖσος συνεφρόνουν, καὶ μόνος ὁ δῆμος ἔχαιρε ταῖς ἀποικίαις. οἱ Ἰταλιῶται δʼ, ὑπὲρ ὧν δὴ καὶ μάλιστα ὁ Δροῦσος ταῦτα ἐτέχνάζε, καὶ οἵδε περὶ τῷ νόμῳ τῆς ἀποικίας ἐδεδοίκεσαν, ὡς τῆς δημοσίας Ῥωμαίων γῆς, ἣν ἀνέμητον οὖσαν ἔτι οἱ μὲν ἐκ βίας, οἱ δὲ λανθάνοντες ἐγεώργουν, αὐτίκα σφῶν ἀφαιρεθησομένης, καὶ πολλὰ καὶ περὶ τῆς ἰδίας ἐνοχλησόμενοι. Τυρρηνοί τε καὶ Ὀμβρικοὶ ταὐτὰ δειμαίνοντες τοῖς Ἰταλιώταις καί, ὡς ἐδόκει, πρὸς τῶν ὑπάτων ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐπαχθέντες ἔργῳ μὲν ἐς ἀναίρεσιν Δρούσου, λόγῳ δʼ ἐς κατηγορίαν, τοῦ νόμου φανερῶς κατεβόων καὶ τὴν τῆς δοκιμασίας ἡμέραν ἀνέμενον. ὧν ὁ Δροῦσος αἰσθανόμενός τε καὶ οὐ θαμινὰ προϊών, ἀλλʼ ἔνδον ἐν περιπάτῳ βραχὺ φῶς ἔχοντι χρηματίζων ἀεὶ καὶ περὶ ἑσπέραν τὸ πλῆθος ἀποπέμπων ἐξεβόησεν ἄφνω πεπλῆχθαι καὶ λέγων ἔτι κατέπεσεν. εὑρέθη δὲ ἐς τὸν μηρὸν αὐτῷ σκυτοτόμου μαχαίριον ἐμπεπηγμένον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.5.36

Thus it came to pass that both the Senate and the knights, although opposed to each other, were united in hating Drusus. Only the plebeians were gratified with the colonies. The Italians, in whose interest chiefly Drusus was devising these plans, were apprehensive about the law providing for the colonies, because they thought that the Roman public domain (which was still undivided and which they were cultivating, some by force and others clandestinely) would be taken away from them, and that in many cases they might even be disturbed in their private holdings. The Etruscans and the Umbrians had the same fears as the Italians, and when they were summoned to the city, as it was thought, by the consuls, ostensibly for the purpose of complaining against the law of Drusus, but actually, as is believed, for the purpose of killing him, they cried down the law publicly and waited for the day of the comitia. Drusus learned of the plot against him and did not go out frequently, but transacted business from day to day in the atrium of his house, which was poorly lighted. One evening as he was sending the crowd away he exclaimed suddenly that he was wounded, and fell down while uttering the words. A shoemaker’s knife was found thrust into his hip.

Edition note

Until the end of the third century B.C. the word Italy applied only to that part of the peninsula south of Etruria and Umbria.

1.5.37 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.5.37

οὕτω μὲν δὴ καὶ Δροῦσος ἀνῄρητο δημαρχῶν. καὶ οἱ ἱππεῖς ἐπίβασιν ἐς συκοφαντίαν τῶν ἐχθρῶν τὸ πολίτευμα αὐτοῦ τιθέμενοι, Κόιντον Οὐράιον δήμαρχον ἔπεισαν εἰσηγήσασθαι κρίσεις εἶναι κατὰ τῶν τοῖς Ἰταλιώταις ἐπὶ τὰ κοινὰ φανερῶς ἢ κρύφα βοηθούντων, ἐλπίσαντες τοὺς δυνατοὺς ἅπαντας αὐτίκα εἰς ἔγκλημα ἐπίφθονον ὑπάξεσθαι καὶ δικάσειν μὲν αὐτοί, γενομένων δʼ ἐκείνων ἐκποδὼν δυνατώτερον ἔτι τῆς πόλεως ἐπάρξειν. τὸν μὲν δὴ νόμον ἀπαγορευόντων τῶν ἑτέρων δημάρχων μὴ τίθεσθαι, περιστάντες οἱ ἱππεῖς σὺν ξιφιδίοις γυμνοῖς ἐκύρωσαν· ὡς δʼ ἐκεκύρωτο, αὐτίκα τοῖς ἐπιφανεστάτοις τῶν βουλευτῶν ἐπεγράφοντο κατήγοροι. καὶ Βηστίας μὲν οὐδʼ ὑπακούσας ἑκὼν ἔφευγεν ὡς οὐκ ἐκδώσων ἑαυτὸν εἰς χεῖρας ἐχθρῶν, καὶ Κόττας ἐπʼ ἐκείνῳ παρῆλθε μὲν ἐς τὸ δικαστήριον, σεμνολογήσας δὲ ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐπεπολίτευτο, καὶ λοιδορησάμενος τοῖς ἱππεῦσι φανερῶς, ἐξῄει τῆς πόλεως καὶ ὅδε πρὸ τῆς ψήφου· Μούμμιος δʼ, ὁ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἑλών, αἰσχρῶς ἐνεδρευθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἱππέων ὑποσχομένων αὐτὸν ἀπολύσειν κατεκρίθη φεύγειν καὶ ἐν Δήλῳ διεβίωσεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.5.37

Thus was Drusus also slain while serving as tribune. The knights, in order to make his policy a ground of accusation against their enemies, persuaded the tribune Quintus Varius to bring forward a law to prosecute those who should, either openly or secretly, aid the Italians to acquire citizenship. They hoped to bring all the leaders under malicious indictment, and themselves to sit in judgment on them, and that when their enemies were out of the way they should be more powerful than ever in the government of Rome. When the other tribunes interposed their veto the knights surrounded them with drawn daggers and enacted the measure, whereupon accusers at once brought actions against the most illustrious of the senators. Of these Bestia did not respond, but went into exile voluntarily rather than surrender himself into the hands of his enemies. After him Cotta went before the court, made a brilliant defence of his administration of public affairs, and openly reviled the knights. He, too, departed from the city before the vote of the judges was taken. Mummius, the one who had conquered Greece, was basely ensnared by the knights, who promised to acquit him, but condemned him to banishment. He passed the remainder of his life at Delos.

1.5.38 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.5.38

ἐπιπολάζοντος δʼ ἐς πολὺ τοῦ κακοῦ κατὰ τῶν ἀρίστων, ὅ τε δῆμος ἤχθετο τοιῶνδε καὶ τοσάδε εἰργασμένων ἀνδρῶν ἀθρόως ἀφαιρούμενος, καὶ οἱ Ἰταλοὶ τοῦ τε Δρούσου πάθους πυνθανόμενοι καὶ τῆς ἐς τὴν φυγὴν τούτων προφάσεως, οὐκ ἀνασχετὸν σφίσιν ἔτι ἡγούμενοι τοὺς ὑπὲρ σφῶν πολιτεύοντας τοιάδε πάσχειν οὐδʼ ἄλλην τινὰ μηχανὴν ἐλπίδος ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν ἔτι ὁρῶντες, ἔγνωσαν ἀποστῆναι Ῥωμαίων ἄντικρυς καὶ πολεμεῖν αὐτοῖς κατὰ κράτος. κρύφα τε διεπρεσβεύοντο συντιθέμενοι περὶ τῶνδε καὶ ὅμηρα διέπεμπον ἐς πίστιν ἀλλήλοις. ὧν ἐς πολὺ μὲν οὐκ ἐπῄσθοντο Ῥωμαῖοι διὰ τὰς ἐν ἄστει κρίσεις τε καὶ στάσεις· ὡς δʼ ἐπύθοντο, περιέπεμπον ἐς τὰς πόλεις ἀπὸ σφῶν τοὺς ἑκάστοις μάλιστα ἐπιτηδείους, ἀφανῶς τὰ γιγόμενα ἐξετάζειν. καί τις ἐκ τούτων μειράκιον ὅμηρον ἰδὼν ἐξ Ἄσκλου πόλεως ἐς ἑτέραν ἀγόμενον ἐμήνυσε τῷ περὶ τὰ χωρία ἀνθυπάτῳ Σερουιλίῳ. ἦσαν γάρ, ὡς ἔοικε, τότε καὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἄρχοντες ἀνθύπατοι κατὰ μέρη· ὃ καὶ Ἁδριανὸς ἄρα μιμούμενος ὕστερον χρόνῳ πολλῷ, τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ἀρχὴν Ῥωμαίοις ἡγούμενος, ἀνεκαίνισε, καὶ μετʼ αὐτὸν ἐπέμεινεν ἐς βραχύ. ὁ δὲ Σερουίλιος θερμότερον ἐσδραμὼν ἐς τὸ Ἄσκλον καὶ πανηγυρίζουσι τοῖς Ἀσκλαίοις χαλεπῶν ἀπειλῶν ἀνῃρέθη ὡς ὑπὸ ἤδη πεφωραμένων. ἐπανῃρέθη δʼ αὐτῷ καὶ Φοντήιος, ὃς ἐπρέσβευεν αὐτῷ· καλοῦσι δʼ οὕτω τοὺς τοῖς ἡγεμόσι τῶν ἐθνῶν ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς ἑπομένους ἐς βοήθειαν. πεσόντων δὲ τῶνδε, οὐδὲ τῶν ἄλλων Ῥωμαίων τις ἦν φειδώ, ἀλλὰ τοὺς παρὰ σφίσι πάντας οἱ Ἀσκλαῖοι συνεκέντουν ἐπιτρέχοντες καὶ τὰ ὄντα αὐτοῖς διήρπαζον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.5.38

As this wickedness prevailed more and more against the best citizens, the people were grieved because they were deprived all at once of so many men who had rendered such great services. When the Italians learned of the killing of Drusus and of the reason alleged for banishing the others, they considered it no longer bearable that those who were laboring for their political advancement should suffer such outrages, and as they saw no other means of acquiring citizenship they decided to revolt from the Romans altogether, and to make war against them with all their might. They sent envoys to each other secretly, formed a league, and exchanged hostages as a pledge of good faith. The Romans were in ignorance of these facts for a long time, being preoccupied by the judicial proceedings and the seditions in the city. When they heard what was going on they sent men around to the towns, choosing those who were best acquainted with each, to collect information quietly. One of these saw a young man who was being taken as a hostage from the town of Asculum to another town, and informed Servilius, the proconsul in those parts. (It appears that there were proconsuls at that time governing the various parts of Italy; Hadrian revived the custom a long time afterward when he held the supreme power, but it did not long survive him.) Servilius hastened to Asculum and indulged in very menacing language to the people, who were celebrating a festival, and they put him to death, supposing that the plot was discovered. They also killed Fonteius, his legate (for so they call those of the senatorial order who accompany the governors of provinces as assistants). After these were slain none of the other Romans in Asculum were spared. The inhabitants fell upon them, slaughtered them all, and plundered their goods.

Edition note

Y.R. 664

1.5.39 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.5.39

ἐκραγείσης δὲ τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἅπαντα, ὅσα τοῖς Ἀσκλαίοις ἔθνη γείτονα ἦν, συνεξέφαινε τὴν παρασκευήν, Μάρσοι τε καὶ Παιλιγνοὶ καὶ Οὐηστῖνοι καὶ Μαρρουκῖνοι καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις Πικεντῖνοι καὶ Φρεντανοὶ καὶ Ἱρπῖνοι καὶ Πομπηιανοὶ καὶ Οὐενούσιοι καὶ Ἰάπυγες, Λευκανοί τε καὶ Σαυνῖται, χαλεπὰ Ῥωμαίοις καὶ πρὶν ἔθνη γενόμενα, ὅσα τε ἄλλα ἀπὸ Λίριος ποταμοῦ, ὃν νῦν μοι δοκοῦσι Λίτερνον ἡγεῖσθαι, ἐπὶ τὸν μυχόν ἐστι τοῦ Ἰονίου κόλπου πεζεύοντι καὶ περιπλέοντι. πέμψασι δʼ αὐτοῖς ἐς Ῥώμην πρέσβεις αἰτιωμένους, ὅτι πάντα Ῥωμαίοις ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν συνεργασάμενοι οὐκ ἀξιοῦνται τῆς τῶν βεβοηθημένων πολιτείας, ἡ βουλὴ μάλα καρτερῶς ἀπεκρίνατο, εἰ μεταγινώσκουσι τῶν γεγονότων, πρεσβεύειν ἐς αὐτήν, ἄλλως δὲ μή. οἱ μὲν δὴ πάντα ἀπογνόντες ἐς παρασκευὴν καθίσταντο· καὶ αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τῷ κατὰ πόλιν στρατῷ κοινὸς ἦν ἱππέων τε καὶ πεζῶν ἕτερος ἐς δέκα μυριάδας. καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν ἴσον αὐτοῖς ἀντεξέπεμπον ἀπό τε σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ἔτι συμμαχούντων σφίσιν ἐθνῶν τῆς Ἰταλίας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.5.39

When the revolt broke out all the neighboring peoples showed their preparedness at the same time, the Marsi, the Peligni, the Vestini, the Marrucini; and after them the Picentines, the Frentani, the Hirpini, the Pompeiians, the Venusini, the Apulians, the Lucanians, and the Samnites, all of whom had been hostile to the Romans before; also all the rest extending from the river Liris (which is now, I think, the Liternus) to the extremity of the Adriatic gulf, both inland and sea-coast. They sent ambassadors to Rome to complain that although they had coöperated in all ways with the Romans in building up the empire, the latter had not been willing to admit their helpers to citizenship. The Senate answered sternly that if they repented of what they had done they could send ambassadors, otherwise not. The Italians, in despair of any other remedy, went on with their preparations for war. Besides the soldiers which were kept for guards at each town, they had forces in common amounting to about 100,000 foot and horse. The Romans sent an equal force against them, made up of their own citizens and of the Italian peoples who were still in alliance with them.

Edition note

B.C. 90

1.5.40 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.5.40

ἡγοῦντο δὲ Ῥωμαίων μὲν ὕπατοι Σέξστος τε Ἰούλιος Καῖσαρ καὶ Πόπλιος Ῥουτίλιος Λοῦπος· ἄμφω γὰρ ὡς ἐς μέγαν τε καὶ ἐμφύλιον πόλεμον ἐξῄεσαν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰς πύλας οἱ ὑπόλοιποι καὶ τὰ τείχη διὰ χειρὸς εἶχον ὡς ἐπʼ οἰκείῳ καὶ γείτονι μάλιστα ἔργῳ. τό τε ποικίλον τοῦ πολέμου καὶ πολυμερὲς ἐνθυμούμενοι ὑποστρατήγους τοῖς ὑπάτοις συνέπεμψαν τοὺς τότε ἀρίστους, ὑπὸ μὲν Ῥουτιλίῳ Γναῖόν τε Πομπήιον, τὸν πατέρα Πομπηίου τοῦ Μάγνου παρονομασθέντος, καὶ Κόιντον Καιπίωνα καὶ Γάιον Περπένναν καὶ Γάιον Μάριον καὶ Οὐαλέριον Μεσσάλαν, ὑπὸ δὲ Σέξστῳ Καίσαρι Πούπλιον Λέντλον, ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος, καὶ Τίτον Δίδιον καὶ Λικίνιον Κράσσον καὶ Κορνήλιον Σύλλαν καὶ Μάρκελλον ἐπὶ τοῖσδε. τοσοίδε μὲν δὴ τοῖς ὑπάτοις διελόμενοι τὴν χώραν ὑπεστρατήγουν. καὶ πάντας ἐπεπορεύοντο οἱ ὕπατοι· καὶ αὐτοῖς οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ ἑτέρους ὡς ἐς μέγαν ἀγῶνα ἔπεμπον ἑκάστοτε. Ἰταλοῖς δʼ ἦσαν μὲν στρατηγοὶ καὶ κατὰ πόλεις ἕτεροι, κοινοὶ δʼ ἐπὶ τῷ κοινῷ στρατῷ καὶ τοῦ παντὸς αὐτοκράτορες Τίτος Λαφρήνιος καὶ Γάιος Ποντίλιος καὶ Μάριος Ἐγνάτιος καὶ Κόιντος Ποπαίδιος καὶ Γάιος Πάπιος καὶ Μᾶρκος Λαμπώνιος καὶ Γάιος Οὐιδακίλιος καὶ Ἕριος Ἀσίνιος καὶ Οὐέττιος Σκάτων, οἳ τὸν στρατὸν ὁμοίως μερισάμενοι τοῖς Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῖς ἀντεκαθέζοντο καὶ πολλὰ μὲν ἔδρασαν, πολλὰ δʼ ἔπαθον. ὧν ἑκατέρων, ἐν κεφαλαίῳ φράσαι, τὰ ἀξιολογώτατα ἦν τοιάδε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.5.40

The Romans were led by the consuls Sextus Julius Caesar and Publius Rutilius Lupus, for in this great civil war both consuls marched forth at once, leaving the gates and walls in charge of others, as was customary in cases of danger arising at home or very near by. When the war was found to be complicated and many-sided, they sent their most renowned men as lieutenant-generals to aid the consuls: to Rutilius, Gnaeus Pompeius, the father of Pompey the Great, Quintus Caepio, Gaius Perpenna, Gaius Marius, and Valerius Messala; to Sextus Caesar, Publius Lentulus, a brother of Caesar himself, Titus Didius, Licinius Crassus, Cornelius Sulla, and Marcellus. All these served under the consuls and the country was divided among them. The consuls visited all parts of the field of operations, and the Romans sent them additional forces continually, knowing that it was a great conflict. The Italians had generals for their united forces besides those of the separate towns. The chief commanders were Titus Lafrenius, Gaius Pontilius, Marius Egnatius, Quintus Pompaedius, Gaius Papius, Marcus Lamponius, Gaius Judacilius, Herius Asinius, and Vettius Cato. They divided their army in equal parts, took their positions against the Roman generals, performed many notable exploits, and suffered many disasters. The most memorable events of each class I shall here summarize.

1.5.41 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.5.41

Οὐέττιος μὲν Σκάτων Σέξστον Ἰούλιον τρεψάμενός τε καὶ δισχιλίους κτείνας ἐπὶ Αἰσερνίαν ἤλασε ῥωμαΐζουσαν· καὶ αὐτὴν οἱ μὲν συντάττοντες, Λεύκιός τε Σκιπίων καὶ Λεύκιος Ἀκίλιος θεραπόντων ἐσθῆτας ὑποδύντες ἀπέδρασαν, χρόνῳ δὲ καὶ λιμῷ παρεστήσαντο οἱ πολέμιοι. Μάριος δὲ Ἐγνάτιος Οὐέναφρον ἑλὼν ἐκ προδοσίας ἔκτεινε δύο Ῥωμαίων σπείρας ἐν αὐτῇ. Πρησενταῖος δὲ Πόπλιος Περπένναν μυρίων ἀνδρῶν ἡγούμενον ἐτρέψατο καὶ ἔκτεινεν ἐς τετρακισχιλίους καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν τοῦ πλέονος μέρους τὰ ὅπλα ἔλαβε· ἐφʼ ὅτῳ Περπένναν Ῥουτίλιος ὕπατος παρέλυσε τῆς στρατηγίας καὶ τὸ μέρος τοῦ στρατοῦ Γαΐῳ Μαρίῳ προσέθηκεν. Μᾶρκος δὲ Λαμπώνιος τῶν ἀμφὶ Λικίνιον Κράσσον ἀνεῖλεν ἐς ὀκτακοσίους καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἐς Γρούμεντον πόλιν συνεδίωξε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.5.41

Vettius Cato defeated Sextus Julius, killed 2000 of his men, and marched against aesernia, which adhered to Rome. L. Scipio and L. Acilius, who were in command here, escaped in the disguise of slaves. The enemy, after a considerable time, reduced it by famine. Marius Egnatius captured Venafrum by treachery and slew two Roman cohorts there. Publius Presenteius defeated Perpenna, who had 10,000 men under his command, killed 4000 and captured the arms of the greater part of the others, for which reason the consul Rutilius deprived Perpenna of his command and gave his division of the army to Gaius Marius. Marcus Lamponius destroyed some 800 of the forces under Licinius Crassus and drove the remainder into the town of Grumentum.

1.5.42 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.5.42

Γάιος δὲ Πάπιος Νῶλάν τε εἷλεν ἐκ προδοσίας καὶ τοῖς ἐν αὐτῇ Ῥωμαίοις, δισχιλίοις οὖσιν, ἐκήρυξεν, εἰ μεταθοῖντο, στρατεύσειν ἑαυτῷ. καὶ τούσδε μὲν ὁ Πάπιος μεταθεμένους ἐστράτευεν· οἱ δʼ ἡγεμόνες αὐτῶν οὐχ ὑπακούσαντες τῷ κηρύγματι ἐλήφθησαν αἰχμάλωτοι καὶ λιμῷ πρὸς τοῦ Παπίου διεφθάρησαν. Πάπιος δὲ καὶ Σταβίας εἷλε καὶ Μινέρουιον καὶ Σάλερνον, ἣ Ῥωμαίων ἄποικος ἦν· καὶ τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῶν αἰχμαλώτους τε καὶ δούλους ἐστράτευεν. ὡς δὲ καὶ Νουκερίας τὰ ἐν κύκλῳ πάντα κατέπρησεν, αἱ πλησίον αὐτῷ πόλεις καταπλαγεῖσαι προσετίθεντο στρατιάν τε αἰτοῦντι παρέσχον ἐς μυρίους πεζοὺς καὶ ἱππέας χιλίους· μεθʼ ὧν ὁ Πάπιος Ἀχέρραις παρεκάθητο. Σέξστου δὲ Καίσαρος Γαλατῶν πεζοὺς μυρίους καὶ Νομάδας Μαυρουσίους ἱππέας καὶ πεζοὺς προσλαβόντος τε καὶ χωροῦντος ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀχέρρας, ὁ Πάπιος Ὀξύνταν, υἱὸν Ἰογόρθου τοῦ Νομάδων ποτὲ βασιλέως, ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἐν Οὐενουσίᾳ φυλαττόμενον, ἤγαγεν ἐκ τῆς Οὐενουσίας καὶ περιθεὶς αὐτῷ πορφύραν βασιλικὴν ἐπεδείκνυ θαμινὰ τοῖς Νομάσι τοῖς σὺν Καίσαρι. πολλῶν δʼ ὡς πρὸς ἴδιον βασιλέα αὐτομολούντων ἀθρόως, τοὺς μὲν λοιποὺς τῶν Νομάδων ὡς ὑπόπτους ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐς Λιβύην ἀπέπεμψε, Πασίου δὲ πελάσαντος αὐτῷ σὺν καταφρονήσει καὶ μέρος ἤδη τοῦ χάρακος διασπῶντος, τοὺς ἱππέας ἐκπέμψας κατʼ ἄλλας πύλας ἔκτεινε τοῦ Παπίου περὶ ἑξακισχιλίους. καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε Καῖσαρ μὲν ἐξ Ἀχερρῶν ἀνεζεύγνυεν, Οὐιδακιλίῳ δʼ ἐν Ἰαπυγίᾳ προσετίθεντο Κανύσιοι καὶ Οὐενούσιοι καὶ ἕτεραι πόλεις πολλαί. τινὰς δὲ καὶ ἀπειθούσας ἐξεπολιόρκει, καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς Ῥωμαίων τοὺς μὲν ἐπιφανεῖς ἔκτεινε, τοὺς δὲ δημότας καὶ δούλους ἐστράτευε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.5.42

Gaius Papius captured Nola by treachery and offered to the 2000 Roman soldiers in it the privilege of serving under him if they would change their allegiance. They did so, but as their officers refused the proposal the latter were taken prisoners and starved to death by Papius. In conjunction with Stabias he captured Minturnae, and Salernum, which was a Roman colony. The prisoners and the slaves from these places were taken into the military service. Then he plundered the entire country around Nuceria. The towns in the vicinity were struck with terror and submitted to him, and when he demanded military assistance they furnished him about 10,000 foot and 1000 horse. With these Papius laid siege to Acerrae. Sextus Caesar, with 10,000 Gallic foot and certain Numidian and Mauretanian horse and foot, advanced toward Acerrae. Papius took a son of Jugurtha, formerly king of Numidia, named Oxynta, who was under charge of a Roman guard at Venusia, led him out of that place, clothed him in royal purple, and showed him frequently to the Numidians who were in Caesar’s army. Many of them deserted, as if to their own king, so that Caesar was obliged to send the rest back to Africa, as they were not trustworthy. Papius attacked him rashly, and had already made a breach in his fortified camp when Caesar debouched with his horse through the other gates and slew about 6000 of his men, after which Caesar withdrew from Acerrae. Canusia and Venusia and many other towns in Apulia sided with Judacilius. Some that did not submit he besieged, and he put to death the principal Roman citizens in them, but the common people and the slaves he enrolled in his army.

1.5.43 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.5.43

Ῥουτίλιος δὲ ὁ ὕπατος καὶ Γάιος Μάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Λίριος ποταμοῦ γεφύρας ἐς διάβασιν ἐξ οὐ πολλοῦ διαστήματος ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων ἐπήγνυντο· καὶ Οὐέττιος Σκάτων αὐτοῖς ἀντεστρατοπέδευε παρὰ τὴν Μαρίου μάλιστα γέφυραν ἔλαθέ τε νυκτὸς περὶ τὴν Ῥουτιλίου γέφυραν λόχους ἐν φάραγξιν ἐνεδρεύσας. ἅμα δʼ ἕῳ τὸν Ῥουτίλιον διελθεῖν ὑπεριδὼν ἀνέστησε τὰς ἐνέδρας καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν ἔκτεινεν ἐπὶ τοῦ ξηροῦ, πολλοὺς δʼ ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν κατῶσεν· ὅ τε Ῥουτίλιος αὐτὸς ἐν τῷδε τῷ πόνῳ βέλει τρωθεὶς ἐς τὴν κεφαλὴν μετʼ ὀλίγον ἀπέθανε. καὶ Μάριος, ἐπὶ τῆς ἑτέρας ὢν γεφύρας τὸ συμβὰν ἐκ τῶν φερομένων κατὰ τὸ ῥεῦμα σωμάτων εἰκάσας τοὺς ἐν ποσὶν ὤσατο καὶ τὸ ῥεῦμα περάσας τὸν χάρακα τοῦ Σκάτωνος ὑπʼ ὀλίγων φυλαττόμενον εἷλεν, ὥστε τὸν Σκάτωνα νυκτερεῦσαί τε, ἔνθαπερ ἐνίκησε, καὶ ἀποροῦντα ἀγορᾶς ἀναζεῦξαι περὶ τὴν ἕω. Ῥουτιλίου δὲ τοῦ σώματος καὶ πολλῶν ἄλλων ἐπιφανῶν ἐπὶ ταφὴν ἐς Ῥώμην ἐνεχθέντων ἥ τε ὄψις ἀηδὴς ἦν ὑπάτου καὶ τοσῶνδε ἄλλων ἀνῃρημένων καὶ πολυήμερον ἐπὶ τῷδε πένθος ἠγέρθη. καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦδε ἡ βουλὴ τοὺς ἀποθνῄσκοντας ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις ἔκρινεν, ἔνθαπερ ἂν θάνωσι, θάπτεσθαι, τοῦ μὴ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἐκ τῆς ὄψεως ἀποτρέπεσθαι τῶν στρατειῶν. τὸ δʼ αὐτὸ καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι πυθόμενοι περὶ σφῶν ἐψηφίσαντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.5.43

The consul Rutilius and Gaius Marius built bridges over the river Liris at no great distance from each other. Vettius Cato pitched his camp opposite them, but nearer to the bridge of Marius, and placed an ambush by night in some ravines around the bridge of Rutilius. Early in the morning, after he had allowed Rutilius to cross the bridge, he started up from ambush and killed a large number of the enemy on the dry land and drove many into the river. In this fight Rutilius himself was wounded in the head by a missile and died soon afterward. Marius was on the other bridge and when he guessed, from the bodies floating down stream, what had happened, he pushed away those in his front, crossed the river, and captured the camp of Cato, which was guarded by only a small force, so that Cato was obliged to spend the night where he had won his victory, and to retreat in the morning for want of provisions. The body of Rutilius and those of many other patricians were brought to Rome for burial. The corpses of the consul and his numerous comrades made a piteous spectacle and the mourning lasted many days. The Senate decreed from this time on that those who were killed in war should be buried where they fell, lest others should be deterred by the spectacle from entering the army. When the enemy heard of this they made a similar decree for themselves.

1.6.44 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.6.44

Ῥουτιλίῳ μὲν δὴ διάδοχος ἐπὶ τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ ἔτους οὐκ ἐγένετο, Σέξστου Καίσαρος οὐκ ἀγαγόντος σχολὴν διαδραμεῖν ἐπὶ ἀρχαιρέσια ἐς Ῥώμην· τῆς δʼ ὑπʼ αὐτῷ στρατιᾶς ἡ βουλὴ προσέταξεν ἄρχειν Γάιόν τε Μάριον καὶ Κόιντον Καιπίωνα. τούτῳ τῷ Καιπίωνι Κόιντος Ποπαίδιος ὁ ἀντιστράτηγος οἷά τις αὐτόμολος προσέφυγεν, ἄγων καὶ διδοὺς ἐνέχυρον δύο βρέφη δοῦλα, καθάπερ υἱεῖς, ἐσκευασμένα ἐσθῆσι περιπορφύροις· ἐς δὲ πίστιν ἔφερε καὶ μάζας ἐκ μολύβδου, χρυσῷ καὶ ἀργύρῳ περιβεβλημένας· καὶ ἐδεῖτο κατὰ σπουδὴν αὑτῷ τὸν Καιπίωνα ἕπεσθαι μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς ὡς καταληψόμενον αὑτοῦ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἔρημον ἔτι ἄρχοντος. Καιπίων μὲν δὴ πειθόμενος εἵπετο, Ποπαίδιος δὲ πλησίον τῆς ἐσκευασμένης ἐνέδρας γενόμενος ἀνέδραμεν ἔς τινα λόφον ὡς κατοψόμενος τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ σημεῖον αὐτοῖς ἐπῇρεν. οἱ δὲ ἐκφανέντες αὐτόν τε Καιπίωνα καὶ πολλοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ κατέκοψαν· καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν τῆς στρατιᾶς Καιπίωνος ἡ σύγκλητος Μαρίῳ προσέζευξεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.6.44

There was no successor to Rutilius in the consulship for the remainder of the year, as Sextus Caesar did not have leisure to go to the city and hold the comitia. The Senate appointed G. Marius and Q. Caepio to command the forces of Rutilius in the field. The opposing general, Q. Pompaedius, fled as a pretended deserter to this Caepio. He brought with him and gave as a pledge two slave babies, clad with the purple-bordered garments of free-born children, pretending that they were his own sons. As further confirmation of his good faith he brought masses of lead plated with gold and silver. He urged Caepio to follow him in all haste with his army and capture the hostile army while destitute of a leader. Caepio was deceived and followed him. When they had arrived at a place where an ambush had been laid, Pompaedius ran up to the top of a hill as though he were searching for the enemy, and gave his own men a signal. The latter sprang out of their concealment and cut Caepio and most of his force in pieces. The Senate joined the rest of Caepio’s army to that of Marius.

1.6.45 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.6.45

Σέξστος δὲ Καῖσαρ μετὰ τρισμυρίων πεζῶν καὶ ἱππέων πεντακισχιλίων διεξιών τινα φάραγγα καὶ κρημνούς, ἄφνω προσπεσόντος αὐτῷ Μαρίου Ἐγνατίου, ἐς τὴν φάραγγα περιωσθεὶς ἔφυγεν ἐπὶ κλίνης διὰ νόσον ἐπί τινα ποταμόν, οὗ μία γέφυρα ἦν· καὶ ἐνταῦθα τὸ πλέον τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπολέσας καὶ τῶν ὑπολοίπων τὰ ὅπλα, μόλις ἐς Τεανὸν καταφυγὼν ὥπλιζεν, οὓς ἔτι εἶχεν, ὡς ἐδύνατο. ἑτέρου δὲ πλήθους αὐτῷ κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐπελθόντος, ἐπὶ Ἀχέρρας ἔτι πολιορκουμένας ὑπὸ τοῦ Παπίου μετῄει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.6.45

While Sextus Caesar was passing through a rocky defile with 30,000 foot and 5000 horse Marius Egnatius suddenly fell upon him and defeated him in it. He retreated on a litter, as he was sick, to a certain stream where there was only one bridge, and there he lost the greater part of his force and the arms of the survivors. He escaped to Teanum with difficulty and there he armed the remainder of his men as best he could. Reënforcements were sent to him speedily and he marched to the relief of Acerrae, which was still besieged by Papius, but when their camps were pitched opposite each other neither of them dared to attack the other.

1.6.46 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.6.46

καὶ οἵδε μὲν ἀλλήλαις ἀντιστρατοπεδεύοντες οὐκ ἐπεχείρουν οὐδέτερος οὐδετέρῳ διὰ φόβον· Μάρσους δὲ Κορνήλιος Σύλλας καὶ Γάιος Μάριος ἐπιθεμένους σφίσι συντόνως ἐδίωκον, μέχρι θριγκοῖς ἀμπέλων ἐμπεσεῖν αὐτούς· καὶ Μάρσοι μὲν τοὺς θριγκοὺς κακοπαθῶς ὑπερέβαινον, Μαρίῳ δὲ καὶ Σύλλᾳ διώκειν ὑπὲρ τούτους οὐκ ἔδοξεν. Κορνήλιος δὲ Σύλλας ἐπὶ θάτερα τῶνδε τῶν ἀμπέλων στρατοπεδεύων, αἰσθόμενος τοῦ γεγονότος ὑπήντα τοῖς ἐκφεύγουσι τῶν Μάρσων καὶ πολλοὺς καὶ ὅδε ἀπέκτεινεν, ὡς τὸν φόνον ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας γενέσθαι περὶ πλείους ἑξακισχιλίων, ὅπλα δʼ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ληφθῆναι πολὺ πλείονα. Μάρσοι μὲν δὴ δίκην θηρίων, τῷ πταίσματι προσαγανακτοῦντες, αὖθις ὡπλίζοντο καὶ παρεσκευάζοντο αὐτοῖς ἐπιέναι, προεπιχειρεῖν μὴ θαρροῦσι μηδὲ ἄρχειν μάχης· ἔστι γὰρ τὸ ἔθνος πολεμικώτατον, καὶ φασι κατʼ αὐτοῦ θρίαμβον ἐπὶ τῷδε τῷ πταίσματι γενέσθαι μόνῳ, λεγόμενον πρότερον οὔτε κατὰ Μάρσων οὔτε ἄνευ Μάρσων γενέσθαι θρίαμβον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.6.46

Cornelius Sulla and Gaius Marius defeated the Marsians, who had attacked them. They pursued the enemy vigorously as far as the walls enclosing their vineyards. The Marsians scaled these walls with loss, but Marius and Sulla did not deem it wise to follow them farther. Cornelius Sulla was encamped on the other side of these enclosures and when he knew what had happened he came out to meet the Marsians, as they tried to escape, and killed a great number. More than 6000 Marsians were slain that day, and the arms of a still greater number were captured by the Romans. The Marsians were rendered as furious as wild beasts by this disaster. They armed their forces again and prepared to march against the enemy, but did not dare to take the offensive or to begin a battle. They are a very warlike race, and it is said that no triumph was ever awarded for a victory over them except for this single disaster. There had been up to this time a saying, No triumph over Marsians or without Marsians.

1.6.47 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.6.47

περὶ δὲ τὸ Φάλερνον ὄρος Γναῖον Πομπήιον Οὐιδακίλιος καὶ Τίτος Λαφρήνιος καὶ Πόπλιος Οὐέττιος, ἐς ταὐτὸν ἀλλήλοις συνελθόντες, ἐτρέποντο καὶ κατεδίωκον ἐς πόλιν Φίρμον. καὶ οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ἐφʼ ἕτερα ᾤχοντο, Λαφρήνιος δὲ παρεκάθητο Πομπηίῳ ἐς τὸ Φίρμον κατακεκλεισμένῳ. ὁ δʼ αὐτίκα μὲν ὁπλίζων τοὺς ὑπολοίπους ἐς χεῖρας οὐκ ᾔει, προσελθόντος δὲ ἑτέρου στρατοῦ Σουλπίκιον περιέπεμπεν ὀπίσω τοῦ Λαφρηνίου γενέσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς κατὰ μέτωπον ἐπῄει. γενομένης δʼ ἐν χερσὶ τῆς μάχης καὶ πονουμένοιν ἀμφοῖν, ὁ Σουλπίκιος ἐνεπίμπρη τὸ τῶν πολεμίων στρατόπεδον, καὶ τοῦθʼ οἱ πολέμιοι κατιδόντες ἐς Ἄσκλον ἔφευγον, ἀκόσμως ἅμα καὶ ἀστρατηγήτως· Λαφρήνιος γὰρ ἐπεπτώκει μαχόμενος. Πομπήιος δὲ καὶ τὸ Ἄσκλον ἐπελθὼν ἐπολιόρκει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.6.47

Judacilius and T. Lafrenius and P. Ventidius united their forces near Mount Falerinus and defeated Gnaeus Pompeius and pursued him to the city of Firmum. Then they went different ways. Lafrenius besieged Pompeius, who had shut himself up in Firmum. The latter armed his remaining forces, but did not come to an engagement. Having learned that another army was approaching, he sent Sulpicius around to take Lafrenius in the rear while he made a sally in front. Battle was joined and both sides were having a doubtful fight when Sulpicius set fire to the enemy’s camp. When the latter saw this they fled to Asculum in disorder and without a general, for Lafrenius had fallen in the battle. Pompeius then advanced and laid siege to Asculum.

1.6.48 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.6.48

πατρὶς δʼ ἦν Οὐιδακιλίου τὸ Ἄσκλον, καὶ δεδιὼς ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ἠπείγετο, σπείρας ἄγων ὀκτώ. προπέμψας τε τοῖς Ἀσκλαίοις ἐκέλευεν, ὅταν αὑτὸν ἴδωσι πόρρωθεν ἐπιόντα, ἐκδραμεῖν ἐπὶ τοὺς περικαθημένους, ὡς τὸν ἀγῶνα τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἑκατέρωθεν γενέσθαι· ἀλλὰ Ἀσκλαῖοι μὲν ἀπώκνησαν, ὁ δὲ Οὐιδακίλιος καὶ ὣς ἐς τὴν πόλιν διὰ μέσων τῶν πολεμίων ἐσδραμὼν μεθʼ ὅσων ἐδυνήθη, ὠνείδισε μὲν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀτολμίαν καὶ δυσπείθειαν, οὐκ ἐλπίζων δʼ ἔτι τὴν πόλιν περιέσεσθαι, τοὺς μὲν ἐχθρούς, οἳ τέως αὐτῷ διεφέροντο καὶ τότε διὰ φθόνον τὸ πλῆθος ἐς ἃ παρήγγελλεν ἀπέτρεψαν, ἔκτεινε πάντας· ἐν δὲ ἱερῷ πυρὰν νήσας καὶ κλίνην ἐπιθεὶς ἐπὶ τῇ πυρᾷ, παρευωχήθη σὺν τοῖς φίλοις καὶ προϊόντος τοῦ πότου φάρμακόν τε προσηνέγκατο καὶ κατακλίνας αὑτὸν ἐπὶ τῆς πυρᾶς ἐκέλευσε τοῖς φίλοις ἅψαι τὸ πῦρ· καὶ Οὐιδακίλιος μὲν ὧδε φιλοτιμηθεὶς πρὸ τῆς πατρίδος ἀποθανεῖν κατελύθη, Σέξστος δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐξήκοντος αὐτῷ τοῦ χρόνου τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀνθύπατος ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς αἱρεθεὶς ἐπέδραμεν ἀνδράσι δισμυρίοις μεταστρατοπεδεύουσί ποι καὶ ἔκτεινεν αὐτῶν ἐς ὀκτακισχιλίους ὅπλα τε πολὺ πλειόνων ἔλαβε. χρονίου δʼ αὐτῷ τῆς περὶ τὸ Ἄσκλον οὔσης πολιορκίας, ἀποθνῄσκων ἐκ νόσου ἀντιστράτηγον ἀπέφηνε Γάιον Βαίβιον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.6.48

Asculum was the native town of Judacilius, and as he feared for its safety he hastened to its relief with eight cohorts. He sent word beforehand to the inhabitants that when they should see him advancing at a distance they should make a sally against the besiegers, so that the enemy should be attacked on both sides at once. The inhabitants were afraid to do so; nevertheless Judacilius forced his way into the city through the midst of the enemy with what followers he could get, and upbraided the citizens for their cowardice and disobedience. As he despaired of saving the city he first put to death all of his enemies, who had been at variance with him before and who, out of jealousy, had prevented the people from obeying his recent orders. Then he erected a funeral pile in the temple and placed a couch upon it, and had a feast with his friends, and while the drinking-bout was at its height he swallowed poison, threw himself on the pile, and ordered his friends to set fire to it. Thus perished Judacilius, a man who considered it glorious to die for his country. Sextus Caesar was invested with the consular power by the Senate after his term of office had expired. He attacked 20,000 of the enemy at some place while they were changing camping-places, killed about 8000 of them, and captured the arms of a much larger number. He died of a disease while pushing the long siege of Asculum; the Senate appointed Gaius Baebius his successor.

1.6.49 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.6.49

καὶ τάδε μὲν ἀμφὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἦν τὴν περὶ τὸν Ἰόνιον· αἰσθόμενοι δʼ αὐτῶν οἱ ἐπὶ θάτερα τῆς Ῥώμης Τυρρηνοὶ καὶ Ὀμβρικοὶ καὶ ἄλλα τινὰ αὐτοῖς ἔθνη γειτονεύοντα, πάντες ἐς ἀπόστασιν ἠρεθίζοντο. δείσασα οὖν ἡ βουλή, μὴ ἐν κύκλῳ γενόμενος αὐτοῖς ὁ πόλεμος ἀφύλακτος ᾖ, τὴν μὲν θάλασσαν ἐφρούρει τὴν ἀπὸ Κύμης ἐπὶ τὸ ἄστυ διʼ ἀπελευθέρων, τότε πρῶτον ἐς στρατείαν διʼ ἀπορίαν ἀνδρῶν καταλεγέντων, Ἰταλιωτῶν δὲ τοὺς ἔτι ἐν τῇ συμμαχίᾳ παραμένοντας ἐψηφίσατο εἶναι πολίτας, οὗ δὴ μάλιστα μόνον οὐ πάντες ἐπεθύμουν. καὶ τάδε ἐς Τυρρηνοὺς περιέπεμπεν, οἱ δὲ ἄσμενοι τῆς πολιτείας μετελάμβανον. καὶ τῇδε τῇ χάριτι ἡ βουλὴ τοὺς μὲν εὔνους εὐνουστέρους ἐποίησε, τοὺς δὲ ἐνδοιάζοντας ἐβεβαιώσατο, τοὺς δὲ πολεμοῦντας ἐλπίδι τινὶ τῶν ὁμοίων πραοτέρους ἐποίησεν. Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν δὴ τούσδε τοὺς νεοπολίτας οὐκ ἐς τὰς πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα φυλάς, αἳ τότε ἦσαν αὐτοῖς, κατέλεξαν, ἵνα μὴ τῶν ἀρχαίων πλέονες ὄντες ἐν ταῖς χειροτονίαις ἐπικρατοῖεν, ἀλλὰ δεκατεύοντες ἀπεφηναν ἑτέρας, ἐν αἷς ἐχειροτόνουν ἔσχατοι. καὶ πολλάκις αὐτῶν ἡ ψῆφος ἀχρεῖος ἦν, ἅτε τῶν πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα προτέρων τε καλουμένων καὶ οὐσῶν ὑπὲρ ἥμισυ. ὅπερ ἢ λαθὸν αὐτίκα ἢ καὶ ὣς αὐτὸ ἀγαπησάντων τῶν Ἰταλιωτῶν ὕστερον ἐπιγνωσθὲν ἑτέρας στάσεως ἦρξεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.6.49

While these events were transpiring on the Adriatic side of Italy, the inhabitants of Etruria and Umbria and other neighboring peoples on the other side of Rome heard of them and all were excited to revolt. The Senate, fearing lest they should be surrounded by enemies for want of guards, garrisoned the sea-coast from Cumae to the city with freedmen, who were then for the first time enrolled in the army on account of the scarcity of soldiers. The Senate also voted that those Italians who had adhered to their alliance should be admitted to citizenship, which was the one thing they all desired most. They sent this decree around among the Etruscans, who gladly accepted the citizenship. By this favor the Senate made the faithful more faithful, confirmed the wavering, and mollified their enemies by the hope of similar treatment. The Romans did not enroll the new citizens in the thirty-five existing tribes, lest they should outvote the old ones in the elections, but incorporated them in ten new tribes, which voted last. So it often happened that their vote was useless, since a majority was obtained from the thirty-five tribes that voted first. This fact was either not noticed by the Italians at the time or they were satisfied with what they had gained, but it was observed later and became the source of a new conflict.

Edition note

Y.R. 665

1.6.50 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.6.50

οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἰόνιον οὔπω τὴν Τυρρηνῶν μετάνοιαν ἐγνωκότες μυρίους καὶ πεντακισχιλίους ὁδὸν ἀτριβῆ καὶ μακρὰν ἐς τὴν Τυρρηνίαν ἐπὶ συμμαχίᾳ περιέπεμπον. καὶ αὐτοῖς ἐπιπεσὼν Γναῖος Πομπήιος, ὕπατος ὢν ἤδη, διέφθειρεν ἐς πεντακισχιλίους· καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ἐς τὰ σφέτερα διὰ ἀπόρου χώρας καὶ χειμῶνος ἐπιπόνου διατρεχόντων οἱ ἡμίσεις βαλανηφαγοῦντες διεφθάρησαν. τοῦ δʼ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος Πόρκιος μὲν Κάτων, ὁ σύναρχος τοῦ Πομπηίου, Μάρσοις πολεμῶν ἀνῃρέθη. Λεύκιος δὲ Κλοέντιος Σύλλᾳ περὶ τὰ Πομπαῖα ὄρη στρατοπεδεύοντι μάλα καταφρονητικῶς ἀπὸ σταδίων τριῶν παρεστρατοπέδευε. καὶ ὁ Σύλλας τὴν ὕβριν οὐκ ἐνεγκὼν οὐδὲ τῶν ἰδίων τοὺς χορτολογοῦντας ἀναμείνας ἐπέδραμε τῷ Κλοεντίῳ. καὶ τότε μὲν ἡττώμενος ἔφευγε, προσλαβὼν δὲ τοὺς χορτολογοῦντας τρέπεται τὸν Κλοέντιον. ὁ δʼ αὐτίκα μὲν πορρωτέρω μετεστρατοπέδευεν, ἀφικομένων δʼ αὐτῷ Γαλατῶν αὖθις ἐπλησίαζε τῷ Σύλλᾳ. καὶ συνιόντων τῶν στρατῶν Γαλάτης ἀνὴρ μεγέθει μέγας προδραμὼν προυκαλεῖτό τινα Ῥωμαίων ἐς μάχην. ὡς δʼ αὐτὸν ὑποστὰς Μαυρούσιος ἀνὴρ βραχὺς ἔκτεινεν, ἐκπλαγέντες οἱ Γαλάται αὐτίκα ἔφευγον. παραλυθείσης δὲ τῆς τάξεως οὐδʼ ὁ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ἔτι τοῦ Κλοεντίου παρέμενεν, ἀλλʼ ἔφευγεν ἐς Νῶλαν ἀκόσμως. καὶ ὁ Σύλλας αὐτοῖς ἑπόμενος ἔκτεινεν ἐς τρισμυρίους ἐν τῷ δρόμῳ καὶ τῶν Νωλαίων αὐτοὺς μιᾷ πύλῃ δεχομένων, ἵνα μὴ οἱ πολέμιοι σφίσι συνεσπέσοιεν, ἑτέρους ἔκτεινεν ἀμφὶ τοῖς τείχεσιν ἐς δισμυρίους· καὶ σὺν τοῖσδε Κλοέντιος ἀγωνιζόμενος ἔπεσε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.6.50

The insurgents along the Adriatic coast, before they learned of the change of sentiment among the Etruscans, sent 15,000 men to their assistance by a long and difficult road. Gnaeus Pompeius, who was now consul, fell upon them and killed 5000 of them. The rest made their way homeward through a trackless region, in a severe winter, living on acorns; and half of them perished. The same winter Porcius Cato, the colleague of Pompeius, was killed while fighting with the Marsians. While Sulla was encamped near the Pompeiian mountains Lucius Cluentius pitched his camp in a contemptuous manner at a distance of only three stades from him, Sulla did not tolerate this insolence, but attacked Cluentius without waiting for his own foragers to come in. He was worsted and put to flight, but when he was reënforced by his foragers he turned and defeated Cluentius. The latter then moved his camp to a greater distance. Having received certain Gallic reenforcements he again drew near to Sulla and just as the two armies were coming to an engagement a Gaul of enormous size advanced and challenged any Roman to single combat. A Mauritanian soldier of short stature accepted the challenge and killed him, whereupon the Gauls became panic-stricken and fled. Cluentius’ line of battle was thus broken and the remainder of his troops did not stand their ground, but fled, in disorder to Nola. Sulla followed them and killed 3000 in the pursuit, and as the inhabitants of Nola received them by only one gate, lest the enemy should rush in with them, he killed about 20,000 more outside the walls and among them Cluentius himself, who fell fighting bravely.

Edition note

B.C. 89

1.6.51 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.6.51

Σύλλας δʼ ἐς ἔθνος ἕτερον, Ἱρπίνους, μετεστρατοπέδευε καὶ προσέβαλεν Αἰκουλάνῳ. οἱ δὲ Λευκανοὺς προσδοκῶντες αὐτῆς ἡμέρας σφίσιν ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν ἀφίξεσθαι, τὸν Σύλλαν καιρὸν ἐς σκέψιν ᾔτουν. ὁ δʼ αἰσθανόμενος τοῦ τεχνάσματος ὥραν αὐτοῖς ἔδωκε κἀν τῇδε ξυλίνῳ ὄντι τῷ τείχει κληματίδας περιτιθεὶς μετὰ τὴν ὥραν ὑφῆπτεν. οἱ δὲ δείσαντες τὴν πόλιν παρεδίδουν. καὶ τήνδε μὲν ὁ Σύλλας διήρπαζεν ὡς οὐκ εὐνοίᾳ προσελθοῦσαν, ἀλλʼ ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης, τῶν δʼ ἄλλων ἐφείδετο προστιθεμένων, μέχρι τὸ Ἱρπίνων ἔθνος ἅπαν ὑπηγάγετο, καὶ μετῆλθεν ἐπὶ Σαυνίτας, οὐχ ᾗ Μοτίλος, ὁ τῶν Σαυνιτῶν στρατηγός, τὰς παρόδους ἐφύλαττεν, ἀλλʼ ἑτέραν ἀδόκητον ἐκ περιόδου. προσπεσὼν δʼ ἄφνω πολλούς τε ἔκτεινε, καὶ τῶν ὑπολοίπων σποράδην διαφυγόντων ὁ μὲν Μοτίλος τραυματίας ἐς Αἰσερνίαν σὺν ὀλίγοις κατέφυγεν, ὁ δὲ Σύλλας αὐτοῦ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐξελὼν ἐς Βουάνον παρῆλθεν, ᾗ τὸ κοινοβούλιον ἦν τῶν ἀποστάντων. τρεῖς δʼ ἄκρας τῆς πόλεως ἐχούσης καὶ τῶν Βουάνων ἐς τὸν Σύλλαν ἐπεστραμμένων, περιπέμψας τινὰς ὁ Σύλλας ἐκέλευε καταλαβεῖν, ἥν τινα τῶν ἄλλων δυνηθεῖεν ἄκραν, καὶ καπνῷ τοῦτο σημῆναι. γενομένου δὲ τοῦ καπνοῦ συμβαλὼν τοῖς ἐκ μετώπου καὶ μαχόμενος ὥραις τρισὶ καρτερῶς εἷλε τὴν πόλιν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.6.51

Then Sulla moved against the Hirpini and attacked the town of Aeculanum. The inhabitants, who expected aid from the Lucanians that very day, asked Sulla to give them time for consideration. He understood the trick and gave them one hour, and meanwhile piled fagots around their walls, which were made of wood, and at the expiration of the hour set them on fire. They were terrified and surrendered the town. Sulla plundered it because it had not been delivered up voluntarily but by necessity. He spared the other towns that gave themselves up, and in this way the entire population of the Hirpini was brought under subjection. Then Sulla moved against the Samnites, not where Mutilus, the Samnite general, guarded the roads, but by another circuitous route where his coming was not expected. He fell upon them suddenly, killed many, and scattered the rest in disorderly flight. Mutilus was wounded and took refuge with a few followers in Aesernia. Sulla destroyed his camp and moved against Bovianum, where the common council of the rebels was held. The city had three towers. While the inhabitants were looking at Sulla from one of these he ordered a detachment to capture whichever of the others they could, and to make a signal by means of smoke. When the smoke was seen he made an attack in front and, after a severe fight of three hours, took the city. These were the successes of Sulla during that summer. When winter came he returned to Rome to solicit the consulship.

Edition note

B.C. 90

1.6.52 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.6.52

καὶ τάδε μὲν ἦν τοῦδε τοῦ θέρους εὐπραγήματα Σύλλα· χειμῶνος δʼ ἐπιόντος ὁ μὲν ἐς Ῥώμην ἀνέστρεφεν, ἐς ὑπατείαν παραγγέλλων, Γναῖος δὲ Πομπήιος ὑπηγάγετο Μάρσους καὶ Μαρρουκίνους καὶ Οὐηστίνους, καὶ Γάιος Κοσκώνιος, ἕτερος Ῥωμαίων στρατηγός, ἐπελθὼν Σαλαπίαν τε ἐνέπρησε καὶ Κάννας παρέλαβε, καὶ Κανύσιον περικαθήμενος Σαυνίταις ἐπελθοῦσιν ἀντεμάχετο ἐγκρατῶς, μέχρι φόνος πολὺς ἑκατέρων ἐγένετο καὶ ὁ Κοσκώνιος ἐλαττούμενος ἐς Κάννας ὑπεχώρει. Τρεβάτιος δʼ αὐτόν, ὁ τῶν Σαυνιτῶν στρατηγός, ποταμοῦ διείργοντος, ἐκέλευεν ἢ περᾶν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἐς μάχην ἢ ἀναχωρεῖν, ἵνα περάσειεν. ὁ δʼ ἀναχωρεῖ καὶ διαβάντι τῷ Τρεβατίῳ προσπεσὼν μάχῃ τε κρείττων ἐγένετο καὶ φεύγοντος ἐπὶ τὸ ῥεῦμα αὐτοῦ μυρίους καὶ πεντακισχιλίους διέφθειρεν· οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ μετὰ τοῦ Τρεβατίου διέφυγον ἐς Κανύσιον. καὶ ὁ Κοσκώνιος τὴν Λαριναίων καὶ Οὐενουσίων καὶ Ἀσκλαίων γῆν ἐπιδραμὼν ἐς Ποιδίκλους ἐσέβαλε καὶ δυσὶν ἡμέραις τὸ ἔθνος παρέλαβε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.6.52

Gnaeus Pompeius brought the Marsians, the Marrucini, and the Vestini under subjection. Gaius Cosconius, another Roman praetor, advanced against and burned Salapia. He received the surrender of Cannae and laid siege to Canusium. He had a severe fight with the Samnites, who came to its relief. After great slaughter on both sides Cosconius was beaten and retreated to Cannae. A river separated the two armies, and Trebatius sent word to Cosconius either to come over to his side and fight him, or to withdraw and let him cross. Cosconius withdrew, and while Trebatius was crossing attacked him and got the better of him, and, while he was flying toward the stream, killed 15,000 of his men. The remainder took refuge with Trebatius in Canusium. Cosconius overran the territory of Larinum, Venusia, and Asculum, and invaded that of the Pœdiculi, and within two days received their surrender.

Edition note

Y.R. 666

1.6.53 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.6.53

Καικίλιος δʼ αὐτῷ Μέτελλος ἐπελθὼν ἐπὶ τὴν στρατηγίαν διάδοχος, ἐς Ἰάπυγας ἐμβαλὼν ἐκράτει καὶ ὅδε μάχῃ τῶν Ἰαπύγων. καὶ Ποπαίδιος, ἄλλος τῶν ἀφεστώτων στρατηγός, ἐνταῦθα ἔπεσεν· οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ σποράδην ἐς τὸν Καικίλιον διέφυγον. καὶ τάδε μὲν ἦν περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἀμφὶ τὸν συμμαχικὸν πόλεμον, ἀκμάσαντα δὴ μάλιστα μέχρι τῶνδε, ἕως Ἰταλία πᾶσα προσεχώρησεν ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πολιτείαν, χωρίς γε Λευκανῶν καὶ Σαυνιτῶν τότε· δοκοῦσι γάρ μοι καὶ οἵδε τυχεῖν, ὧν ἔχρῃζον, ὕστερον. ἐς δὲ τὰς φυλὰς ὅμοια τοῖς προτυχοῦσιν ἕκαστοι κατελέγοντο, τοῦ μὴ τοῖς ἀρχαίοις ἀναμεμιγμένοι ἐπικρατεῖν ἐν ταῖς χειροτονίαις, πλέονες ὄντες.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.6.53

Caecilius Metellus, his successor in the praetorship, attacked the Apulians and overcame them in battle. Pompaedius, one of the rebel generals, here lost his life. The survivors joined Metellus separately. Such was the course of events throughout Italy as regards the Social War, which had raged with violence thus far and until the whole of Italy came into the Roman state except the Lucanians and the Samnites. These also seem to have obtained what they desired somewhat later. They were each enrolled in tribes of their own, like those who had been admitted to citizenship before, so that they might not, by being mingled with the old citizens, vote them down in the elections by force of numbers.

Edition note

B.C. 88

Edition note

Y.R. 665

1.6.54 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.6.54

τοῦ δʼ αὐτοῦ χρόνου κατὰ τὸ ἄστυ οἱ χρῆσται πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐστασίασαν, οἱ μὲν πράττοντες τὰ χρέα σὺν τόκοις, νόμου τινὸς παλαιοῦ διαγορεύοντος μὴ δανείζειν ἐπὶ τόκοις ἢ ζημίαν τὸν οὕτω δανείσαντα προσοφλεῖν. ἀποστραφῆναι γάρ μοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ πάλαι Ῥωμαῖοι, καθάπερ Ἕλληνες, τὸ δανείζειν ὡς καπηλικὸν καὶ βαρὺ τοῖς πένησι καὶ δύσερι καὶ ἐχθροποιόν, ᾧ λόγῳ καὶ Πέρσαι τὸ κίχρασθαι ὡς ἀπατηλόν τε καὶ φιλοψευδές. ἔθους δὲ χρονίου τοὺς τόκους βεβαιοῦντος, οἱ μὲν κατὰ τὸ ἔθος ᾔτουν, οἱ δὲ οἷον ἐκ πολέμων τε καὶ στάσεων ἀνεβάλλοντο τὰς ἀποδόσεις· εἰσὶ δʼ οἳ καὶ τὴν ζημίαν τοὺς δανείσαντας ἐκτίσειν ἐπηπείλουν. ὅ τε στρατηγὸς Ἀσελλίων, ᾧ ταῦτα προσέκειτο, ἐπεὶ διαλύων αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἐδίδου κατʼ ἀλλήλων αὐτοῖς δικαστήρια, τὴν ἐκ τοῦ νόμου καὶ ἔθους ἀπορίαν ἐς τοὺς δικαστὰς περιφέρων. οἱ δανεισταὶ δὲ χαλεπήναντες, ὅτι τὸν νόμον παλαιὸν ὄντα ἀνεκαίνιζε, κτείνουσιν αὐτὸν ὧδε· ὁ μὲν ἔθυε τοῖς Διοσκούροις ἐν ἀγορᾷ, τοῦ πλήθους ὡς ἐπὶ θυσίᾳ περιστάντος· ἑνὸς δὲ λίθου τὸ πρῶτον ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἀφεθέντος, ἔρριψε τὴν φιάλην καὶ ἐς τὸ τῆς Ἑστίας ἱερὸν ἵετο δρόμῳ. οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν προλαβόντες τε ἀπέκλεισαν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ καταφυγόντα ἔς τι πανδοχεῖον ἔσφαξαν. πολλοί τε τῶν διωκόντων ἐς τὰς παρθένους αὐτὸν ἡγούμενοι καταφυγεῖν ἐσέδραμον, ἔνθα μὴ θέμις ἦν ἀνδράσιν. οὕτω μὲν καὶ Ἀσελλίων στρατηγῶν τε καὶ σπένδων καὶ ἱερὰν καὶ ἐπίχρυσον ἐσθῆτα ὡς ἐν θυσίᾳ περικείμενος ἀμφὶ δευτέραν ὥραν ἐσφάζετο ἐν ἀγορᾷ μέσῃ παρὰ ἱεροῖς. καὶ ἡ σύγκλητος ἐκήρυσσεν, εἴ τίς τι περὶ τὸν Ἀσελλίωνος φόνον ἐλέγξειεν, ἐλευθέρῳ μὲν ἀργύριον, δούλῳ δὲ ἐλευθερίαν, συνεγνωκότι δὲ ἄδειαν· οὐ μὴν ἐμήνυσεν οὐδείς, τῶν δανειστῶν περικαλυψάντων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.6.54

About the same time dissensions arose in the city between debtors and creditors, since the latter exacted the money due them with interest, although an old law distinctly forbade lending on interest and imposed a penalty upon any one doing so. It seems that the ancient Romans, like the Greeks, abhorred the taking of interest on loans as something knavish, and hard on the poor, and leading to contention and enmity; and by the same kind of reasoning the Persians considered lending itself as having a tendency to deceit and lying. But, since time had sanctioned the practice of taking interest, the creditors demanded it according to custom. The debtors, on the other hand, put off the payment by causing war and civil commotion. Some indeed threatened to visit the legal penalty on the interest-takers. The praetor Asellio, who had charge of these matters, as he was not able to compose their differences by persuasion, allowed them to proceed against each other in the courts, thus bringing the conflict of law and custom before the judges. The lenders, exasperated that the old law should be revived, killed the praetor in the following manner. He was offering sacrifice to Castor and Pollux in the forum, with a crowd standing around as was usual at such a ceremony. In the first place somebody threw a stone at him. He dropped the libation-bowl and ran toward the temple of Vesta. They got ahead of him and prevented him from reaching the temple, and after he had fled into a certain tavern they cut his throat. Many of his pursuers, thinking that he had taken refuge with the Vestal virgins, ran in there, where it was not lawful for men to go. Thus was Asellio, while serving as praetor, and pouring out the libation, and wearing the sacred gilded vestments customary in such ceremonies, slain at the second hour of the day, in the midst of the forum, by the side of the sacrificial offerings. The Senate offered a reward of money to any free person, and freedom to any slave, and impunity to any accomplice, who should give testimony leading to the conviction of the murderers of Asellio, but nobody gave any information. The money-lenders covered up everything.

Edition note

B.C. 89

1.7.55 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.7.55

τάδε μὲν δὴ φόνοι καὶ στάσεις ἔτι ἦσαν ἐμφύλιοι κατὰ μέρη· μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο στρατοῖς μεγάλοις οἱ στασίαρχοι πολέμου νόμῳ συνεπλέκοντο ἀλλήλοις, καὶ ἡ πατρὶς ἆθλον ἔκειτο ἐν μέσῳ. ἀρχὴ δʼ ἐς ταῦτα καὶ πάροδος, εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τῷ συμμαχικῷ πολέμῳ, ἥδε ἐγίγνετο. ἐπειδὴ Μιθριδάτης ὁ τοῦ Πόντου καὶ ἄλλων ἐθνῶν βασιλεὺς ἐς Βιθυνίαν καὶ Φρυγίαν καὶ τὴν ὅμορον αὐταῖς Ἀσίαν ἐνέβαλεν, ὥς μοι κατὰ τὴν βίβλον εἴρηται τὴν πρὸ τῆσδε, Σύλλας μὲν ὑπατεύων ἔλαχε στρατηγεῖν τῆς Ἀσίας καὶ τοῦδε τοῦ Μιθριδατείου πολέμου ʽκαὶ ἦν ἔτι ἐν Ῥώμᾐ, Μάριος δὲ τὸν πόλεμον εὐχερῆ τε καὶ πολύχρυσον ἡγούμενος εἶναι καὶ ἐπιθυμῶν τῆς στρατηγίας ὑπηγάγετό οἱ συμπράσσειν ἐς τοῦτο Πούπλιον Σουλπίκιον δήμαρχον ὑποσχέσεσι πολλαῖς καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας νεοπολίτας, μειονεκτοῦντας ἐπὶ ταῖς χειροτονίαις, ἐπήλπιζεν ἐς τὰς φυλὰς ἁπάσας διαιρήσειν, οὐ προλέγων μέν τι περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ χρείας, ὡς δὲ ὑπηρέταις ἐς πάντα χρησόμενος εὔνοις. καὶ νόμον αὐτίκα ὁ Σουλπίκιος ἐσέφερε περὶ τοῦδε· οὗ κυρωθέντος ἔμελλε πᾶν ὅ τι βούλοιτο Μάριος ἢ Σουλπίκιος ἔσεσθαι, τῶν νεοπολιτῶν πολὺ παρὰ τοὺς ἀρχαίους πλειόνων ὄντων. οἱ δʼ ἀρχαιότεροι συνορῶντες ταῦτα ἐγκρατῶς τοῖς νεοπολίταις διεφέροντο. ξύλοις δὲ καὶ λίθοις χρωμένων αὐτῶν ἐς ἀλλήλους καὶ μείζονος αἰεὶ γιγνομένου τοῦ κακοῦ, δείσαντες οἱ ὕπατοι περὶ τῇ δοκιμασίᾳ τοῦ νόμου πλησιαζούσῃ προύγραψαν ἡμερῶν ἀργίας πολλῶν, ὁποῖον ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς εἴωθε γίγνεσθαι, ἵνα τις ἀναβολὴ γένοιτο τῆς χειροτονίας καὶ τοῦ κακοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.7.55

Hitherto the murders and seditions had been merely intestine squabbles. Afterward the chiefs of factions assailed each other with great armies, according to the usage of war, and the country lay as a prize between them. The beginning and origin of these contentions came about directly after the Social War, in this wise. When Mithridates, king of Pontus and of other nations, invaded Bithynia and Phrygia and that part of Asia adjacent to those countries, as I have related in the preceding book, the consul Sulla was chosen by lot to the command of Asia and the Mithridatic war, but was still in Rome. Marius thought that this would be an easy and lucrative war and he desired the command of it. So he prevailed upon the tribune, Publius Sulpicius, by many promises, to help him obtain it. He also led the new Italian citizens, who had very little power in the elections, to hope that they should be distributed among all the tribes—not putting forward anything concerning his own advantage, but with the expectation of employing them as loyal servants in his every attempt. Sulpicius straightway brought forward a law for this purpose. If it were enacted Marius and Sulpicius would have everything they wanted, because the new citizens far outnumbered the old ones. The old citizens saw this and opposed the new ones with all their might. They fought each other with sticks and stones, and the evil increased continually. The consuls, becoming apprehensive, as the day for voting on the law drew near, proclaimed a vacation of many days’ duration, such as was customary on festal occasions, in order to postpone the voting and the danger.

Edition note

Y.R. 666

Edition note

B.C. 88

1.7.56 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.7.56

Σουλπίκιος δὲ τὴν ἀργίαν οὐκ ἀναμένων ἐκέλευε τοῖς στασιώταις ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἥκειν μετὰ κεκρυμμένων ξιφιδίων καὶ δρᾶν, ὅ τι ἐπείγοι, μηδʼ αὐτῶν φειδομένους τῶν ὑπάτων, εἰ δέοι. ὡς δὲ αὐτῷ πάντα ἕτοιμα ἦν, κατηγόρει τῶν ἀργιῶν ὡς παρανόμων καὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους Κορνήλιον Σύλλαν καὶ Κόιντον Πομπήιον ἐκέλευεν αὐτὰς αὐτίκα ἀναιρεῖν, ἵνα προθείη τὴν δοκιμασίαν τῶν νόμων. θορύβου δʼ ἀναστάντος οἱ παρεσκευασμένοι τὰ ξιφίδια ἐπεσπάσαντο καὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους ἀντιλέγοντας ἠπείλουν κτενεῖν, μέχρι Πομπήιος μὲν λαθὼν διέφυγε, Σύλλας δʼ ὡς βουλευσόμενος ὑπεχώρει. κἀν τῷδε Πομπηίου τὸν υἱόν, κηδεύοντα τῷ Σύλλᾳ, παρρησιαζόμενόν τι καὶ λέγοντα κτείνουσιν οἱ τοῦ Σουλπικίου στασιῶται. καὶ ὁ Σύλλας ἐπελθὼν ἐβάστασε τὴν ἀργίαν ἔς τε Καπύην ἐπὶ τὸν ἐκεῖ στρατόν, ὡς ἐκ Καπύης ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐπὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτου πόλεμον διαβαλῶν, ἠπείγετο· οὐ γάρ πώ τινος τῶν ἐπʼ αὐτῷ πραττομένων ᾔσθετο. ὁ δὲ Σουλπίκιος, ἀναιρεθείσης τῆς ἀργίας καὶ Σύλλα τῆς πόλεως ἀποστάντος, ἐκύρου τὸν νόμον καί, οὗ χάριν ἅπαντα ταῦτα ἐγίγνετο, Μάριον εὐθὺς ἐχειροτόνει τοῦ πρὸς Μιθριδάτην πολέμου στρατηγεῖν ἀντὶ Σύλλα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.7.56

Sulpicius would not wait for the vacation’s end. He ordered his faction to come to the forum with concealed daggers and to do whatever the exigency might require, and not to spare the consuls themselves upon occasion. When everything was in readiness he denounced the vacation as illegal and ordered the consuls, Cornelius Sulla and Quintus Pompeius, to put an end to it at once, in order to proceed to the enactment of laws. A tumult arose, and those who had been armed drew their daggers and threatened to kill the consuls, who were making opposition. Finally Pompeius escaped secretly and Sulla withdrew on the pretext of taking advice. In the meantime the son of Pompeius, who was the son-in-law of Sulla, and who was speaking his mind rather freely, was killed by the Sulpicians. Presently Sulla returned and annulled the vacation, but hurried away to Capua, where his army was stationed, in order to cross over to Asia to take command of the war against Mithridates, for he knew nothing as yet of the designs against himself. As the vacation was annulled and Sulla had left the city, Sulpicius enacted his law, and Marius, for whose sake it was done, was forthwith chosen commander of the war against Mithridates in place of Sulla.

1.7.57 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.7.57

πυθόμενος δʼ ὁ Σύλλας καὶ πολέμῳ κρίνας διακριθῆναι συνήγαγε τὸν στρατὸν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν, καὶ τόνδε τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην στρατείας ὀρεγόμενόν τε ὡς ἐπικερδοῦς καὶ νομίζοντα Μάριον ἐς αὐτὴν ἑτέρους καταλέξειν ἀνθʼ ἑαυτῶν. τὴν δʼ ὕβριν ὁ Σύλλας τὴν ἐς αὑτὸν εἰπὼν Σουλπικίου τε καὶ Μαρίου καὶ σαφὲς οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἐπενεγκών ʽοὐ γὰρ ἐτόλμα πω λέγειν περὶ τοιοῦδε πολέμοὐ, παρῄνεσεν ἑτοίμοις ἐς τὸ παραγγελλόμενον εἶναι. οἱ δὲ συνιέντες τε ὧν ἐπενόει καὶ περὶ σφῶν δεδιότες, μὴ τῆς στρατείας ἀποτύχοιεν, ἀπεγύμνουν αὐτοὶ τὸ ἐνθύμημα τοῦ Σύλλα καὶ ἐς Ῥώμην σφᾶς ἄγειν θαρροῦντα ἐκέλευον. ὁ δὲ ἡσθεὶς ἦγεν ἓξ τέλη στρατιωτῶν αὐτίκα. καὶ αὐτὸν οἱ μὲν ἄρχοντες τοῦ στρατοῦ χωρὶς ἑνὸς ταμίου διέδρασαν ἐς Ῥώμην, οὐχ ὑφιστάμενοι στρατὸν ἄγειν ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα· πρέσβεις δʼ ἐν ὁδῷ καταλαβόντες ἠρώτων, τί μεθʼ ὅπλων ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα ἐλαύνοι. ὁ δʼ εἶπεν, ἐλευθερώσων αὐτὴν ἀπὸ τῶν τυραννούντων. καὶ τοῦτο δὶς τρὶς ἑτέροις καὶ ἑτέροις πρέσβεσιν ἐλθοῦσιν εἰπὼν ἐπήγγελλεν ὅμως, εἰ θέλοιεν τήν τε σύγκλητον αὑτῷ καὶ Μάριον καὶ Σουλπίκιον ἐς τὸ Ἄρειον πεδίον συναγαγεῖν, καὶ πράξειν, ὅ τι ἂν βουλευομένοις δοκῇ. πλησιάζοντι δὲ Πομπήιος μὲν ὁ σύναρχος ἐπαινῶν καὶ ἀρεσκόμενος τοῖς γιγνομένοις ἀφίκετο συμπράξων ἐς ἅπαντα, Μάριος δὲ καὶ Σουλπίκιος ἐς παρασκευὴν ὀλίγου διαστήματος δεόμενοι πρέσβεις ἑτέρους ἔπεμπον ὡς δὴ καὶ τούσδε ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἀπεσταλμένους, δεόμενοι μὴ ἀγχοτέρω τεσσαράκοντα σταδίων τῇ Ῥώμῃ παραστρατοπεδεύειν, μέχρι ἐπισκέψαιντο περὶ τῶν παρόντων. Σύλλας δὲ καὶ Πομπήιος τὸ ἐνθύμημα σαφῶς εἰδότες ὑπέσχοντο μὲν ὧδε πράξειν, εὐθὺς δὲ τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ἀπιοῦσιν εἵποντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.7.57

When Sulla heard of this he resolved to decide the question by war. He called the army together in a conference. They were eager for the war against Mithridates because it promised much plunder, and they feared that Marius would enlist other soldiers instead of themselves. Sulla spoke of the indignity put upon him by Sulpicius and Marius, and while he did not openly allude to anything else (for he did not dare as yet to mention this kind of a war), he urged them to be ready to obey his orders. They understood what he meant, and as they feared lest they should miss the campaign they spoke boldly what Sulla had in his mind, and told him to be of good courage, and to lead them to Rome. Sulla was overjoyed and led six legions thither forthwith, but all of his superior officers, except one quaestor, left him and hastened to the city, because they would not submit to the idea of leading an army against their country. Envoys met him on the road and asked him why he was marching with armed forces against his country. To deliver her from her tyrants, he replied. He gave the same answer to a second and a third embassy that came to him, one after another, but he announced to them finally that the Senate and Marius and Sulpicius might meet him in the Campus Martius if they liked, and that he would do whatever might be agreed upon after consultation. As he was approaching, his colleague, Pompeius, came to meet him and praised him for what he had done, for Pompeius was delighted, and coöperated with him in every way. As Marius and Sulpicius needed some short interval for preparation, they sent other messengers, in the guise of envoys from the Senate, directing him not to move his camp nearer than forty stades from the city until they could consider of the business in hand. Sulla and Pompeius understood their game perfectly and promised to comply, but as soon as the envoys were returning they followed them.

1.7.58 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.7.58

καὶ Σύλλας μὲν τὰς Αἰσκυλείας πύλας καὶ τὸ παρʼ αὐτὰς τεῖχος ἑνὶ τέλει στρατιωτῶν κατελάμβανε, Πομπήιος δὲ τὰς Κολλίνας ἑτέρῳ τέλει· καὶ τρίτον ἐπὶ τὴν ξυλίνην γέφυραν ἐχώρει, καὶ τέταρτον πρὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἐς διαδοχὴν ὑπέμενε. τοῖς δʼ ὑπολοίποις ὁ Σύλλας ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐχώρει δόξῃ καὶ ἔργῳ πολεμίου· ὅθεν αὐτὸν οἱ περιοικοῦντες ἄνωθεν ἠμύνοντο βάλλοντες, μέχρι τὰς οἰκίας ἠπείλησεν ἐμπρήσειν· τότε δʼ οἱ μὲν ἀνέσχον, Μάριος δὲ καὶ Σουλπίκιος ἀπήντων περὶ τὴν Αἰσκύλειον ἀγορὰν μεθʼ ὅσων ἐφθάκεσαν ὁπλίσαι. καὶ γίγνεταί τις ἀγὼν ἐχθρῶν, ὅδε πρῶτος ἐν Ῥώμῃ, οὐχ ὑπὸ εἰκόνι στάσεως ἔτι, ἀλλὰ ἀπροφασίστως ὑπὸ σάλπιγγι καὶ σημείοις, πολέμου νόμῳ· ἐς τοσοῦτον αὐτοῖς κακοῦ τὰ τῶν στάσεων ἀμεληθέντα προέκοψε. τρεπομένων δὲ τῶν Σύλλα στρατιωτῶν, ὁ Σύλλας σημεῖον ἁρπάσας προεκινδύνευεν, ὡς αἰδοῖ τε τοῦ στρατηγοῦ καὶ δέει τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ σημείῳ εἰ ἀπέχοιντο, ἀτιμίας εὐθὺς ἐκ τῆς τροπῆς αὐτοὺς μετατίθεσθαι. καὶ ὁ Σύλλας ἐκάλει τε τοὺς νεαλεῖς ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ ἑτέρους κατὰ τὴν καλουμένην Σιβούραν ὁδὸν περιέπεμπεν, ᾗ κατὰ νώτου τῶν πολεμίων ἔμελλον ἔσεσθαι περιδραμόντες. οἱ δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Μάριον πρός τε τοὺς ἐπελθόντας ἀκμῆτας ἀσθενῶς μαχόμενοι καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς περιοδεύουσι δείσαντες περικύκλωσιν τούς τε ἄλλους πολίτας ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν ἔτι μαχομένους συνεκάλουν καὶ τοῖς δούλοις ἐκήρυττον ἐλευθερίαν εἰ μετάσχοιεν τοῦ πόνου. οὐδενὸς δὲ προσιόντος ἀπογνόντες ἁπάντων ἔφευγον εὐθὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς ὅσοι τῶν ἐπιφανῶν συνεπεπράχεσαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.7.58

Sulla took possession of the Cœlian gate and of the adjoining wall with one legion of soldiers, and Pompeius occupied the Colline gate with another. A third advanced to the Sublician bridge, and a fourth remained on guard in front of the walls. With the remainder Sulla entered the city, being in appearance and in fact an enemy. The inhabitants round about tried to fight him off by hurling missiles from the roofs until he threatened to burn the houses; then they desisted. Marius and Sulpicius went, with some forces they had hastily armed, to meet the invaders near the Aesquiline forum, and here a battle took place between the contending parties, the first that was regularly fought in Rome with trumpet and signal under the rules of war, and not at all in the similitude of a faction fight. To such extremity of evil had the recklessness of party strife progressed among them. Sulla’s forces were beginning to waver when Sulla seized a standard and exposed himself to danger in the foremost ranks. Out of regard for their general and fear of ignominy if they should abandon their standard, they rallied at once. Sulla ordered up fresh troops from his camp and sent others around by the socalled Suburran road to take the enemy in the rear. The Marians fought feebly against these new-comers, and as they feared lest they should be surrounded they called to their aid the other citizens who were still fighting from the houses, and proclaimed freedom to slaves who would share their labors. As nobody came forward they fell into utter despair and fled at once out of the city, together with those of the nobility who had coöperated with them.

1.7.59 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.7.59

ὁ δὲ Σύλλας τότε μὲν ἐς τὴν λεγομένην Ἱερὰν ὁδὸν παρῆλθε καὶ τοὺς διαρπάζοντάς τι τῶν ἐν ποσὶν αὐτίκα ἐν μέσῳ πάντων ἐφορώντων ἐκόλαζε, φρουρὰν δὲ κατὰ μέρος ἐπιστήσας τῇ πόλει διενυκτέρευεν αὐτός τε καὶ ὁ Πομπήιος, περιθέοντες ἑκάστους, ἵνα μή τι δεινὸν ἢ παρὰ τῶν δεδιότων ἢ παρὰ τῶν νενικηκότων ἐπιγένοιτο. ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ τὸν δῆμον ἐς ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγόντες ὠδύροντο περὶ τῆς πολιτείας ὡς ἐκ πολλοῦ τοῖς δημοκοποῦσιν ἐκδεδομένης, καὶ αὐτοὶ τάδε πράξαντες ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης. εἰσηγοῦντό τε μηδὲν ἔτι ἀπροβούλευτον ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἐσφέρεσθαι, νενομισμένον μὲν οὕτω καὶ πάλαι, παραλελυμένον δʼ ἐκ πολλοῦ, καὶ τὰς χειροτονίας μὴ κατὰ φυλάς, ἀλλὰ κατὰ λόχους, ὡς Τύλλιος βασιλεὺς ἔταξε, γίνεσθαι, νομίσαντες διὰ δυοῖν τοῖνδε οὔτε νόμον οὐδένα πρὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἐς τὸ πλῆθος ἐσφερόμενον οὔτε τὰς χειροτονίας ἐν τοῖς πένησι καὶ θρασυτάτοις ἀντὶ τῶν ἐν περιουσίᾳ καὶ εὐβουλίᾳ γιγνομένας δώσειν ἔτι στάσεων ἀφορμάς. πολλά τε ἄλλα τῆς τῶν δημάρχων ἀρχῆς, τυραννικῆς μάλιστα γεγενημένης, περιελόντες κατέλεξαν ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον, ὀλιγανθρωπότατον δὴ τότε μάλιστα ὂν καὶ παρὰ τοῦτʼ εὐκαταφρόνητον ἀθρόους ἐκ τῶν ἀρίστων ἀνδρῶν τριακοσίους. ὅσα τε ὑπὸ Σουλπικίου κεκύρωτο μετὰ τὴν κεκηρυγμένην ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων ἀργίαν, ἅπαντα διελύετο ὡς οὐκ ἔννομα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.7.59

Sulla advanced to the so-called Via Sacra and there, in sight of everybody, punished certain soldiers who had plundered persons on the road. He stationed guards at intervals throughout the city, he and Pompeius keeping watch by night. Each kept moving about his own command to see that no calamity was brought about either by the frightened people or by the victorious troops: They summoned the people to an assembly at daybreak and lamented the condition of the republic, which had been so long given over to demagogues, and said that they had done what they had done as a matter of necessity. They proposed that no question should ever again be brought before the people which had not been previously considered by the Senate, an ancient practice which had been abandoned long ago. Also that the voting should not be by tribes, but by centuries, as King Servius Tullius had ordained. They thought that by these two measures—namely, that no law should be brought before the people unless it had been previously before the Senate, and that the voting should be controlled by the well-to-do and sober-minded rather than by the pauper and reckless classes—there would no longer be any starting-point for civil discord. They proposed many other measures for curtailing the power of the tribunes, which had become extremely tyrannical. They enrolled 300 of the best citizens at once in the list of senators, who had been reduced at that time to a very small number and had fallen into contempt for that reason. They annulled all the acts performed by Sulpicius after the vacation had been proclaimed by the consuls, as being illegal.

1.7.60 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.7.60

ὧδε μὲν αἱ στάσεις ἐξ ἔριδος καὶ φιλονικίας ἐπὶ φόνους καὶ ἐκ φόνων ἐς πολέμους ἐντελεῖς προέκοπτον, καὶ στρατὸς πολιτῶν ὅδε πρῶτος ἐς τὴν πατρίδα ὡς πολεμίαν ἐσέβαλεν. οὐδʼ ἔληξαν ἀπὸ τοῦδε αἱ στάσεις ἔτι κρινόμεναι στρατοπέδοις, ἀλλʼ ἐσβολαὶ συνεχεῖς ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐγίνοντο καὶ τειχομαχίαι καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα πολέμων ἔργα, οὐδενὸς ἔτι ἐς αἰδῶ τοῖς βιαζομένοις ἐμποδὼν ὄντος, ἢ νόμων ἢ πολιτείας ἢ πατρίδος. τότε δὲ Σουλπίκιον δημαρχοῦντα ἔτι καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ Μάριον, ἑξάκις ὑπατευκότα, καὶ τὸν Μαρίου παῖδα καὶ Πούπλιον Κέθηγον καὶ Ἰούνιον Βροῦτον καὶ Γναῖον καὶ Κοίντον Γράνιον καὶ Πούπλιον Ἀλβινοουανὸν καὶ Μᾶρκον Λαιτώριον ἑτέρους τε, ὅσοι μετʼ αὐτῶν, ἐς δώδεκα μάλιστα, ἐκ Ῥώμης διεπεφεύγεσαν, ὡς στάσιν ἐγείραντας καὶ πολεμήσαντας ὑπάτοις καὶ δούλοις κηρύξαντας ἐλευθερίαν εἰς ἀπόστασιν πολεμίους Ῥωμαίων ἐψήφιστο εἶναι καὶ τὸν ἐντυχόντα νηποινεὶ κτείνειν ἢ ἀνάγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους· τά τε ὄντα αὐτοῖς δεδήμευτο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.7.60

Thus the seditions proceeded from strife and contention to murder, and from murder to open war, and now the first army of her own citizens had invaded Rome as a hostile country. From this time the civil dissensions were decided only by the arbitrament of arms. There were frequent attacks upon the city and battles before the walls and other calamities incident to war. Henceforth there was no restraint upon violence either from the sense of shame, or regard for law, institutions, or country. Now Sulpicius, who still held the office of tribune, together with Marius, who had been consul six times, and his son Marius, also Publius Cethegus, Junius Brutus, Gnaeus and Quintus Granius, Publius Albinovanus, Marcus Laetorius, and others with them, about twelve in number, fled from Rome, because they had stirred up the sedition, had borne arms against the consuls, had incited slaves to insurrection, had been voted enemies of the Roman people, and anybody meeting them had been authorized to kill them with impunity or to drag them before the consuls, and their goods had been confiscated. Detectives were in pursuit of these men. They caught Sulpicius and killed him.

Edition note

This is what Mommsen aptly terms the interference of the sabre with the constitutional rule of the bludgeon.

1.7.61 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.7.61

καὶ ζητηταὶ διέθεον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας, οἳ Σουλπίκιον μὲν καταλαβόντες ἔκτειναν· ὁ δὲ Μάριος αὐτοὺς ἐς Μιντούρνας διέφυγεν, ἔρημος ὑπηρέτου τε καὶ θεράποντος. καὶ αὐτὸν οἱ τῆς πόλεως ἄρχοντες ἀναπαυόμενον ἐν οἴκῳ ζοφώδει δεδιότες μὲν τὸ κήρυγμα τοῦ δήμου, φυλαττόμενοι δὲ ἀνδρὸς ἑξάκις ὑπατεύσαντος καὶ πολλὰ καὶ λαμπρὰ εἰργασμένου αὐθένται γενέσθαι, Γαλάτην ἄνδρα ἐπιδημοῦντα μετὰ ξίφους ἐσέπεμψαν ἀνελεῖν. τὸν δὲ Γαλάτην φασὶν ἐν τῷ σκότῳ προσιόντα τῷ στιβαδίῳ δεῖσαι, δόξαντα τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς τοῦ Μαρίου πυρὸς αὐγὴν καὶ φλόγα ἀφιέναι· ὡς δὲ καὶ ὁ Μάριος αὐτὸς ὑπανιστάμενος ἐκ τῆς εὐνῆς ἐνεβόησε παμμέγεθες αὐτῷ· σὺ τολμᾷς κτεῖναι Γάιον Μάριον; προτροπάδην ὁ Γαλάτης ἔφευγεν ἔξω διὰ θυρῶν μεμηνότι ἐοικὼς καὶ βοῶν· οὐ δύναμαι κτεῖναι Γάιον Μάριον. ὅθεν καὶ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν, ἅτε καὶ τέως ταῦτα σὺν ὄκνῳ κεκρικόσιν, ἐνέπιπτέ τι δαιμόνιον δέος καὶ μνήμη τῆς ἐκ παιδὸς ἐπιφημισθείσης τῷ ἀνδρὶ ἑβδόμης ὑπατείας· παιδὶ γὰρ ὄντι φασὶν ἐς τὸν κόλπον ἀετοῦ νεοττοὺς ἑπτὰ καταρρυῆναι καὶ τοὺς μάντεις εἰπεῖν, ὅτι ἑπτάκις ἐπὶ τῆς μεγίστης ἀρχῆς ἔσοιτο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.7.61

Marius escaped them and fled to Minturnae without a companion or a servant. While he was resting in a secluded house the magistrates of the city, whose fears were excited by the proclamation of the Roman people, but who hesitated to be the murderers of a man who had been six times consul and had performed so many brilliant exploits, sent a Gaul who was living there to kill him with a sword. It is said that as the Gaul was approaching the pallet of Marius in the dusk he thought he saw the gleam and flash of fire darting from his eyes, and that Marius rose from his bed and shouted to him in a thundering voice, Do you dare to kill Gaius Marius? The Gaul turned and fled out of doors like a madman, exclaiming, I cannot kill Gaius Marius. As the magistrates had come to their previous decision with reluctance, so now a kind of religious awe came over them as they remembered the prophecy uttered while he was a boy, that he should be consul seven times. It was said that while he was a boy seven young eaglets alighted on his breast, and that the soothsayers predicted that he would attain the highest office seven times.

1.7.62 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.7.62

ταῦτʼ οὖν οἱ τῆς Μιντούρνης ἄρχοντες ἐνθυμούμενοι καὶ τὸν Γαλάτην ἔνθουν κατὰ δαίμονα καὶ περιδεᾶ νομίζοντες γεγονέναι, τὸν Μάριον αὐτίκα τῆς πόλεως ἐξέπεμπον, ὅπῃ δύναιτο, σῴζεσθαι. ὁ δὲ συγγιγνώσκων ἑαυτῷ ζητουμένῳ τε ἐκ Σύλλα καὶ πρὸς ἱππέων διωκομένῳ, ὁδοὺς ἀτριβεῖς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἠλᾶτο καὶ καλύβης ἐπιτυχὼν ἀνεπαύετο, φυλλάδα ἐπιβαλόμενος τῷ σώματι. ψόφου δʼ αἰσθόμενος ἐς τὴν φυλλάδα ὑπεκρύφθη καὶ μᾶλλον ἔτι αἰσθόμενος ἐς σκάφος ἁλιέως πρεσβύτου παρορμοῦν, βιασάμενος τὸν πρεσβύτην, ἐσήλατο χειμῶνος ὄντος καὶ τὸ πεῖσμα κόψας καὶ τὸ ἱστίον πετάσας ἐπέτρεψε τῇ τύχῃ φέρειν. κατήχθη δὲ ἔς τινα νῆσον, ὅθεν νεὼς οἰκείων ἀνδρῶν παραπλεούσης ἐπιτυχὼν ἐς Λιβύην ἐπέρα. εἰργόμενος δὲ καὶ Λιβύης ὡς πολέμιος ὑπὸ Σεξστιλίου ἡγουμένου, διεχείμαζεν ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ, μικρὸν ὑπὲρ Λιβύην ἄνω, ἐν τοῖς Νομάδων ὅροις. καὶ αὐτῷ θαλασσεύνοτι δεῦρο κατὰ πύστιν ἐπέπλευσαν τῶν συγκατεγνωσμένων Κέθηγός τε καὶ Γράνιος καὶ Ἀλβινοουανὸς καὶ Λαιτώριος καὶ ἕτεροι καὶ ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ Μαρίου· οἳ ἐς μὲν Ἱεμψάλαν τὸν Νομάδων δυνάστην ἀπὸ Ῥώμης διέφυγον, ὑποψίᾳ δʼ ἐκδόσεως ἐκεῖθεν ἀπέδρασαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.7.62

Bearing these things in mind and believing that the Gaul had been inspired with fear by divine influence, the magistrates of Minturnae sent Marius out of the town forthwith, to seek safety wherever he could. As he knew that Sulla was searching for him and that horsemen were pursuing him, he moved toward the sea by unfrequented roads and came to a hut where he rested, covering himself up with leaves. Hearing a noise, he concealed himself more carefully with the leaves. Hearing a somewhat louder noise, he rushed to the boat of an old fisherman, overpowered him, leaped into it, and, although a storm was raging, he cut the rope, spread the sail, and committed himself to chance. He was driven to an island where he found a ship navigated by his own friends, and sailed thence to Africa. He was prohibited from landing there by the governor, Sextius, because he was an enemy, and he passed the winter in his ship a little beyond the province of Africa, along the shore of Numidia. While he was sailing thither he was joined by Cethegus, Granius, Albinovanus, Laetorius, and others, including the son of Marius himself, who had gained tidings of his approach. They had fled from Rome to Hiempsal, prince of Numidia, and now they had run away from him, fearing lest they should be delivered up. They were ready to do just as Sulla had done, that is, to master their country by force, but as they had no army they waited for some opportunity.

1.7.63 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.7.63

οἱ μὲν δή, καθὰ καὶ Σύλλας ἐπεπράχει, βιάσασθαι τὴν πατρίδα διανοούμενοι, στρατιὰν δʼ οὐκ ἔχοντες, περιέβλεπον, εἴ τι συμβαίη· ἐν δὲ Ῥώμῃ Σύλλας μέν, ὅπλοις τὴν πόλιν ὅδε πρῶτος καταλαβών τε καὶ δυνηθεὶς ἂν ἴσως ἤδη μοναρχεῖν, ἐπεὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἠμύνατο, τὴν βίαν ἑκὼν ἀπέθετο καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐς Καπύην προπέμψας αὖθις ἦρχεν ὡς ὕπατος· οἱ δὲ τῶν ἐξελαθέντων στασιῶται, ὅσοι τῶν πλουσίων, καὶ γύναια πολλὰ πολυχρήματα, τοῦ δέους τῶν ὅπλων ἀναπνεύσαντες ἠρεθίζοντο ὑπὲρ καθόδου τῶνδε τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ οὐδὲν σπουδῆς ἢ δαπάνης ἐς τοῦτο ἀπέλειπον, ἐπιβουλεύοντες καὶ τοῖς τῶν ὑπάτων σώμασιν ὡς οὐκ ἐνὸν τῶνδε περιόντων ἐκείνοις κατελθεῖν. Σύλλᾳ μὲν δὴ καὶ παυσαμένῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς στρατὸς ἦν, ὁ ἐψηφισμένος ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην, ἐς σωτηρίαν αὐτοῦ φύλαξ· Κόιντον δὲ Πομπήιον, τὸν ἕτερον ὕπατον, ὁ δῆμος οἰκτείρων τοῦ δέους ἐψηφίσατο ἄρχειν Ἰταλίας καὶ ἑτέρου τοῦ περὶ αὐτὴν στρατοῦ, τότε ὄντος ὑπὸ Γναίῳ Πομπηίῳ. τοῦθʼ ὁ Γναῖος πυθόμενός τε καὶ δυσχεράνας ἥκοντα μὲν τὸν Κόιντον ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐσεδέξατο, καὶ τῆς ἐπιούσης τι χρηματίζοντος ὑπεχώρησε μικρὸν οἷα ἰδιώτης, μέχρι τὸν ὕπατον πολλοὶ καθʼ ὑπόκρισιν ἀκροάσεως περιστάντες ἔκτειναν. καὶ φυγῆς τῶν λοιπῶν γενομένης ὁ Γναῖος αὐτοῖς ὑπήντα, χαλεπαίνων ὡς ὑπάτου παρανόμως ἀνῃρημένου· δυσχεράνας δʼ ὅμως εὐθὺς ἦρχεν αὐτῶν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.7.63

In Rome Sulla, who had been the first one to seize the city by force of arms, and was now able perhaps to wield supreme power, having rid himself of his enemies, desisted from violence of his own accord. He sent his army forward to Capua and resumed his functions as consul. The faction under banishment, especially the rich ones, and many wealthy women, who now found a respite from the terror of arms, bestirred themselves for the return of their male relatives from exile. They spared neither pains nor expense to this end, even conspiring against the persons of the consuls when they thought they could not secure the recall of their friends while the consuls survived. Sulla’s army furnished ample protection for himself even after he should cease to be consul, since he had been voted commander of the war against Mithridates. The people commiserated the fears of the other consul, Quintus Pompeius, for his personal safety, and gave him the command of Italy and of the army appertaining to it, which was then under Gnaeus Pompeius. When the latter learned this fact he was greatly displeased. Nevertheless he received Quintus in the camp, and, after transacting the necessary business with him the following day, withdrew for a short time as a private person, but a little later a crowd that had collected around the consul under pretence of listening to him killed him. After the guilty ones had fled, Gnaeus came to the camp in a high state of indignation over the killing of a consul contrary to law. Notwithstanding his displeasure he forthwith resumed his command over them.

Edition note

The Epitome of Livy (lxxvii.) says that Gnaeus Pompeius the proconsul procured the murder of Quintus Pompeius the consul, when the latter came to supersede him.

1.8.64 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.8.64

ἐξαγγελθέντος δʼ ἐς τὴν πόλιν τοῦ Πομπηίου φόνου, αὐτίκα μὲν ὁ Σύλλας περιδεὴς ἐφʼ ἑαυτῷ γενόμενος τοὺς φίλους περιήγετο πανταχοῦ καὶ νυκτὸς ἀμφʼ αὑτὸν εἶχεν, οὐ πολὺ δʼ ἐπιμείνας ἐς Καπύην ἐπὶ τὸν στρατὸν κἀκεῖθεν ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐξήλασεν. οἱ δὲ τῶν φυγάδων φίλοι Κίννᾳ, τῷ μετὰ Σύλλαν ὑπατεύοντι, θαρροῦντες τοὺς νεοπολίτας ἠρέθιζον ἐς τὸ ἐνθύμημα τοῦ Μαρίου, ταῖς φυλαῖς πάσαις ἀξιοῦν ἀναμιχθῆναι, ἵνα μὴ τελευταῖοι ψηφιζόμενοι πάντων ὦσιν ἄκυροι. τοῦτο δὴ προοίμιον τῆς αὐτοῦ τε Μαρίου καὶ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν ἄνδρα καθόδου. ἀνθισταμένων δὲ τῶν ἀρχαίων κατὰ κράτος, Κίννας μὲν τοῖς νεοπολίταις συνέπραττε, νομιζόμενος ἐπὶ τῷδε τριακόσια δωροδοκῆσαι τάλαντα, τοῖς δʼ ἀρχαίοις ὁ ἕτερος ὕπατος Ὀκτάουιος. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν Κίνναν προλαβόντες τὴν ἀγορὰν μετὰ κεκρυμμένων ξιφιδίων ἐβόων ἐς τὰς φυλὰς πάσας ἀναμιγῆναι· τὸ δὲ καθαρώτερον πλῆθος ἐς τὸν Ὀκτάουιον ἐχώρει, καὶ οἵδε μετὰ ξιφιδίων. ἔτι δʼ αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν τὸ μέλλον περιορωμένῳ ἐξαγγέλλεται τοὺς πλέονας δημάρχους κωλύειν τὰ γιγνόμενα, θόρυβον δὲ τῶν νεοπολιτῶν εἶναι καὶ ἀπογύμνωσιν ἤδη τῶν ξιφιδίων περὶ ὁδὸν ἐς τοὺς ἀντιλέγοντας δημάρχους ἀναπηδώντων ἐπὶ τὰ ἔμβολα. ὧν Ὀκτάουιος πυθόμενος κατέβαινε διὰ τῆς Ἱερᾶς ὁδοῦ μετὰ πυκνοῦ πάνυ πλήθους καὶ οἷα χειμάρρους ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐμπεσὼν ὤσατο μὲν διὰ μέσων τῶν συνεστώτων καὶ διέστησεν αὐτούς· ὡς δὲ κατέπληξεν, ἐς τὸ τῶν Διοσκούρων ἱερὸν παρῆλθε, τὸν Κίνναν ἐκτρεπόμενος. ὅσοι δʼ αὐτῷ συνῆσαν, χωρὶς ἐπαγγέλματος ἐμπεσόντες τοῖς νεοπολίταις ἔκτεινάν τε πολλοὺς καὶ ἑτέρους φεύγοντας ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας ἐδίωκον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.8.64

When the murder of Pompeius became known in the city, Sulla became apprehensive for his own safety and was surrounded by friends wherever he went, and had them with him even by night. He did not remain long in the city, but went to the army at Capua and from thence to Asia. The friends of the exiles, encouraged by Cinna, Sulla’s successor in the consulship, excited the new citizens in favor of the scheme of Marius, that they should be distributed among the old tribes, so that they should not be powerless by reason of voting last. This was preliminary to the recall of Marius and his friends. Although the old citizens resisted with all their might, Cinna coöperated with the new ones. It was supposed that he had been bribed with 300 talents to do this. The other consul, Octavius, sided with the old citizens. The partisans of Cinna took possession of the forum with concealed daggers, and with loud cries demanded that they should be distributed among all the tribes. The more reputable part of the plebeians adhered to Octavius, and they also carried daggers. While Octavius was still at home awaiting the result, the news was brought to him that the majority of the tribunes had vetoed the proposed action, but that the new citizens had started a riot, drawn their daggers on the street, and assaulted the opposing tribunes on the rostra. When Octavius heard this he ran down through the Via Sacra with a very dense mass of men, burst into the forum like a torrent, pushed through the midst of the crowd, and separated them. He struck terror into them, pushed on to the temple of Castor and Pollux, and drove Cinna away. His companions fell upon the new citizens without orders, killed many of them, put the rest to flight, and pursued them to the city gates.

Edition note

B.C.

Edition note

Y.R. 667

Edition note

B.C. 87

1.8.65 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.8.65

Κίννας δὲ θαρρήσας μὲν τῷ πλήθει τῶν νεοπολιτῶν καὶ βιάσεσθαι προσδοκήσας, παρὰ δόξαν δʼ ὁρῶν τὸ τόλμημα τῶν ὀλιγωτέρων ἐπικρατοῦν, ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν ἔθει τοὺς θεράποντας ἐπʼ ἐλευθερίᾳ συγκαλῶν. οὐδενὸς δʼ αὐτῷ προσιόντος ἐξέδραμεν ἐς τὰς ἀγχοῦ πόλεις τὰς οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ πολίτιδας Ῥωμαίων γενομένας, Τίβυρτόν τε καὶ Πραινεστὸν καὶ ὅσαι μέχρι Νώλης, ἐρεθίζων ἅπαντας ἐς ἀπόστασιν καὶ χρήματα ἐς τὸν πόλεμον συλλέγων. ταῦτα δʼ ἐργαζομένῳ τε καὶ ἐπινοοῦντι τῷ Κίννᾳ προσέφυγον ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς οἳ τὰ αὐτὰ ἐφρόνουν, Γάιός τε Μιλώνιος καὶ Κόιντος Σερτώριος καὶ Γάιος Μάριος ἕτερος. ἡ μὲν δὴ βουλὴ τὸν Κίνναν, ὡς ἐν κινδύνῳ τε τὴν πόλιν καταλιπόντα ὕπατον καὶ δούλοις ἐλευθερίαν κηρύξαντα, ἐψηφίσατο μήτε ὕπατον μήτε πολίτην ἔτι εἶναι καὶ Λεύκιον Μερόλαν ἐχειροτόνησαν ἀντʼ αὐτοῦ, τὸν ἱερέα τοῦ Διός. λέγεται δʼ οὗτος ὁ ἱερεὺς φλαμέντας καὶ πιλοφορεῖ μόνος αἰεί, τῶν ἄλλων ἱερέων ἐν μόναις πιλοφορούντων ταῖς ἱερουργίαις. Κίννας δʼ ἐς Καπύην τραπόμενος, ἔνθα Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς ἄλλος ἦν, τούς τε ἄρχοντας αὐτοῦ καὶ ὅσοι ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπεδήμουν, ἐθεράπευε καὶ παρελθὼν ὡς ὕπατος ἐς μέσους τάς τε ῥάβδους καθεῖλεν οἷα ἰδιώτης καὶ δακρύσας ἔφη· παρὰ μὲν ὑμῶν, ὦ πολῖται, τὴν ἀρχὴν τήνδε ἔλαβον· ὁ γὰρ δῆμος ἐχειροτόνησεν· ἡ βουλὴ δʼ ἀφείλετό με χωρὶς ὑμῶν. καὶ τάδε παθὼν ἐν οἰκείοις κακοῖς ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ὅμως ἀγανακτῶ· τί γὰρ ἔτι τὰς φυλὰς ἐν ταῖς χειροτονίαις θεραπεύομεν, τί δὲ ὑμῶν δεόμεθα, ποῦ δὲ ἔσεσθε τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν ἢ χειροτονιῶν ἢ τῶν ὑπατειῶν ἔτι κύριοι, εἰ μὴ βεβαιώσετε μέν, ἃ δίδοτε, ἀφαιρήσεσθε δʼ, ὅταν αὐτοὶ δοκιμάσητε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.8.65

Cinna, who had been emboldened by the numbers of the new citizens to think that he should conquer, seeing the victory won contrary to his expectation by the bravery of the few, ran through the city calling the slaves to his assistance by an offer of freedom. As none responded he hastened to the towns near by, which had lately been admitted to Roman citizenship, Tibur, Praeneste, and the rest as far as Nola, inciting them all to revolution and collecting money for the purposes of war. While Cinna was making these preparations and plans, certain senators of his party joined him, among them Gaius Milo, Quintus Sertorius, and Gaius Marius the younger. The Senate decreed that since Cinna had left the city in danger while holding the office of consul, and had offered freedom to the slaves, he should no longer be consul, or even a citizen, and elected in his stead Lucius Merula, the priest of Jupiter (flamen Dialis). It is said that this priest alone wore the flamen’s cap at all times, the others wearing it only during sacrifices. Cinna proceeded to Capua, where there was another Roman army, the officers of which, and the senators who were present, he courted. He went to meet them as consul in an assembly, where he laid down the fasces as though he were a private citizen, and shedding tears, said, From you, citizens, I received this authority. The people voted it to me; the Senate has taken it away from me without your consent. Although I am the sufferer by this wrong I grieve amid my own troubles equally for your sakes. What need is there that we should solicit the favor of the tribes in the elections hereafter? What need have we of you? Where will be your power in the assemblies, in the elections, in the choice of consuls? If you do not confirm what you bestow, you will be robbed whenever you give your decision.

1.8.66 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.8.66

ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἐς ἐρέθισμα καὶ πολλὰ περὶ αὑτοῦ κατοικτισάμενος τήν τε ἐσθῆτα κατέρρηξε καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος καταθορὼν ἔρριψεν αὑτὸν ἐς μέσους καὶ ἔκειτο ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, ἕως ἐπικλασθέντες ἀνέστησάν τε αὐτὸν καὶ καθίσαντες αὖθις ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου τάς τε ῥάβδους ἀνέσχον καὶ θαρρεῖν οἷα ὕπατον ἐκέλευον καὶ σφᾶς ἄγειν ἐφʼ ὅ τι χρῄζοι. τῆς δʼ ἀφορμῆς εὐθὺς οἱ ἄρχοντες αὐτῶν ἐπέβαινον καὶ ὤμνυον τῷ Κίννᾳ τὸν ὅρκον τὸν στρατιωτικόν, καὶ τοὺς ὑφʼ αὑτὸν ἕκαστος ἐξώρκου. ὁ δʼ, ἐπεί οἱ ταῦτα εἶχεν ἀσφαλῶς, ἐπὶ τὰς συμμαχίδας πόλεις διέθει καὶ ἠρέθιζε κἀκείνους, ὡς διὰ τούσδε μάλιστα τὴν συμφορὰν αὑτῷ γενομένην· οἱ δὲ χρήματά τε αὐτῷ καὶ στρατιὰν συνετέλουν· καὶ πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ δυνατῶν ἕτεροι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφικνοῦντο, οἷς ἀπήρεσκεν ἡ τῆς πολιτείας εὐστάθεια. καὶ Κίννας μὲν ἀμφὶ ταῦτʼ ἐγίγνετο, Ὀκτάουιος δὲ καὶ Μερόλας οἱ ὕπατοι τὸ μὲν ἄστυ τάφροις καὶ τειχῶν ἐπισκευαῖς ὠχύρουν καὶ μηχανήματα ἐφίστανον, ἐπὶ δὲ στρατιὰν ἔς τε τὰς ἑτέρας πόλεις τὰς ἔτι σφῶν κατηκόους καὶ ἐς τὴν ἀγχοῦ Γαλατίαν περιέπεμπον Γναῖόν τε Πομπήιον, ἀνθύπατον ὄντα καὶ στρατευμάτων περὶ τὸν Ἰόνιον ἡγούμενον, ἐκάλουν κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐπικουρεῖν τῇ πατρίδι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.8.66

He said this to stir them up, and after exciting much pity for himself he rent his garments, leaped down from the rostra, and threw himself on the ground before them, where he lay a long time. With tears in their eyes they raised him up; they restored him to the curule chair; they lifted up the fasces and bade him be of good cheer, as he was consul still, and lead them wherever he would. At their instance the officers came forward and took the military oath to support Cinna, and administered it each to the soldiers under him. When he had been confirmed in this way he traversed the allied cities and stirred them up also, because it was on their account chiefly that this misfortune had happened to him. They furnished him both money and soldiers; and many others, even of the aristocratic party in Rome, to whom a stable form of government was irksome, came and joined him. While Cinna was thus occupied, the consuls, Octavius and Merula, fortified the city with trenches, repaired the walls, and planted engines on them. To raise an army they sent around to the towns that were still faithful and also to the neighboring Gauls. They also summoned Gnaeus Pompeius, the proconsul who commanded the army on the Adriatic, to come in haste to the aid of his country.

1.8.67 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.8.67

ὁ δʼ ἦλθε καὶ πρὸς ταῖς Κολλίναις πύλαις ἐστρατοπέδευσε· καὶ ὁ Κίννας ἐπελθὼν αὐτῷ παρεστρατοπέδευε. Γάιος δὲ Μάριος τούτων πυθόμενος ἐς Τυρρηνίαν κατέπλευσεν ἅμα τοῖς συνεξελαθεῖσι καὶ θεράπουσιν αὐτῶν ἐπελθοῦσιν ἀπὸ Ῥώμης, ἐς πεντακοσίους μάλιστά που γεγονόσι. ῥυπῶν δʼ ἔτι καὶ κόμης ἔμπλεως ἐπῄει τὰς πόλεις, οἰκτρὸς ὀφθῆναι· μάχας τε καὶ τρόπαια αὑτοῦ Κιμβρικὰ καὶ ἓξ ὑπατείας ὑπερεπαίρων καὶ περὶ τῆς χειροτονίας σφόδρα αὐτοῖς ἐπιθυμοῦσιν ἐπαγγελλόμενός τε καὶ πιστὸς εἶναι δοκῶν, συνήγαγε Τυρρηνῶν ἑξακισχιλίους καὶ ἐς Κίνναν διῆλθεν ἀσμένως αὐτὸν ἐπὶ κοινωνία τῶν παρόντων δεχόμενον. ὡς δὲ ἀνεμίχθησαν, ἐστρατοπέδευον ἐπὶ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦ Τιβέριος ἐς τρία διαιρεθέντες, Κίννας μὲν καὶ Κάρβων σὺν αὐτῷ τῆς πόλεως ἀντικρύ, Σερτώριος δὲ ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν ἄνω καὶ Μάριος πρὸς τῇ θαλάσση, ζευγνύντες οἵδε τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ γεφυροῦντες, ἵνα τὴν πόλιν ἀφέλοιντο τὴν σιταγωγίαν. Μάριος δὲ καὶ Ὄστια εἷλε καὶ διήρπαζε, καὶ Κίννας ἐπιπέμψας Ἀρίμινον κατέλαβε, τοῦ μή τινα στρατιὰν ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐπελθεῖν ἐκ τῆς ὑπηκόου Γαλατίας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.8.67

Pompeius came and encamped before the Colline gate. Cinna advanced against him and encamped near him. When Gaius Marius heard of these transactions he sailed to Etruria with his fellow-exiles and about 500 slaves who had joined their masters from Rome. Filthy and longhaired, he marched through the towns presenting a pitiable appearance, descanting on his battles, his victories over the Cimbri, and his six consulships; and what was extremely pleasing to them, promising, and also seeming, to be faithful to their interests in the matter of the voting. In this way he collected 6000 Etruscans and joined Cinna, who received him gladly by reason of their common interest in the present enterprise. After their armies were joined they encamped on the banks of the Tiber and divided their forces in three parts: Cinna and Carbo opposite the city, Sertorius above it, and Marius toward the sea. The two latter threw bridges across the river in order to cut off the city’s food-supply. Marius captured Ostia and plundered it. Cinna sent a force and captured Ariminum in order to prevent an army coming to the city from the subject Gauls.

1.8.68 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.8.68

οἱ δὲ ὕπατοι δεδιότες καὶ στρατιᾶς ἄλλης δεόμενοι Σύλλαν μὲν οὐκ εἶχον καλεῖν ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἤδη πεπερακότα, Καικίλιον δὲ Μέτελλον, τὰ λείψανα τοῦ συμμαχικοῦ πολέμου πρὸς Σαυνίτας διατιθέμενον, ἐκέλευον ὅπῃ δύναιτο εὐπρεπῶς διαλυσάμενον ἐπικουρεῖν τῇ πατρίδι πολιορκουμένῃ. οὐ συμβαίνοντος δὲ Σαυνίταις ἐς ἃ ᾔτουν τοῦ Μετέλλου, ὁ Μάριος αἰσθόμενος συνέθετο τοῖς Σαυνίταις ἐπὶ πᾶσιν οἷς ᾔτουν παρὰ τοῦ Μετέλλου. ὧδε μὲν δὴ καὶ Σαυνῖται Μαρίῳ συνεμάχουν· Κλαύδιον δὲ Ἄππιον χιλίαρχον, τειχοφυλακοῦντα τῆς Ῥώμης τὸν λόφον τὸν καλούμενον Ἰάνουκλον, εὖ ποτε παθόντα ὑφʼ ἑαυτοῦ, τῆς εὐεργεσίας ἀναμνήσας ὁ Μάριος ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσῆλθεν, ὑπανοιχθείσης αὐτῷ πύλης περὶ ἕω, καὶ τὸν Κίνναν ἐσεδέξατο. ἀλλʼ οὗτοι μὲν αὐτίκα ἐξεώσθησαν Ὀκταουίου καὶ Πομπηίου σφίσιν ἐπιδραμόντων· κεραυνῶν δὲ πολλῶν ἐς τὸ τοῦ Πομπηίου στρατόπεδον καταρραγέντων ἄλλοι τε τῶν ἐπιφανῶν καὶ ὁ Πομπήιος ἀπώλετο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.8.68

The consuls were alarmed. They needed more troops, but they were unable to call Sulla because he had already crossed over to Asia. They ordered Caecilius Metellus, who was carrying on the remainder of the Social War against the Samnites, to make peace on the best terms he could, and come to the rescue of his beleaguered country. Metellus would not agree to what the Samnites demanded, and when Marius heard of this he made an engagement with them to grant all that they asked from Metellus. In this way the Samnites became allies of Marius. Appius Claudius, a military tribune, who had command of the defences of Rome at the hill called the Janiculum, had once received a favor from Marius which the latter now reminded him of, in consequence of which he admitted him into the city, opening a gate for him at about daybreak. Then Marius admitted Cinna. They were thrust out by Octavius and Pompeius, who attacked them together, but a severe thunder-storm broke upon the camp of Pompeius, and he was killed by lightning together with others of the nobility.

1.8.69 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.8.69

Μάριος δʼ ἐπεὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς τῆς ἔκ τε θαλάσσης καὶ ἄνωθεν ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ φερομένης κατέσχεν, ἐπὶ τὰς ἀγχοῦ τῆς Ῥώμης πόλεις διετρόχαζεν, ἔνθα σῖτος ἦν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις προσεσωρευμένος. ἄφνω δὲ τοῖς φρουροῦσιν αὐτὸν ἐπιπίπτων εἷλε μὲν Ἄντιον καὶ Ἀρικίαν καὶ Λανούβιον καὶ ἄλλας πόλεις, ἔστιν ἃ καὶ προδιδόντων τινῶν· ὡς δὲ καὶ τῆς κατὰ γῆν ἐκράτησεν ἀγορᾶς, εὐθαρσῶς ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην αὐτίκα διὰ τῆς ὁδοῦ τῆς καλουμένης Ἀππίας, πρίν τινα αὐτοῖς ἀγορὰν ἄλλην ἑτέρωθεν ἀχθῆναι. τοῦ δʼ ἄστεος ἑκατὸν σταδίους αὐτός τε καὶ Κίννας καὶ οἱ στρατηγοῦντες αὐτοῖς Κάρβων τε καὶ Σερτώριος ἀποσχόντες ἐστρατοπέδευσαν, Ὀκταουίου καὶ Κράσσου καὶ Μετέλλου περὶ τὸ ὄρος τὸ Ἀλβανὸν αὐτοῖς ἀντικαθημένων καὶ τὸ μέλλον ἔσεσθαι περιβλεπομένων, ἀρετῇ μὲν ἔτι καὶ πλήθει νομιζομένων εἶναι κρειττόνων, ὀκνούντων δʼ ὑπὲρ ὅλης ὀξέως κινδυνεῦσαι τῆς πατρίδος διὰ μάχης μιᾶς. ὡς δὲ περιπέμψας ὁ Κίννας περὶ τὸ ἄστυ κήρυκας ἐδίδου τοῖς ἐς αὐτὸν αὐτομολοῦσι θεράπουσιν ἐλευθερίαν, κατὰ πλῆθος ηὐτομόλουν αὐτίκα· καὶ ἡ βουλὴ ταραττομένη καὶ πολλὰ καὶ δεινά, εἰ βραδύνειεν ἡ σιτοδεία, παρὰ τοῦ δήμου προσδοκῶσα μετέπιπτε τῇ γνώμῃ καὶ πρέσβεις περὶ διαλύσεων ἐς τὸν Κίνναν ἔπεμπον. ὁ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἤρετο, πότερον ὡς πρὸς ὕπατον ἔλθοιεν ἢ πρὸς ἰδιώτην. ἀπορησάντων δʼ ἐκείνων καὶ ἐς τὸ ἄστυ ἐπανελθόντων, πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν ἐλευθέρων ἤδη κατὰ πλῆθος πρὸς τὸν Κίνναν ἐξεπήδων, οἱ μὲν περὶ τῷ λιμῷ δεδιότες, οἱ δὲ πρὸ πολλοῦ τὰ ἐκείνων αἱρούμενοι καὶ τὴν ῥοπὴν τῶν γιγνομένων περιμένοντες.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.8.69

After Marius had stopped the passage of food-supplies from the sea, or by way of the river above, he hastened to attack the neighboring towns where grain was stored for the Romans. He fell upon their garrisons unexpectedly and captured Antium, Aricia, Lanuvium, and others. There were some also that were delivered up to him by treachery. Having cut off their supplies by land in this manner, he advanced boldly against Rome, by the so-called Appian Way, before any other supplies were brought to them by another route. He and Cinna, and their lieutenant-generals, Carbo and Sertorius, halted at a distance of 100 stades from the city and went into camp. Octavius, Crassus, and Metellus had taken position against them at the Alban Mount, where they observed the enemy’s movements. Although they considered themselves superior in bravery and numbers, they hesitated to risk hastily their country’s fate on the hazard of a single battle. Cinna sent heralds around the city to offer freedom to slaves who would desert to him, and forthwith a large number did desert. The Senate was alarmed. Anticipating the most serious consequences from the people if the scarcity of corn should be protracted, it changed its mind and sent envoys to Cinna to treat for peace. The latter asked them whether they had come to see him as a consul or as a private citizen. They were at a loss for an answer and went back to the city; and now a large number of freemen flocked to Cinna, some from fear of famine and others because they had been previously favorable to his party and had been waiting to see which way the scales would turn.

1.8.70 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.8.70

Κίννας δʼ ἤδη καταφρονητικῶς τῷ τειχει ἐπλησίαζε καὶ ἀποσχὼν ὅσον βέλους ὁρμὴν ἐστρατοπέδευεν, ἀπορούντων ἔτι καὶ δεδιότων καὶ ὀκνούντων ἐπιχειρεῖν αὐτῷ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ὀκτάουιον διὰ τὰς αὐτομολίας τε καὶ διαπρεσβεύσεις. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ πάνυ μὲν ἀποροῦσα καὶ δεινὸν ἡγουμένη Λεύκιον Μερόλαν, τὸν ἱερέα τοῦ Διός, ὑπατεύοντα ἀντὶ τοῦ Κίννα καὶ οὐδὲν ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἁμαρτόντα ἀφελέσθαι, ἄκουσα δʼ ὅμως ὑπὸ τῶν συμφορῶν αὖθις ἐς τὸν Κίνναν τοὺς πρέσβεις ἔπεμπεν ὡς πρὸς ὕπατον. οὐδέν τε χρηστὸν ἔτι προσδοκῶντες τοῦτο μόνον ᾔτουν, ἐπομόσαι σφίσι τὸν Κίνναν φόνον οὐκ ἐργάσεσθαι. ὁ δὲ ὀμόσαι μὲν οὐκ ἠξίωσεν, ὑπέσχετο δὲ καὶ ὧδε ἑκὼν οὐδενὶ σφαγῆς αἴτιος ἔσεσθαι. Ὀκτάουιον δʼ ἤδη περιοδεύσαντα καὶ κατʼ ἄλλας πύλας ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσελθόντα ἐκέλευεν ἐκστῆναι τοῦ μέσου, μή τι καὶ ἄκοντος αὑτοῦ πάθοι. ὁ μὲν δὴ ταῦτʼ ἐπὶ βήματος ὑψηλοῦ, καθάπερ ὕπατος, τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ἄνωθεν ἀπεκρίνατο· Μάριος δʼ αὐτῷ παρεστὼς παρὰ τὸν θρόνον ἡσύχαζε μέν, ἐδήλου δὲ τῇ δριμύτητι τοῦ προσώπου, πόσον ἐργάσεται φόνον. δεξαμένης δὲ ταῦτα τῆς βουλῆς καὶ καλούσης ἐσελθεῖν Κίνναν τε καὶ Μάριον ʽᾔσθοντο γὰρ δὴ Μαρίου μὲν εἶναι τὰ ἔργα τάδε πάντα, Κίνναν δʼ αὐτοῖς ἐπιγράφεσθαἰ, σὺν εἰρωνείᾳ σφόδρα ὁ Μάριος ἐπιμειδιῶν εἶπεν οὐκ εἶναι φυγάσιν εἰσόδους. καὶ εὐθὺς οἱ δήμαρχοι τὴν φυγὴν αὐτῷ τε καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι κατὰ Σύλλαν ὕπατον ἐξελήλαντο, ἐψηφίσαντο λελύσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.8.70

Now Cinna began to despise his enemies and drew near to the wall, halting at the distance of a stone’s throw, where he encamped. Octavius and his party were undecided and fearful, and hesitated to attack him on account of the desertions and the negotiations. The Senate was greatly perplexed and considered it a dreadful thing to depose Lucius Merula, the priest of Jupiter, who had been chosen consul in place of Cinna, and who had done nothing wrong in his office. Yet on account of the impending danger it reluctantly sent envoys to Cinna again, and this time as consul. They no longer expected favorable terms, so they only asked that Cinna should swear to them that he would abstain from bloodshed. He refused to take the oath, but he promised nevertheless that he would not willingly be the cause of anybody’s death. He directed, however, that Octavius, who had gone around and entered the city by another gate, should keep away from the forum lest anything should befall him against Cinna’s will. This answer he delivered to the envoys from a high platform in his character as consul. Marius stood beside the curule chair silent, but showed by the asperity of his countenance how much murder he would commit. When the Senate had accepted these terms and had invited Cinna and Marius to enter (for it was understood that all the things that Cinna had subscribed to were the doings of Marius), the latter said with a scornful smile that it was not lawful for the banished to enter. Forthwith the tribunes voted to repeal the decree of banishment against him and all the others who were expelled under the consulship of Sulla.

1.8.71 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.8.71

οἱ μὲν δὴ δεχομένων αὐτοὺς σὺν δέει πάντων ἐσῄεσαν ἐς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ τὰ τῶν ἀντιπρᾶξαι σφίσι δοκούντων ἀκωλύτως πάντα διηρπάζετο· Ὀκταουίῳ δὲ Κίννας μὲν καὶ Μάριος ὅρκους ἐπεπόμφεσαν, καὶ θύται καὶ μάντεις οὐδὲν πείσεσθαι προύλεγον, οἱ δὲ φίλοι φυγεῖν παρῄνουν. ὁ δʼ εἰπὼν οὔποτε προλείψειν τὴν πόλιν ὕπατος ὢν ἐς τὸ Ἰάνουκλον, ἐκστὰς τοῦ μέσου, διῆλθε μετὰ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων καί τινος ἔτι καὶ στρατοῦ ἐπί τε τοῦ θρόνου προυκάθητο, τὴν τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐσθῆτα ἐπικείμενος, ῥάβδων καὶ πελέκεων ὡς ὑπάτῳ περικειμένων. ἐπιθέοντος δʼ αὐτῷ μετά τινων ἱππέων Κηνσωρίνου καὶ πάλιν τῶν φίλων αὐτὸν καὶ τῆς παρεστώσης στρατιᾶς φυγεῖν παρακαλούντων καὶ τὸν ἵππον αὐτῷ προσαγαγόντων, οὐκ ἀνασχόμενος οὐδὲ ὑπαναστῆναι τὴν σφαγὴν περιέμενεν. ὁ δὲ Κηνσωρῖνος αὐτοῦ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐκτεμὼν ἐκόμισεν ἐς Κίνναν, καὶ ἐκρεμάσθη πρὸ τῶν ἐμβόλων ἐν ἀγορᾷ πρώτου τοῦδε ὑπάτου. μετὰ δʼ αὐτὸν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀναιρουμένων ἐκρήμναντο αἱ κεφαλαί, καὶ οὐ διέλιπεν ἔτι καὶ τόδε τὸ μύσος, ἀρξάμενόν τε ἀπὸ Ὀκταουίου καὶ ἐς τοὺς ἔπειτα ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀναιρουμένους περιιόν. ζητηταὶ δʼ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς αὐτίκα ἐξέθεον τούς τε ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ τῶν καλουμένων ἱππέων, καὶ τῶν μὲν ἱππέων ἀναιρουμένων λόγος οὐδεὶς ἔτι μετὰ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν ἐγίγνετο, αἱ δὲ τῶν βουλευτῶν κεφαλαὶ πᾶσαι προυτίθεντο πρὸ τῶν ἐμβόλων. αἰδώς τε θεῶν ἢ νέμεσις ἀνδρῶν ἢ φθόνου φόβος οὐδεὶς ἔτι τοῖς γιγνομένοις ἐπῆν, ἀλλὰ ἐς ἔργα ἀνήμερα καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἔργοις ἐς ὄψεις ἐτρέποντο ἀθεμίστους, κτιννύντες τε ἀνηλεῶς καὶ περιτέμνοντες αὐχένας ἀνδρῶν ἤδη τεθνεώτων καὶ προτιθέντες τὰς συμφορὰς ἐς φόβον ἢ κατάπληξιν ἢ θέαν ἀθέμιστον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.8.71

Accordingly Cinna and Marius entered the city and everybody received them with fear. Straightway they began to plunder without restraint the goods of those who were supposed to be of the opposite party. Cinna and Marius had sworn to Octavius, and the augurs and soothsayers had predicted, that he would suffer no harm, yet his friends advised him to fly. He replied that he would never desert the city while he was consul. So he withdrew from the forum to the Janiculum with the nobility and what was left of his army, where he occupied the curule chair and wore his robes of office, attended by lictors as a consul. Here he was attacked by Censorinus with a body of horse, and again his friends and the soldiers who stood by him urged him to fly and brought him a horse, but he disdained even to arise, and awaited death. Censorinus cut off his head and carried it to Cinna, and it was suspended in the forum in front of the rostra, the first head of a consul that was so exposed. After him the heads of others who were slain were suspended there. This shocking custom, which began with Octavius, was not discontinued, but was handed down to subsequent intestine massacres. Now the victors sent out spies to search for their enemies of the senatorial and equestrian orders. After the knights were killed no further attention was paid to them, but all the heads of senators were exposed in front of the rostra. Neither reverence for the gods, nor the indignation of men, nor the fear of odium for their acts existed any longer among them. After committing savage deeds they turned to hideous sights. They killed remorselessly and severed the necks of men already dead, and they paraded these horrors before the public eye, either to inspire fear and terror, or for a monstrous spectacle.

1.8.72 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.8.72

Γάιος μὲν δὴ Ἰούλιος καὶ Λεύκιος Ἰούλιος, δύο ἀλλήλοιν ἀδελφώ, καὶ Ἀτιλίος Σερρανὸς καὶ Πούπλιος Λέντλος καὶ Γάιος Νεμετώριος καὶ Μᾶρκος Βαίβιος ἐν ὁδῷ καταληφθέντες ἀνῃρέθησαν, Κράσσος δὲ μετὰ τοῦ παιδὸς διωκόμενος τὸν μὲν υἱὸν ἔφθασε προανελεῖν, αὐτὸς δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν διωκόντων ἐπανῃρέθη. τὸν δὲ ῥήτορα Μᾶρκον Ἀντώνιον ἔς τι χωρίον ἐκφυγόντα ὁ γεωργὸς ἐπικρύπτων καὶ ξενίζων ἐς πανδοκεῖον ἔπεμψε τὸν θεράποντα σπουδαιότερον τοῦ συνήθους οἶνον πρίασθαι· καὶ τοῦ καπήλου, τί δὴ σπουδαιότερον αἰτοίη, πυθομένου, ὁ μὲν θεράπων ἐψιθύρισε τὴν αἰτίαν καὶ πριάμενος ἐπανῆλθεν, ὁ δὲ κάπηλος αὐτίκα ἔθει Μαρίῳ τοῦτο δηλώσων, καὶ ὁ Μάριος, ἐπείτε ἤκουσεν, ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς ἀνέδραμεν ὡς αὐτὸς ὁρμήσων ἐπὶ τὸ ἔργον. ἐπισχόντων δʼ αὐτὸν τῶν φίλων χιλίαρχος ἀποσταλεὶς στρατιώτας ἐς τὸ οἴκημα ἀνέπεμψεν, οὓς ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἡδὺς ὢν εἰπεῖν κατεκήλει λόγοις μακροῖς, οἰκτιζόμενός τε καὶ πολλὰ καὶ ποικίλα διεξιών, ἕως ὁ χιλίαρχος ἀπορῶν ἐπὶ τῷ γιγνομένῳ αὐτὸς ἀνέδραμεν ἐς τὸ οἴκημα καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας εὑρὼν ἀκροωμένους ἔκτεινε τὸν Ἀντώνιον ῥητορεύοντα ἔτι καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἔπεμψε τῷ Μαρίῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.8.72

Gaius Julius and Lucius Julius, two brothers, Atilius Serranus, Publius Lentulus, Gaius Numatorius, and Marcus Baebius were arrested in the street and killed. Crassus was pursued with his son. He anticipated the pursuers by killing his son, but was himself killed by them. Marcus Antonius, the orator, fled to a certain country place, where he was concealed and entertained by the farmer, who sent his slave to a tavern for wine of a better quality than he was in the habit of buying. The innkeeper asked him why he wanted the better quality. The slave whispered the reason to him, bought the wine, and went back. The seller ran and told Marius. When Marius heard this he sprang up with joy as though he would rush to do the deed himself, but he was restrained by his friends. A tribune was despatched to the house, who sent some soldiers upstairs, whom Antonius, a delightful speaker, entertained with a long discourse. He moved their pity by recounting many and various things, until the tribune, who was at a loss to know what had happened, rushed into the house and, finding his soldiers listening to Antonius, killed him while he was still addressing them, and sent his head to Marius.

1.8.73 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.8.73

Κορνοῦτον δὲ ἐν καλύβαις κρυπτόμενον οἱ θεράποντες εὐμηχάνως περιέσωσαν· νεκρῷ γὰρ περιτυχόντες σώματι πυράν τε ἔνησαν καὶ τῶν ζητητῶν ἐπιόντων ἅψαντες τὴν πυρὰν ἔφασαν τὸν δεσπότην καίειν ἀπαγξάμενον. ὁ μὲν δὴ πρὸς τῶν θεραπόντων περισέσωστο, Κόιντος δὲ Ἀγχάριος Μάριον ἐν τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ μέλλοντα θύσειν ἐφύλαττεν, ἐλπίζων οἱ τὸ ἱερὸν διαλλακτήριον ἔσεσθαι. ὁ δʼ ἀρχόμενος τῆς θυσίας προσιόντα τὸν Ἀγχάριον καὶ προσαγορεύοντα αὐτίκα ἐν τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ τοῖς παρεστῶσι προσέταξεν ἀνελεῖν. καὶ ἡ κεφαλὴ καὶ τοῦδε καὶ Ἀντωνίου τοῦ ῥήτορος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὑπάτων ἢ στρατηγῶν γεγονότων ἐν ἀγορᾷ προυτέθησαν. ταφήν τε οὐδενὶ ἐξῆν ἐπενεγκεῖν ἐς οὐδένα τῶν ἀναιρουμένων, ἀλλʼ οἰωνοὶ καὶ κύνες ἄνδρας τοιούσδε διεσπάσαντο. πολὺς δὲ καὶ ἄλλος ἦν τῶν στασιωτῶν φόνος ἐς ἀλλήλους ἀνεύθυνος καὶ ἐξελάσεις ἑτέρων καὶ δημεύσεις περιουσίας καὶ ἀρχῆς ἀφαιρέσεις καὶ ἀνατροπαὶ τῶν ἐπὶ Σύλλα τεθέντων νόμων. αὐτοῦ τε Σύλλα φίλοι πάντες ἀνῃροῦντο, καὶ ἡ οἰκία κατεσκάπτετο, καὶ ἡ περιουσία δεδήμευτο, καὶ πολέμιος ἐψηφίζετο· τὸ δὲ γύναιον καὶ ἡ γενεὰ ζητούμενοι διέφυγον. ὅλως τε οὐδὲν ἀπῆν ἀθρόων τε καὶ ποικίλων κακῶν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.8.73

Cornutus concealed himself in a hut and was saved by his slaves in an ingenious way. They found a dead body and placed it on a funeral pile, and when the searchers came they set fire to it and said that they were burning the body of their master, who had hanged himself. In this way he was saved by his slaves. Quintus Ancharius watched his opportunity till Marius was about to offer sacrifice in the Capitol, hoping that the temple would be a more propitious place for him. But when he approached and saluted Marius, the latter, who was just beginning the sacrifice, ordered the guards to kill him in the Capitol forthwith; and his head, with that of the orator Antonius, and those of others who had been consuls and praetors, was exposed in the forum. Burial was not permitted to any of the slain. The bodies of such men as these were torn in pieces by birds and dogs. There was also much private and irresponsible murder committed by the factions upon each other. There were banishments, and confiscations of property, and depositions from office, and a repeal of the laws enacted during Sulla’s consulship. All of Sulla’s friends were put to death, his house was razed to the ground, his property confiscated, and himself voted a public enemy. Search was made for his wife and children, but they escaped. Altogether no sort of calamity was wanting, either general or particular.

1.8.74 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.8.74

ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις, ἐς ὑπόκρισιν ἀρχῆς ἐννόμου μετὰ τοσούσδε φόνους ἀκρίτους, ὑπεβλήθησαν κατήγοροι τῷ τε ἱερεῖ τοῦ Διὸς Μερόλᾳ, κατʼ ὀργὴν ἄρα τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἣν Κίνναν οὐδὲν ἀδικῶν διεδέδεκτο, καὶ Λουτατίῳ Κάτλῳ, τῷ Μαρίου περὶ τὰ Κιμβρικὰ συνάρχῳ, περισωθέντι μὲν ἐκ Μαρίου πάλαι, ἀχαρίστῳ δʼ ἐς αὐτὸν καὶ πικροτάτῳ περὶ τὴν ἐξέλασιν γενομένῳ. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ φυλλασσόμενοί τε ἀφανῶς καὶ τῆς κυρίας ἡμέρας ἐπελθούσης ἐς τὴν δίκην ἀνακαλούμενοι ʽτετράκις δὲ ἐχρῆν κηρυττομένους ἐν ὡρισμένοις ὡρῶν διαστήμασιν ἁλῶναἰ, Μερόλας μὲν τὰς φλέβας ἐνέτεμεν ἑαυτοῦ, καὶ πινάκιον αὐτῷ παρακείμενον ἐδήλου, ὅτι κόπτων τὰς φλέβας τὸν πῖλον ἀποθοῖτο ʽοὐ γὰρ ἦν θεμιτὸν ἱερέα περικείμενον τελευτᾶν̓, Κάτλος δʼ ἐν οἰκήματι νεοχρίστῳ τε καὶ ἔτι ὑγρῷ καίων ἄνθρακας ἑκὼν ἀπεπνίγη. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν οὕτως ἀπέθανον, θεράποντες δʼ ὅσοι κατὰ τὸ κήρυγμα πρὸς Κίνναν ἐκδραμόντες ἐλεύθεροι γεγένηντο καὶ αὐτῷ Κίννᾳ τότε ἐστρατεύοντο, ταῖς οἰκίαις ἐπέτρεχον καὶ διήρπαζον, ἀναιροῦντες ἅμα οἷς περιτύχοιεν· οἱ δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ τοῖς σφετέροις δεσπόταις μάλιστα ἐπεχείρουν. Κίννας δʼ ἐπεὶ πολλάκις αὐτοῖς ἀπαγορεύων οὐκ ἔπειθε, Γαλατῶν στρατιὰν αὐτοῖς ἔτι νυκτὸς ἀναπαυομένοις περιστήσας διέφθειρε πάντας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.8.74

In addition to the foregoing and under the similitude of legal authority, and after so many had been put to death without trial, accusers were suborned to make false charges against Merula, the priest of Jupiter, who was hated because he had been the successor of Cinna in the consulship, although he had committed no other fault. Accusation was also brought against Lutatius Catulus, who had been the colleague of Marius in the war against the Cimbri, and whose life Marius once saved. It was charged that he had been very ungrateful to Marius and was bitter against him when he was banished. These men were put under secret surveillance, and when the day for holding court arrived were summoned to trial (the proper way was to put the accused under arrest after they had been cited four times at certain fixed intervals), but Merula had opened his own veins, and a tablet lying at his side showed that when he cut his veins he had removed his flamen’s cap, for it was accounted a sin for the priest to wear it at his death. Catulus suffocated himself with burning charcoal in a chamber newly plastered and still moist. So these two men perished. The slaves who had joined Cinna in answer to his proclamation and had thereupon been freed and were at this time enrolled in the army by Cinna himself, broke into and plundered houses, and killed persons whom they met on the street. Some of them attacked their own masters particularly. After Cinna had forbidden this several times, but without avail, he surrounded them with his Gallic soldiery one night while they were taking their rest, and killed them all. Thus did the slaves receive fit punishment for their repeated treachery to their masters.

Edition note

Y.R. 668

1.8.75 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.8.75

οἱ μὲν δὴ θεράποντες δίκην ἀξίαν ἔδοσαν τῆς ἐς δεσπότας πολλάκις ἀπιστίας· τοῦ δʼ ἐπιόντος ἔτους ὕπατοι μὲν ᾕρηντο Κίννας τε αὖθις καὶ Μάριος ἕβδομον, ᾧ μετὰ φυγὴν καὶ ἐπικήρυξιν, εἴ τις ὡς πολέμιον ἀνέλοι, τὸ μάντευμα ὅμως ἀπήντα τὸ τῶν ἑπτὰ νεογνῶν ἀετῶν. ἀλλʼ οὗτος μὲν πολλὰ καὶ δεινὰ ἐς Σύλλαν ἐπινοῶν τοῦ πρώτου μηνὸς τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπέθανε, καὶ Οὐαλέριον Φλάκκον ὁ Κίννας ἑλόμενος ἀντʼ αὐτοῦ εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐξέπεμψεν, ἀποθανόντος δὲ καὶ Φλάκκου Κάρβωνα εἵλετο συνάρχειν ἑαυτῷ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.8.75

The following year Cinna was chosen consul for the second time, and Marius for the seventh time; to whom, notwithstanding his banishment and proscription, the augury of the seven young eaglets was yet fulfilled. But he died in the first month of his consulship, while forming all sorts of terrible designs against Sulla. Cinna caused Valerius Flaccus to be chosen in his place and sent him to Asia, and when Flaccus lost his life Cinna chose Carbo as his successor.

Edition note

B.C. 86

1.9.76 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.9.76

Σύλλας δʼ ἐπείξει τῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐπανόδου τὰ ἐς Μιθριδάτην πάντʼ ἐπιταχύνας, ὥς μοι προείρηται, καὶ ἔτεσιν οὐδʼ ὅλοις τρισὶν ἑκκαίδεκα μὲν ἀνδρῶν μυριάδας κατακανών, τὴν δὲ Ἑλλάδα καὶ Μακεδονίαν καὶ Ἰωνίαν καὶ Ἀσίαν καὶ ἄλλα ἔθνη πολλά, ὅσα Μιθριδάτης προειλήφει, ἐς Ῥωμαίους ἀναλαβὼν αὐτόν τε τὸν βασιλέα τὰς ναῦς ἀφελόμενος καὶ ἐς μόνην τὴν πατρῴαν ἀρχὴν ἐκ τοσῶνδε κατακλείσας, ἐπανῄει στρατὸν ἄγων εὔνουν οἱ καὶ γεγυμνασμένον καὶ πολὺν καὶ τοῖς γεγονόσιν ἐπηρμένον. ἦγε δὲ καὶ νεῶν πλῆθος καὶ χρήματα καὶ παρασκευὴν ἐς ἅπαντα ἀξιόλογον, καὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἦν ἐπίφοβος, ὥστε δειμαίνοντες αὐτὸν ὅ τε Κάρβων καὶ ὁ Κίννας ἐς ὅλην τὴν Ἰταλιαν τινὰς περιέπεμπον, χρήματα καὶ στρατιὰν καὶ σῖτον αὐτοῖς ἀθροίζειν, τούς τε δυνατοὺς συνουσίαις ἀνελάμβανον καὶ τῶν πόλεων ἠρέθιζον μάλιστα τὰς νεοπολιτίδας, ὡς διʼ αὐτὰς ὄντες ἐν τοσῷδε κινδύνου. τάς τε ναῦς ἐπεσκεύαζον ἀθρόως καὶ τὰς ἐν Σικελίᾳ μετεκάλουν καὶ τὴν παράλιον ἐφύλασσον καὶ οὐδὲν ὀξείας οὐδὲ οἵδε παρασκευῆς μετὰ δέους ἅμα καὶ σπουδῆς ἐξέλιπον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.9.76

Sulla now hastened his return to meet his enemies, having quickly finished all his business with Mithridates, as I have already related. Within less than three years he had killed 160,000 men, recovered Greece, Macedonia, Ionia, Asia, and many other countries that Mithridates had previously occupied, taken the king’s fleet away from him, and from such vast possessions restricted him to his paternal kingdom alone. He returned with a large and well-disciplined army, devoted to him and elated by its exploits. He had abundance of ships, money, and apparatus suitable for all emergencies, and was an object of terror to his enemies. Carbo and Cinna were in such fear of him that they despatched emissaries to all parts of Italy to collect money, soldiers, and supplies. They took their leading citizens into friendly intercourse and appealed especially to the newly created citizens of the towns, pretending that it was on their account that they were threatened with the present danger. They hastily repaired the ships, and recalled those that were in Sicily, guarded the coast, and, with fear and trembling, made rapid preparations in every way.

Edition note

B.C. 85

1.9.77 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.9.77

Σύλλας δʼ ἐπὶ φρονήματος ἐπέστέλλε τῇ βουλῇ περί τε αὑτοῦ καταλέγων, ὅσα περὶ Λιβύην ἐς Ἰογόρθαν τὸν Νομάδα ἔτι ταμιεύων ἢ ἐπὶ τοῖς Κιμβρικοῖς πρεσβεύων ἢ Κιλικίας ἡγούμενος ἢ ἐν τοῖς συμμαχικοῖς ἢ ὑπατεύων ἔπραξε, τὰ δʼ ἔναγχος ἐς Μιθριδάτην ὑπερεπαίρων τε μάλιστα καὶ καταλογιζόμενος αὐτοῖς ἀθρόως ἔθνη πολλά, ὅσα Μιθριδάτου γενόμενα Ῥωμαιοις ἀναλάβοι, καὶ οὐδενὸς ἧττον, ὅτι τοὺς ἐξελαθέντας ἐκ Ῥώμης ὑπὸ Κίννα καταφυγόντας ἐς αὑτὸν ὑποδέξαιτο ἀπορουμένους καὶ ἐπικουφίζοι τὰς συμφορὰς αὐτοῖς. ἀνθʼ ὧν ἔφη τοὺς ἐχθροὺς πολέμιον αὑτὸν ἀναγράψαι καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἀνασκάψαι καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἀνελεῖν, τὴν δὲ γυναῖκα καὶ τέκνα μόλις πρὸς ἑαυτὸν διαφυγεῖν. ἀλλʼ αὐτίκα καὶ τοῖσδε καὶ τῇ πόλει πάσῃ τιμωρὸς ἥξειν ἐπὶ τοὺς εἰργασμένους. τοῖς δʼ ἄλλοις πολίταις τε καὶ νεοπολίταις προύλεγεν οὐδενὶ μέμψεσθαι περὶ οὐδενός. ὧν ἀναγινωσκομένων δέος ἅπαντας ἐπεῖχε, καὶ πρέσβεις ἔπεμπον, οἳ συναλλάξειν αὐτὸν τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἔμελλον καὶ προερεῖν, εἴ τινος ἀσφαλείας δέοιτο, τῇ βουλῇ τάχιστα ἐπιστεῖλαι· τοῖς δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Κίνναν εἴρητο μὴ στρατολογεῖν, ἕστε ἐκεῖνον ἀποκρίνασθαι. οἱ δʼ ὑπέσχοντο μὲν ὧδε πράξειν, οἰχομένων δὲ τῶν πρέσβεων ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἑαυτοὺς ἀνεῖπον ὑπάτους αὐτίκα, τοῦ μὴ διὰ τὰ ἀρχαιρέσια θᾶττον ἐπανήκειν, καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν περιιόντες στρατιὰν συνῆγον, ἣν ἐς Λιβυρνίαν, ὡς ἐκεῖθεν ἀπαντήσοντες τῷ Σύλλᾳ, κατὰ μέρος ἐπὶ νεῶν διεβίβαζον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.9.77

Sulla wrote to the Senate in a tone of superiority concerning himself. He recounted what he had done in Africa in the Jugurthine war while he was still quaestor, what he had done as lieutenant in the Cimbric war, as praetor in Cilicia and in the Social war, and as consul. Most of all he dwelt upon his recent victories in the Mithridatic war, enumerating to them the many nations that had been under Mithridates and that he had recovered for the Romans. Of nothing did he make more account than that those who had been banished from Rome by Cinna had fled to him, and that he had received the helpless ones and supported them in their affliction. In return for which he said that he had been declared a public enemy by his foes, his house had been destroyed, his friends put to death, and his wife and children had with difficulty made their escape to him. He would be there presently to take vengeance, for them and for the entire city, upon the guilty ones. He assured the other citizens, and the new citizens, that he made no complaint against them. When the contents of the letters became known fear fell upon all, and they began sending messengers to reconcile him with his enemies and to tell him in advance that if he wanted any security he should write to the Senate at once. They ordered Cinna and Carbo to cease recruiting soldiers until Sulla’s answer should be received. They promised to do so, but as soon as the messengers had gone they proclaimed themselves consuls for the ensuing year so that they need not come back to the city directly to hold the election. They traversed Italy, collecting soldiers whom they carried across by detachments on shipboard to Liburnia, as they expected to meet Sulla there.

Edition note

On the northern coast of Illyria.

Edition note

Y.R. 670

1.9.78 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.9.78

τὸ μὲν δὴ πρῶτον μέρος εὐσταθῶς διέπλευσε· τῷ δʼ ἑξῆς χειμὼν ἐπέπεσε, καὶ ὅσοι τῆς γῆς ἐλαμβάνοντο, εὐθὺς ἐς τὰς πατρίδας διεδίδρασκον ὡς οὐ στρατεύσοντες ἑκόντες κατὰ πολιτῶν· οἵ τε λοιποὶ πυνθανόμενοι ταῦτʼ οὐδʼ αὐτοὶ περάσειν ἔτι ἔλεγον ἐς τὴν Λιβυρνίαν. Κίννας δʼ ἀγανακτῶν ἐς ἐκκλησίαν αὐτοὺς ὡς ἐπιπλήξων συνεκάλει· καὶ οἱ σὺν ὀργῇ παρῄεσαν ὡς ἀμυνούμενοι. τῶν δὲ ῥαβδοφόρων τινὸς ὁδοποιοῦντος τῷ Κίννᾳ καί τινα τῶν ἐν ποσὶ πατάξαντος, ἕτερος ἐκ τοῦ στρατοῦ τὸν ῥαβδοῦχον ἐπάταξε. καὶ Κίννα κελεύσαντος αὐτὸν συλλαβεῖν βοὴ παρὰ πάντων ἀνέστη, καὶ λίθων ἦσαν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἀφέσεις· οἱ δʼ ἐγγὺς καὶ τὰ ξιφίδια ἐπισπάσαντες συνεκέντησαν αὐτόν. οὕτω μὲν δὴ καὶ Κίννας ὑπατεύων ἀπέθανε· Κάρβων δʼ ἔκ τε Λιβυρνίας τοὺς διαπεπλευκότας ἐς αὐτὴν μετεκάλει καὶ τὰ γιγνόμενα δεδιὼς ἐς τὴν πόλιν οὐ κατῄει, καὶ πάνυ τῶν δημάρχων αὐτὸν καλούντων ἐπὶ συνάρχου χειροτονίαν. ἀπειλησάντων δὲ ἰδιώτην ἀποφανεῖν, ἐπανῆλθε μὲν καὶ χειροτονίαν προύθηκεν ὑπάτου, ἀπαισίου δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας γενομένης ἑτέραν προύγραφε· κἀν ταύτῃ κεραυνοῦ πεσόντος ἐς τὸ τῆς Σελήνης καὶ τὸ τῆς Δήμητρος ἱερὸν οἱ μάντεις ὑπὲρ τὰς θερινὰς τροπὰς ἀνετίθεντο τὰς χειροτονίας, καὶ μόνος ἦρχεν ὁ Κάρβων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.9.78

The first detachment had a prosperous voyage. The next one encountered a storm and those who reached land went home immediately, as they did not relish the prospect of fighting their fellow-citizens. When the rest learned this they refused to cross to Liburnia. Cinna was angry and called them to an assembly in order to coerce them. They, angry also and ready to defend themselves, assembled. One of the lictors, who was clearing the road for Cinna, struck somebody who was in the way and one of the soldiers struck the lictor. Cinna ordered the arrest of the offender, whereupon a clamor rose on all sides, stones were thrown at him, and those who were near him drew their swords and stabbed him. So Cinna also perished during his consulship. Carbo recalled those who had been sent over by ship to Liburnia. As he was solicitous about the present state of things, he did not go back to the city, although the tribunes summoned him with urgency to hold an election for the choice of a colleague. When they threatened to reduce him to the rank of a private citizen he came back and ordered the holding of the consular election, but as the omens were unfavorable he postponed it to another day. When that day came lightning struck the temples of Luna and of Ceres; so the augurs prorogued the comitia beyond the summer solstice, and Carbo remained the sole consul.

Edition note

B.C. 84

1.9.79 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.9.79

Σύλλας δὲ τοῖς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἥκουσιν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἀπεκρίνατο αὐτὸς μὲν οὔποτε ἀνδράσι τολάδε ἐργασαμένοις ἔσεσθαι φίλος, τῇ πόλει δʼ οὐ φθονήσειν χαριζομένῃ τὴν σωτηρίαν αὐτοῖς· ἀσφάλειαν δὲ αὐτὸς μᾶλλον αὐτοῖς ἔφη καὶ τοῖς ἐς αὑτὸν καταφυγοῦσιν ἐς ἀεὶ παρέξειν, στρατὸν ἔχων εὔνουν. ᾧ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα δῆλος ἐγένετο, ἑνὶ ῥήματι τῷδε, οὐ διαλύσων τὸν στρατόν, ἀλλὰ τὴν τυραννίδα ἤδη διανοούμενος. ᾔτει δʼ αὐτοὺς τήν τε ἀξίωσιν καὶ περιουσίαν καὶ ἱερωσύνην καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο γέρας εἶχεν, ἐντελῆ πάντα ἀποδοθῆναι· καὶ τοὺς περὶ τούτων ἐροῦντας συνέπεμπε τοῖς πρέσβεσιν. οἱ δʼ εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ Βρεντεσίου, Κίνναν τε πυθόμενοι τεθνάναι καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀδιοίκητον εἶναι, πρὸς τὸν Σύλλαν ἀνέστρεφον ἄπρακτοι. καὶ ὁ Σύλλας πέντε Ἰταλοῦ στρατοῦ τέλη καὶ ἱππέας ἑξακισχιλίους, ἄλλους τέ τινας ἐκ Πελοποννήσου καὶ Μακεδονίας προσλαβών, ἅπαντας ἄγων ἐς μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν τέσσαρας, ἐπί τε Πάτρας ἀπὸ τοῦ Πειραιέως καὶ ἐκ Πατρῶν ἐς Βρεντέσιον χιλίαις καὶ ἑξακοσίαις ναυσὶ διέπλει. δεξαμένων δʼ αὐτὸν ἀμαχεὶ τῶν Βρεντεσίων, τοῖσδε μὲν ὕστερον ἔδωκεν ἀτέλειαν, ἣν καὶ νῦν ἔχουσιν, αὐτὸς δʼ ἀναστήσας τὸν στρατὸν ἦγεν ἐς τὸ πρόσω.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.9.79

Sulla answered those who came to him from the Senate, saying that he would never be on friendly terms with the men who had committed such crimes. Still he would not prevent the city from extending clemency to them. As for security he said that, as he had a devoted army, he could better furnish lasting security to them, and to those who had fled to his camp, than they to him; whereby it was made plain in a single sentence that he would not disband his army, but was contemplating the exercise of supreme power. He demanded of them his former dignity, his property, and the sacerdotal office, and that they should restore to him in full measure whatever other honors he had previously held. He sent some of his own men with the Senate’s messengers to confer about these matters. As soon as they learned from the Brundusians that Cinna was dead and that Rome was in an unsettled state, they went back to Sulla without transacting their business. He started with five legions of Italian troops and 6000 horse, to whom he added some other forces from the Peloponnesus and Macedonia, in all about 40,000 men. He led them from the Piraeus to Patrae, and then sailed from Patrae to Brundusium in 1600 ships. The Brundusians received him without a fight, for which favor he afterward gave them exemption from customs-duties, which they enjoy to this day. Then he put his army in motion and went forward.

Edition note

Y.R. 671

Edition note

B.C. 83

1.9.80 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.9.80

καὶ αὐτῷ Μέτελλος Καικίλιος ὁ Εὐσεβής, ἐκ πολλοῦ τε ᾑρημένος ἐς τὰ λοιπὰ τοῦ συμμαχικοῦ πολέμου καὶ διὰ Κίνναν καὶ Μάριον ἐς τὴν πόλιν οὐκ ἐσελθών, ἀλλὰ ἐν τῇ Λιβυστίδι τὸ μέλλον περιορῶν, αὐτόκλητος σύμμαχος ἀπήντα μεθʼ ἧς εἶχε συμμαχίας, ἀνθύπατος ἔτι ὤν· ἔστι γὰρ εἶναι τοῖς αἱρεθεῖσιν, ἔστε ἐπανέλθοιεν ἐς Ῥώμην. ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ Μετέλλῳ καὶ Γναῖος Πομπήιος, ὁ μετʼ οὐ πολὺ Μέγας παρονομασθείς, Πομπηίου μὲν ὢν παῖς τοῦ διεφθαρμένου τῷ κεραυνῷ, οὐκ εὔνου τῷ Σύλλᾳ νομισθέντος, τὴν δʼ ὑποψίαν διαλυόμενος, ἦλθε καὶ τέλος ἤγαγεν, ἐκ τῆς Πικηνίτιδος κατὰ κλέος τοῦ πατρὸς ἰσχύσαντος ἐν αὐτῇ μάλιστα ἀγείρας. μετὰ δʼ οὐ πολὺ καὶ δύο ἄλλα συνέλεξε καὶ χρησιμώτατος ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα ὅδε ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐγένετο τῷ Σύλλᾳ· ὅθεν αὐτὸν ὁ Σύλλας ἔτι νεώτατον ὄντα ἦγεν ἐν τιμῇ καὶ ἐπιόντος, φασίν, ὑπανίστατο μόνῳ. λήγοντος δὲ τοῦ πολέμου καὶ ἐς Λιβύην ἔπεμψεν ἐξελάσαι τε τοὺς Κάρβωνος φίλους καὶ Ἱεμψάλαν ἐκπεσόντα ὑπὸ Νομάδων ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν καταγαγεῖν. ἐφʼ ᾧ δὴ καὶ θριαμβεῦσαι κατὰ τῶν Νομάδων αὐτῷ παρέσχεν ὁ Σύλλας, ἔτι ὄντι νέῳ καὶ ἔτι ὄντι τῶν ἱππέων. καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦδε ἐπαρθεὶς ἐς μέγα ὁ Πομπήιος ἐπὶ Σερτώριον ἐς Ἰβηρίαν ἐπέμφθη καὶ ἐς τὸν Πόντον ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην ὕστερον. ἀφίκετο δὲ καὶ Κέθηγος ἐς τὸν Σύλλαν, χαλεπώτατος ἀντιστασιώτης αὐτῷ μετὰ Κίννα καὶ Μαρίου γενόμενος καὶ σὺν ἐκείνοις τῆς πόλεως ἐκπεσών, ἱκέτης τε γιγνόμενος καὶ ἑαυτὸν ὑπηρέτην ἐς ὅ τι βούλοιτο παρέχων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.9.80

He was met on the road by Caecilius Metellus Pius, who had been chosen some time before to finish up the Social War, but who did not return to the. city for fear of Cinna and Marius. He had been awaiting the turn of events in Liguria, and now offered himself as a volunteer ally with the force under his command, as he was still a proconsul; for those who have been chosen to this office retain it till they come back to Rome. After Metellus, came Pompey, who not long afterward was surnamed the Great, son of the Pompeius who was killed by lightning and who was supposed to be unfriendly to Sulla. The son removed this suspicion by coming with a legion which he had collected from the territory of Picenum on the reputation of his father, who had been very influential there. A little later he recruited two more legions and became Sulla’s most useful right-hand man in these affairs. So Sulla held him in honor, though still very young; and they say he rose at the entrance of none other than this youth. After the war was finished Sulla sent him to Africa to drive out the party of Carbo and to restore Hiempsal (who had been expelled by the Numidians) to his kingdom. For this service Sulla allowed him a triumph over the Numidians, although he was under age, and was still in the equestrian order. He took his start to greatness from this beginning, and was sent against Sertorius in Spain and later against Mithridates in Pontus. Cethegus also joined Sulla, although with Cinna and Marius he had been violently hostile to him and had been driven out of the city with them. He was now a suppliant, and offered his services to Sulla in any capacity he might desire.

1.9.81 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.9.81

ὁ δὲ καὶ στρατιᾶς πολὺ πλῆθος ἔχων ἤδη καὶ φίλους πολλοὺς τῶν ἐπιφανῶν, τοῖσδε μὲν ὑποστρατήγοις ἐχρῆτο, αὐτὸς δὲ καὶ Μέτελλος ἀνθυπάτω ὄντε ἐς τὸ πρόσθεν ἐχώρουν· ἐδόκει γὰρ δὴ καὶ ὁ Σύλλας, ἀνθύπατος ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτῃ γενόμενος, οὐκ ἀποθέσθαι πω τὴν ἀρχήν, εἰ καὶ πολέμιον αὐτὸν ἐψηφίσατο Κίννας. ὁ μὲν δὴ κατὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ᾔει βαρυτάτῃ καὶ ἀφανεῖ ἔχθρᾳ· οἱ δʼ ἐν ἄστει τῆς τε φύσεως αὐτοῦ καλῶς τεκμαιρόμενοι καὶ τὴν προτέραν ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσβολὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ κατάληψιν ἔτι ἔχοντες ἐν ὄψει τά τε ψηφίσματα, ἃ ἐπεκήρυξαν αὐτῷ, λογιζομενοι καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ὁρῶντες ἀνεσκαμμένην καὶ περιουσίαν δεδημευμένην καὶ φίλους ἀνῃρημένους καὶ γενεὰν μόλις ἐκφυγοῦσαν ἐδείμαινον. καὶ οὐδὲν σφίσι νίκης ἢ πανωλεθρίας μέσον εἶναι νομίζοντες συνίσταντο τοῖς ὑπάτοις ἐπὶ τὸν Σύλλαν μετὰ δέους, ἔς τε τὴν Ἰταλίαν περιπέμποντες στρατιὰν καὶ τροφὰς καὶ χρήματα συνῆγου, οὐδὲν ὡς περὶ ἐσχάτων σφίσιν ἀπολείποντες οὔτε σπουδῆς οὔτε προθυμίας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.9.81

Sulla now had plenty of soldiers and a sufficient number of friends of the higher orders, whom he used as lieutenants. He and Metellus, who were both proconsuls, marched in advance, for it seems that Sulla, who had been appointed proconsul against Mithridates, had at no time laid down his command, although he had been voted a public enemy at the instance of Cinna. Now Sulla moved against his enemies with a most intense yet concealed hatred. The people in the city, who had formed a pretty fair judgment of the character of the man, and who remembered his former attack and capture of the city, and who took into account the decrees they had proclaimed against him, and who had witnessed the destruction of his house, the confiscation of his property, the killing of his friends, and the narrow escape of his family, were in a state of terror. Conceiving that there was no middle ground between victory and utter destruction, they united with the consuls to resist Sulla, but with trepidation. They despatched messengers throughout Italy to collect soldiers, provisions, and money, and, as in cases of extreme peril, they omitted nothing that zeal and earnestness could suggest.

1.9.82 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.9.82

γάιός τε Νωρβανὸς καὶ Λεύκιος Σκιπίων, τὼ τότε ὄντε ὑπάτω, καὶ μετʼ αὐτῶν Κάρβων, ὃς πέρυσιν ἦρχεν, ἔχθρᾳ μὲν ἐς τὸν Σύλλαν ὁμοία χρώμενοι, δέει δὲ καὶ συνειδότι ὧν ἔπραξαν πολὺ τῶν ἄλλων χείρονι, ἔκ τε τῆς πόλεως στρατόν, ὅσον εὐπόρουν, κατέλεγον καὶ τὸν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας προσλαβόντες ἐπὶ τὸν Σύλλαν κατὰ μέρος ἐχώρουν, σπείραις ἐκ πεντακοσίων ἀνδρῶν διακοσίαις τότε πρῶτον· ὕστερον γὰρ καὶ πλέοσι τούτων. ἡ γὰρ εὔνοια τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐς τοὺς ὑπάτους παρὰ πολὺ ἐποίει, ὡς τὸ μὲν ἔργον τὸ Σύλλα, χωροῦντος ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα, δόξαν ἔχον πολεμίου, τὸ δὲ τῶν ὑπάτων, εἰ καὶ περὶ σφῶν ἔπραττον, πρόσχημα τῆς πατρίδος. τῶν τε ἁμαρτηθέντων αὑτοῖς οἱ πολλοὶ συνεγνωκότες καὶ τοῦ φόβου μετέχειν ἡγούμενοι συνέπρασσον, εὖ τὸν Σύλλαν εἰδότες οὐ κόλασιν ἢ διόρθωσιν ἢ φόβον ἐπὶ σφίσιν, ἀλλὰ λύμας καὶ θανάτους καὶ δημεύσεις καὶ ἀναίρεσιν ὅλως ἀθρόαν ἐπινοοῦντα. ὧν οὐκ ἐψεύσθησαν τῆς δόξης. ὅ τε γὰρ πόλεμος ἔφθειρε πάντας, ὧν γε καὶ μύριοι καὶ δισμύριοι πολλάκις ἐν μάχῃ μιᾷ καὶ ἀμφὶ τὸ ἄστυ πέντε μυριάδες ἀμφοῖν ἀπέθανον· καὶ ἐς τοὺς ὑπολοίπους ὁ Σύλλας οὐδὲν δεινὸν καὶ καθʼ ἕνα καὶ κατὰ πόλεις ἐξέλιπε δρῶν, μέχρι καὶ μόναρχον ἑαυτὸν ἀπέφηνε τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς ὅλης, ἐφʼ ὅσον ἔχρῃζέ τε καὶ ἐβούλετο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.9.82

Gaius Norbanus and Lucius Scipio, who were then the consuls, and with them Carbo, who had been consul the previous year (all of them moved by equal hatred of Sulla and more fearful than others because they knew that they were more to blame for what had been done), levied the best possible army from the city, obtained an additional one from Italy, and marched against Sulla in detachments. They had 200 cohorts of 500 men each at first, and their forces were considerably augmented afterward. The sympathies of the people were much in favor of the consuls, because the action of Sulla, who was marching against his country, seemed to be that of an enemy, while that of the consuls, even if they were working for themselves, was ostensibly the cause of the republic. Many persons, too, who knew that they had shared the guilt of the consuls, and who were believed to share their fears, coöperated with them. They knew very well that Sulla was not meditating merely prevention, correction, and alarm for them, but destruction, death, confiscation, and complete extermination. In this they were not mistaken, for the war ruined everything. From 10,000 to 20,000 men were slain in a single battle more than once. Fifty thousand on both sides lost their lives around the city, and to the survivors Sulla was unsparing in severity, both to individuals and to communities, until, finally, he made himself the undisputed master of the whole Roman government, so far as he wished or cared to be.

1.9.83 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.9.83

καὶ τάδε αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ προσημῆναι. δείματά τε γὰρ ἄλογα πολλοῖς καὶ ἰδίᾳ καὶ κατὰ πλῆθος ἐνέπιπτε περὶ ὅλην τὴν Ἰταλίαν, καὶ μαντευμάτων παλαιῶν ἐπιφοβωτέρων ἐμνημόνευον, τέρατά τε πολλὰ ἐγίνοντο, καὶ ἡμίονος ἔτεκε, καὶ γυνὴ κύουσα ἔχιν ἀντὶ βρέφους ἐξέδωκε, τήν τε γῆν ὁ θεὸς ἐπὶ μέγα ἔσεισε καὶ νεώς τινας ἐν Ῥώμῃ κατήνεγκε, καὶ πάνυ Ῥωμαίων ὄντων ἐς τὰ τοιαῦτα βαρυεργῶν. τό τε Καπιτώλιον ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων τετρακοσίοις που πρόσθεν ἔτεσι γενόμενον ἐνεπρήσθη, καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν οὐδεὶς ἐπενόει. πάντα δʼ ἔδοξεν ἐς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἀπολουμένων καὶ τὴν ἅλωσιν τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ Ῥωμαίων αὐτῶν τῆς τε πόλεως κατάληψιν καὶ πολιτείας μεταβολὴν προσημῆναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.9.83

It seems, too, that divine Providence foretold to them the results of this war. Sights terrible and unexpected were observed by many, both in public and in private, throughout all Italy. Ancient, awe-inspiring oracles were remembered. Many monstrous things happened. A mule gave birth to a colt. A pregnant woman was delivered of a viper instead of a baby. There was a severe earthquake divinely sent and some of the temples in Rome were thrown down (the Romans gave altogether too much attention to such things). The Capitol, that had been built by the kings 400 years before, burned down, and nobody could discover the cause of the fire. All things seemed to point to a succession of slaughters, to the conquest of Italy and of the Romans themselves, to the capture of the city, and a change in the form of government.

1.9.84 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.9.84

ἤρξατο μὲν οὖν ὅδε ὁ πόλεμος, ἐξ οὗ Σύλλας ἐς Βρεντέσιον παρῆλθεν, ὀλυμπιάδων οὐσῶν ἑκατὸν ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ τεσσάρων· μῆκος δʼ αὐτοῦ, διά τε τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἔργων, σὺν ἐπείξει ὡς ἐπʼ ἐχθροὺς ἰδίους ταχυνόντων, οὐ πολὺ ὡς ἐπὶ τοσοῖσδε ἔργοις ἐγένετο. ὅθεν καὶ μάλιστα αὐτοῖς τὰ παθήματα ἐπειγομένοις ἐν βραχεῖ μείζω καὶ ὀξύτερα συνέβη γενέσθαι. ἐς δὲ τριετὲς ὅμως προῆλθε, κατά γε τὴν Ἰταλίαν, μέχρι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀνεδήσατο Σύλλας· ἐν γὰρ Ἰβηρίᾳ καὶ μετὰ Σύλλαν ἐξέτεινεν ἐπὶ πλεῖον. μάχαι δὲ καὶ ἀκροβολίαι καὶ πολιορκίαι καὶ πολέμων ἰδέαι πᾶσαι κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἀθρόαι τε καὶ κατὰ μέρη τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἐγένοντο πολλαί, καὶ πᾶσαι διαφανεῖς. ὧν τὰ μέγιστα καὶ ἀξιολογώτατα, ἐν κεφαλαίῳ φράσαι, τοιάδε ἦν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.9.84

This war began as soon as Sulla arrived at Brundusium, which was in the 174th Olympiad. Considering the magnitude of the work accomplished, its length was not great, compared with such wars in general, since the combatants rushed upon each other with the fury of private enemies. For this reason greater and more distressing calamities than usual befell the eager participants in a short space of time. Nevertheless the war lasted three years in Italy alone, until Sulla had secured the supreme power, but in Spain it continued even after Sulla’s death. Battles, skirmishes, sieges, and fighting of all kinds were numerous throughout Italy, both regular engagements under the generals and by detachments, and all were noteworthy. The greatest and most remarkable of them I shall mention in this book. First of all Sulla and Metellus fought a battle against Norbanus at Canusium and killed 6000 of his men, while Sulla’s loss was seventy, but many of his men were wounded. Norbanus retreated to Capua.

1.10.85 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.10.85

πρώτη μὲν ἀμφὶ Κανύσιον τοῖς ἀνθυπάτοις πρὸς Νωρβανὸν ἐγίγνετο μάχη· καὶ θνῄσκουσι Νωρβανοῦ μὲν ἑξακισχίλιοι, τῶν δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Σύλλαν ἑβδομήκοντα, τραυματίαι δʼ ἐγένοντο πολλοί· καὶ Νωρβανὸς ἐς Καπύην ἀνέζευξε. Σύλλᾳ δὲ καὶ Μετέλλῳ περὶ τὸ Τεανὸν οὖσι Λεύκιος Σκιπίων ἐπῄει μεθʼ ἑτέρου στρατοῦ, πάνυ ἀθύμως ἔχοντος καὶ ποθοῦντος εἰρήνην γενέσθαι· αἰσθόμενοι δʼ οἱ περὶ τὸν Σύλλαν πρὸς τὸν Σκιπίωνα περὶ συμβάσεων ἐπρέσβευον, οὐχ οὕτως ἐλπίζοντες ἢ χρῄζοντες, ὡς στασιάσειν προσδοκῶντες αὐτοῦ τὸν στρατὸν ἀθύμως ἔχοντα. ὃ καὶ συνηνέχθη γενέσθαι. Σκιπίων μὲν γὰρ ὅμηρα τῆς συνόδου λαβὼν ἐς τὸ πεδίον κατῄει, καὶ συνῄεσαν τρεῖς ἑκατέρωθεν, ὅθεν οὐδὲ γνῶναι τὰ λεχθέντα συνέβη· ἐδόκει δʼ ἀναθέμενος ὁ Σκιπίων ἐς Νωρβανὸν τὸν σύναρχον περὶ τῶν λελεγμένων πέμψαι Σερτώριον ἀπαγγελοῦντα, καὶ ὁ στρατὸς ὁ ἑκατέρων ἡσύχαζε, τὰς ἀποκρίσεις ἀναμένοντες. Σερτωρίου δʼ ἐν παρόδῳ Σύεσσαν, ἣ τὰ Σύλλεια ᾕρητο, καταλαβόντος ὁ μὲν Σύλλας ᾐτιᾶτο πέμπων ἐς τὸν Σκιπίωνα, ὁ δέ, εἴτε τῷ γενομένῳ συνεγνωκὼς εἴτε ἀποκρίσεως ἀπορῶν ὡς ἐπὶ ἀλλοκότῳ δὴ τῷ Σερτωρίου ἔργῳ, τὰ ὅμηρα ἀπέπεμπε τῷ Σύλλᾳ. καὶ αὐτίκα ὁ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ, τῇ τε τῆς Συέσσης ἐν σπονδαῖς ἀλόγῳ καταλήψει καὶ τῇ τῶν ὁμήρων οὐκ ἀπαιτουμένων ἀποπέμψει τοὺς ὑπάτους ἔχοντες ἐν αἰτίαις, κρύφα τῷ Σύλλᾳ συνετίθεντο μεταθήσεσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰ πελάσειε. καὶ προσιόντος αὐτίκα πάντες ἀθρόως μετέστησαν, ὡς τὸν ὕπατον Σκιπίωνα καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Λεύκιον μόνους ἐκ τοῦ στρατοῦ παντὸς ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ διηπορημένους Σύλλαν καταλαβεῖν. καί μοι δοκεῖ τόδε οὐ στρατηγοῦ παθεῖν ὁ Σκιπίων, ἀγνοήσας ὅλου στρατοῦ τοσήνδε συνθήκην.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.10.85

While Sulla and Metellus were near Teanum, L. Scipio advanced against them with another army which was very downhearted and longed for peace. The Sullan faction knew this and sent envoys to Scipio to negotiate, not because they hoped or desired to come to an agreement, but because they expected to create dissensions in Scipio’s army, which was in a state of dejection. In this they succeeded. Scipio took hostages for the armistice and marched down to the plain. Only three from each side came to the conference, hence what passed between them is not known. It seems that during the armistice Scipio sent Sertorius to his colleague, Norbanus, to communicate with him concerning the negotiation and that there was a cessation of hostilities while they were waiting for an answer. Sertorius on his way took possession of Suessa, which had espoused the side of Sulla, and Sulla made complaint of this to Scipio. The latter, either because he was privy to the affair or because he did not know what answer to make concerning the strange act of Sertorius, sent back Sulla’s hostages. His army blamed the consuls for the unjustifiable seizure of Suessa during the armistice and for the surrender of the hostages, who were not demanded back, and made a secret agreement with Sulla to go over to him if he would draw nearer. This he did and straightway they all went over en masse, so that the consul, Scipio, and his son Lucius, alone of the whole army, were left nonplussed in their tent, where they were captured by Sulla. That Scipio was not aware of a conspiracy of this kind, embracing his whole army, seems to me inexcusable in a general.

1.10.86 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.10.86

Σκιπίωνα μὲν δὴ μετὰ τοῦ παιδὸς οὐ μεταπείθων ὁ Σύλλας ἀπέπεμπεν ἀπαθῆ. καὶ πρὸς Νωρβανὸν ἐς Καπύην περὶ συμβάσεων ἔπεμπεν ἑτέρους, εἴτε δείσας τῆς πλέονος Ἰταλιας ἔτι τοῖς ὑπάτοις συνισταμένης εἴτε καὶ ἐς τόνδε καθάπερ ἐς τὸν Σκιπίωνα τεχνάζων. οὐδενὸς δʼ αὐτῷ προιόντος οὐδʼ ἐς ἀπόκρισιν ʽὁ γάρ τοι Νωρβανός, ὡ ἔοικε, μὴ διαβληθείη τὰ ὅμοια ἐς τὸν στρατὸν ἔδεισεν’ ἀναστήσας Σύλλας ἐχώρει πρόσω τὰ πολέμια πάντα δῃῶν· τὸ δʼ αὐτὸ καὶ Νωρβανὸς ἔπραττε κατʼ ἄλλας ὁδούς. Κάρβων δὲ ἐς τὸ ἄστυ προδραμὼν Μέτελλόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, ὅσοι ὄντες ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς τῷ Σύλλᾳ συνῆσαν, ἐψηφίζετο εἶναι πολεμίους. αἷς ἡμέραις καὶ τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἐνεπίμπρατο· καὶ τὸ ἔργον τινὲς ἐλογοποίουν Κάρβωνος ἢ τῶν ὑπάτων ἢ Σύλλα πέμψαντος εἶναι, τὸ δʼ ἀκριβὲς ἄδηλον ἦν, καὶ οὐκ ἔχω τὴν αἰτίαν ἐγὼ συμβαλεῖν, διʼ ἣν ἂν οὕτως ἐγένετο. Σερτώριος δʼ ἐκ πολλοῦ στρατηγεῖν ἡρημένος Ἰβηρίας μετὰ τὴν Συέσσης κατάληψιν ἔφευγεν ἐς τὴν Ἰβηρίαν· καὶ αὐτὸν τῶν προτέρων στρατηγῶν οὐ δεχομένων, πολλοὺς ἐνταῦθα καὶ ὅδε Ῥωμαίοις ἀνεκίνησε πόνους. πλέονος δʼ ἀεὶ τοῖς ὑπάτοις γιγνομένου στρατοῦ ἀπό τε τῆς πλέονος Ἰταλίας ἔτι σφίσι συνεστώσης καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ὁμόρου περὶ τὸν Ἠριδανὸν Γαλατίας, οὐδʼ ὁ Σύλλας ἠμέλει, περιπέμπων ἐς ὅσα δύναιτο τῆς Ἰταλίας, φιλίᾳ τε καὶ φόβῳ καὶ χρήμασι καὶ ἐλπίσιν ἀγείρων, μέχρι τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ θέρους ἑκατέροις ἐς ταῦτα ἀνηλώθη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.10.86

When Sulla was unable to induce Scipio to change, he sent him away with his son unharmed. He also sent other envoys to Norbanus at Capua to open negotiations, either because he was apprehensive of the result (since the greater part of Italy still adhered to the consuls), or in order to play the same game on him that he had played on Scipio. As nobody came back and no answer was returned (for it seems that Norbanus feared lest he should be accused by his army in the same way that Scipio had been), Sulla again advanced, devastating all hostile territory. Norbanus did the same thing on other roads. Carbo hastened to the city and caused Metellus, and all the other senators who had joined Sulla, to be decreed public enemies. It was at this time that the Capitol was burned. Some attributed this deed to Carbo, others to the consuls, others to somebody sent by Sulla. It was a great mystery; nor am I able now to conjecture what caused the fire. Sertorius, who had been some time previously chosen praetor for Spain, after the taking of Suessa fled to his provincet and as the former praetors refused to recognize his authority, he stirred up a great deal of trouble for the Romans there. In the meantime the forces of the consuls were constantly increasing from the major part of. Italy, which still adhered to them, and also from the neighboring Gauls on the Po. Nor was Sulla idle. He sent messengers to all parts of Italy that he could reach, to collect troops by friendship, by fear, by money, and by promises. In this way the remainder of the summer was consumed on both sides.

Edition note

Y.R. 672

1.10.87 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.10.87

τοῦ δʼ ἐπιόντος ἔτους ὕπατοι μὲν ἐγενέσθην Παπίριός τε Κάρβων αὖθις καὶ Μάριος ὁ ἀδελφιδοῦς Μαρίου τοῦ περιφανοῦς, ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσιν ἔτη γεγονώς· χειμὼν δὲ καὶ κρύος πολὺ γενόμενον ἅπαντας ἀλλήλων διέστησεν. ἀρχομένου δʼ ἦρος περὶ τὸν Αἰσῖνον ποταμὸν ἐξ ἠοῦς ἐπὶ μεσημβρίαν ἀγὼν καρτερὸς ἐγένετο Μετέλλῳ τε καὶ Καρρίνᾳ, Κάρβωνος στρατηγῷ, πρὸς ἀλλήλους· καὶ φεύγει μὲν ὁ Καρρίνας πολλοῦς ἀποβαλών, τὰ δὲ περίοικα πάντα ἐς τὸν Μέτελλον ἀπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων μετετίθετο. Μέτελλον δὲ Κάρβων καταλαβὼν ἐφρούρει περικαθήμενος, ἔστε Μάριον τὸν ἕτερον ὕπατον μεγάλῃ μάχῃ περὶ Πραινεστὸν ἡττῆσθαι πυθόμενος ἀνεστρατοπέδευεν ἐς Ἀρίμινον. καὶ τοῦδε μὲν Πομπήιος τῆς οὐραγίας ἐξαπτόμενος ἠνώχλει, ἡ δὲ περὶ Πραινεστὸν ἧσσα ὧδε ἐγένετο. Σύλλα Σήτιον καταλαβόντος, ὁ Μάριος ἀγχοῦ στρατοπεδεύων ὑπεχώρει κατʼ ὀλίγον, ὡς δʼ ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν καλούμενον Ἱερὸν λιμένα, ἐξέτασσεν ἐς μάχην καὶ ἠγωνίζετο προθύμως. ἀρχομένου δʼ ἐνδιδόναι τοῦ λαιοῦ μέρους, σπεῖραι πέντε πεζῶν καὶ δύο ἱππέων οὐκ ἀναμείνασαι τὴν τροπὴν ἐκφανῆναι τά τε σημεῖα ἔρριψαν ὁμοῦ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Σύλλαν μετετίθεντο. καὶ τόδʼ εὐθὺς ἦρχε τῷ Μαρίῳ δυσχεροῦς ἥττης. κοπτόμενοι γὰρ ἐς Πραινεστὸν ἔφευγον ἅπαντες, ἑπομένου τοῦ Σύλλα σὺν δρόμῳ. καὶ οἱ Πραινέστιοι τοὺς μὲν πρώτους αὐτῶν εἰσεδέξαντο, Σύλλα δʼ ἐπικειμένου τὰς πύλας ἀπέκλεισαν καὶ Μάριον καλῳδίοις ἀνιμήσαντο. πολὺς δʼ ἄλλος ἐκ τοῦδε περὶ τοῖς τείχεσιν ἐγίγνετο φόνος, καὶ πλῆθος αἰχμαλώτων ὁ Σύλλας ἔλαβεν, ὧν τοὺς Σαυνίτας ἔκτεινε πάντας ὡς αἰεὶ χαλεποὺς Ῥωμαίοις γενομένους.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.10.87

The consuls for the following year were Papirius Carbo again and Marius, the nephew of the great Marius, then twenty-seven years of age. At first the winter and severe frost kept the combatants apart. At the beginning of spring, on the banks of the river Aesis, there was a severe engagement lasting from early morning till noon between Metellus and Carinas, Carbo’s lieutenant. Carinas was put to flight after heavy loss, whereupon all the country thereabout seceded from the consuls to Metellus. Carbo came up with Metellus and besieged him until he heard that Marius, the other consul, had been defeated in a great battle near Praeneste, when he led his forces back to Ariminum. Pompey hung on his rear doing damage. The defeat at Praeneste was in this wise. Sulla captured the town of Setia. Marius, who was encamped near by, drew a little farther away. When he arrived at the so-called sacred lake (Sacriportus) he gave battle and fought bravely. When his left wing began to give way five cohorts of foot and two of horse decided not to wait for open defeat, but lowered their standards together and went over to Sulla. This was the beginning of a terrible disaster to Marius. His shattered army fled to Praeneste with Sulla in hot pursuit. The Praeestians gave shelter to those who arrived first, but when Sulla pressed upon them the gates were closed, and Marius was hauled up by ropes. There was another great slaughter around the walls by reason of the closing of the gates. Sulla captured a large number of prisoners. All the Samnites among them he killed, because they were always ill-affected toward the Romans.

Edition note

B.C. 82

1.10.88 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.10.88

ταῖς δʼ αὐταῖς ἡμέραις καὶ Μέτελλος ἐνίκα ἕτερον Κάρβωνος στρατόν, πέντε κἀνταῦθα σπειρῶν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ σεσωσμένων ἐς Μέτελλον. πομπήιός τε Μάρκιον ἐνίκα περὶ πόλιν Σήνας καὶ τὴν πόλιν διήρπαζεν. ὁ δὲ Σύλλας τὸν Μάριον ἐς Πραινεστὸν κατακλείσας τὴν πόλιν ἀπετάφρευε καὶ ἀπετείχιζεν ἐκ μακροῦ διαστήματος καὶ Λουκρήτιον Ὀφέλλαν ἐπέστησε τῷ ἔργῳ, ὡς οὐκέτι μάχη παραστησόμενος Μάριον, ἀλλὰ λιμῷ. Μάριος δὲ οὐδὲν χρηστὸν ἔτι προσδοκῶν τοὺς ἰδίους ἐχθροὺς ἠπείγετο προανελεῖν καὶ Βρούτῳ στρατηγοῦντι τῆς πόλεως ἐπέστελλε τὴν σύγκλητον ὡς ἐπὶ ἄλλο συναγαγεῖν καὶ κτεῖναι Πόπλιον Ἀντίστιον καὶ Παπίριον Κάρβωνα ἕτερον καὶ Λεύκιον Δομίτιον καὶ Μούκιον Σκαιόλαν, τὸν τὴν μεγίστην Ῥωμαίοις ἱερωσύνην ἱερωμένον. οἱ μὲν δὴ δύο τῶνδε ἀνῃρέθησαν ἐν τῇ βουλῇ, καθὰ Μάριος προσέταξε, τῶν σφαγέων ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐσαχθέντων· Δομίτιος δʼ ἐκτρέχων παρὰ τὴν ἔξοδον ἀνῃρέθη, καὶ μικρὸν πρὸ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου Σκαιόλας. τά τε σώματα αὐτῶν ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐρρίφη· ἐπεπόλαζε γὰρ ἤδη μὴ καταθάπτεσθαι τοὺς ἀναιρουμένους. Σύλλας δὲ στρατὸν ἐς Ῥώμην κατὰ μέρη διʼ ἑτέρων καὶ ἑτέρων ὁδῶν περιέπεμπεν, ἐντελλόμενος τὰς πύλας καταλαβεῖν, εἰ δὲ ἀποκρουσθεῖεν, ἐπὶ Ὄστια χωρεῖν. τοὺς δὲ αἵ τε πόλεις παροδεύοντας ξὺν φόβῳ προσεδέχοντο, καὶ τὸ ἄστυ προσιοῦσι τὰς πύλας ἀνέῳξαν, ὑπό τε λιμοῦ πιεζούμενοι καὶ τῶν παρόντων κακῶν ἄρα ἀεὶ τὰ ἐπικρατοῦντα φέρειν ἐθιζόμενοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.10.88

About the same time Metellus gained a victory over the other army of Carbo, and here again five cohorts, for safety’s sake, deserted to Metellus during the battle. Pompey overcame Marcius near Senae and plundered the town. Sulla, having shut Marius up in Praeneste, drew a line of circumvallation around the town a considerable distance from it and left the work in charge of Lucretius Ofella, as he intended to reduce Marius by famine, not by fighting. When Marius saw that his condition was hopeless he hastened to put his private enemies out of the way. He wrote to Brutus, the city praetor, to call the Senate together on some pretext or other and to kill Publius Antistius, the other Papirius, Lucius Domitius, and Mucius Scaevola, the pontifex maximus. Of these the two first were slain in their seats as Marius had ordered, assassins having been introduced into the senate-house for this purpose. Domitius ran out, but was killed at the door, and Scaevola was killed a little farther away. Their bodies were thrown into the Tiber, for it was now the custom not to bury the slain. Sulla sent an army to Rome in detachments by different roads with orders to seize the gates, and if they were repulsed to rendezvous at Ostia. The towns on the way received them with fear and trembling, and the city opened its gates to them because the people were oppressed by hunger, and because, of present evils, they were accustomed to yield to the ones which were immediately weighing upon them.

1.10.89 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.10.89

Σύλλας δʼ ὡς ἔμαθεν, αὐτίκα ἐπελθὼν τὴν μὲν στρατιὰν ἵδρυσε πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἐν τῷ Ἀρείῳ πεδίῳ, αὐτὸς δʼ εἴσω παρῆλθεν, ἐκφυγόντων τῶν ἀντιστασιωτῶν ἁπάντων. καὶ τὰ μὲν τούτων αὐτίκα ἐδημεύετο καὶ διεπιπράσκετο, τὸν δὲ δῆμον ἐς ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγὼν τήν τε ἀνάγκην τῶν παρόντων ὠλοφύρετο καὶ θαρρεῖν προσέταξεν ὡς αὐτίκα τῶνδε παυσομένων καὶ τῆς πολιτείας ἐς τὸ δέον ἐλευσομένης. διοικησάμενος δʼ ὅσα ἤπειγε καὶ τῇ πόλει τινὰς ἐπιστήσας τῶν ἑαυτοῦ ἐξώρμησεν ἐς Κλούσιον, ἔνθα τοῦ πολέμου τὰ λοιπὰ ἤκμαζεν. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τοῖς ὑπάτοις προσεγένοντο ἱππεῖς Κελτίβηρες, ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ στρατηγῶν ἀπεσταλμένοι, καὶ γενομένης παρὰ τὸν Γλάνιν ποταμὸν ἱππομαχίας ὁ μὲν Σύλλας ἔκτεινεν ἐς πεντήκοντα τῶν πολεμίων, διακόσιοι δὲ καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα τῶνδε τῶν Κελτιβήρων ηὐτομόλησαν ἐς Σύλλαν· καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς ὁ Κάρβων ἀνεῖλεν, εἴτε χαλεπήνας τῆς τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν αὐτομολίας εἴτε δείσας περὶ ὁμοίου. τοῦ δʼ αὐτοῦ χρόνου περὶ Σατουρνίαν ἑτέρῳ μέρει τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ὁ Σύλλας ἐνίκα, καὶ Μέτελλος ἐπὶ Ῥάβενναν περιπλέων τὴν Οὐριτανὴν χώραν, πεδιάδα καὶ πυροφόρον οὖσαν, προκατελάμβανεν. ἔς τε Νέαν πόλιν ἐκ προδοσίας νυκτὸς ἕτεροι τῶν Συλλείων ἐσελθόντες ἔκτειναν ἅπαντας χωρὶς ὀλίγων διαφυγόντων καὶ τὰς τριήρεις τῆς πόλεως ἔλαβον. αὐτῷ δὲ Σύλλᾳ καὶ Κάρβωνι περὶ Κλούσιον ἐξ ἠοῦς ἐπὶ ἑσπέραν γίγνεται μάχη καρτερά· καὶ φανέντες ἀλλήλοις ἰσόμαχοι μετὰ σκότους διεκρίθησαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.10.89

When Sulla learned this he came on immediately and established his army before the gates in the Campus Martius. He went inside himself, all of the opposite faction having fled. Their property was at once confiscated and exposed to public sale. Sulla summoned the people to an assembly, where he lamented the necessity of his present doings and told them to cheer up, as the troubles would soon be over and the government go as it ought. Having arranged such matters as were pressing and put some of his own men in charge of the city, he set out for Clusium, where the war was still raging. In the meantime a body of Celtiberian horse, sent by the praetors in Spain, had joined the consuls, and there was a cavalry fight on the banks of the river Glanis. Sulla killed about fifty of the enemy, and then 270 of the Celtiberian horse deserted to him, and Carbo himself killed the rest of them, either because he was angry at the desertion of their countrymen or because he feared similar action on their own part. About the same time Sulla overcame another detachment of his enemies near Saturnia, and Metellus sailed around toward Ravenna and took possession of the level, wheat-growing country of Uritanus. Another Sullan division effected an entrance into Neapolis by treachery in the night, killed all the inhabitants except a few who had made their escape, and seized the triremes belonging to the city. A severe battle was fought near Clusium between Sulla himself and Carbo, lasting all day. Neither party had the advantage when darkness put an end to the conflict.

1.10.90 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.10.90

ἐν δὲ τῷ πωλητίῳ πεδίῳ Πομπήιος καὶ Κράσσος, ἄμφω Σύλλα στρατηγοί, κτείνουσι τῶν Καρβωνείων εἰς τρισχιλίους καὶ Καρρίναν τὸν ἀντιστρατηγοῦντα σφίσιν ἐπολιόρκουν, ἔστε Κάρβων μὲν ἕτερον τῷ Καρρίνᾳ στρατὸν ἔπεμψεν· ὁ δὲ Σύλλας αἰσθόμενος καὶ ἐφεδρεύσας ἔκτεινεν αὐτῶν παροδ υόντων ἐς δισχιλίους, καὶ Καρρίνας δὲ νυκτός, ὕδατός τε ὄντος ἐξ οὐρανοῦ πολλοῦ καὶ σκότους, αἰσθομένων μέν τι τῶν περικαθημένων, διὰ δὲ τὸν ὄμβρον ἀμελούντων, διέφυγε. καὶ Κάρβων ἐς Πραινεστὸν Μαρίῳ τῷ συνάρχῳ Μάρκιον ἔπεμπεν, ὀκτὼ τέλη στρατιᾶς ἄγοντα, πυνθανόμενος αὐτὸν ὑπὸ λιμοῦ κακοπαθεῖν· οἷς ὁ Πομπήιος ἐξ ἐνέδρας ἐν στενῷ προσπεσὼν τρέπεταί τε καὶ πολλοὺς διαφθείρας ἐς λόφον συνέκλεισε τοὺς λοιπούς. ἐξ οὗ Μάρκιος μὲν οὐ σβέσας τὸ πῦρ ἀπεδίδρασκεν, ὁ δὲ στρατὸς αὐτῷ τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ἐνέδρας προστιθεὶς ἐστασίασε χαλεπῶς, καὶ τέλος μὲν ὑπὸ τοῖς σημείοις ὅλον ἄνευ παραγγέλματος ἐπανῆλθεν ἐς Ἀρίμινον, οἱ λοιποὶ δʼ ἐς τὰς πατρίδας κατὰ μέρη διελύθησαν, ὡς ἑπτὰ σπείρας τῷ στρατηγῷ μόνας παραμεῖναι. καὶ Μάρκιος μὲν ὧδε πράξας κακῶς ἐς Κάρβωνα ἐπανῄει, Μᾶρκον δὲ Λαμπώνιον ἐκ Λευκανίας καὶ Πόντιον Τελεσῖνον ἐκ τῆς Σαυνίτιδος καὶ τὸν Καπυαῖον Γοῦτταν, μεθʼ ἑπτὰ μυριάδων ἐπειγομένους Μάριον ἐξελέσθαι τῆς πολιορκίας, ὁ Σύλλας ἐν τοῖς στενοῖς, ᾗ μόνῃ διαβατὸν ἦν, ἀπέκλειε τῆς παρόδου. καὶ ὁ Μάριος, ἀπογινώσκων ἤδη τὰς ἔξωθεν ἐπικουρίας, φρούριον ἐν τῷ μεταιχμίῳ μεγάλῳ ὄντι ἤγειρεν, ἐς ὃ καὶ μηχανὰς καὶ στρατιὰν συναγαγὼν ἐπεχείρει βιάσασθαι τὸν Λουκρήτιον. πολυημέρου δʼ αὐτῷ καὶ ποικίλης τῆς πείρας γενομένης, οὐδὲν ἀνύων ἐς Πραινεστὸν αὖθις συνεκλείετο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.10.90

In the plain of Spoletium, Pompey and Crassus, both Sulla’s officers, killed some 3000 of Carbo’s men and besieged Carinas, the opposing general. Carbo sent reënforcements to Carinas, but Sulla learned of their movement, laid an ambush for them, and killed about 2000 of them on the road. Carinas escaped by night during a heavy rain-storm and thick darkness, and although the besiegers were aware of some movement, they made no opposition on account of the storm. Carbo sent Marcius with eight legions to the relief of his colleague, Marius, at Praeneste, having heard that he was suffering from hunger. Pompey fell upon them from ambush in a defile, defeated them, killed a large number, and surrounded the remainder on a hill. Marcius made his escape, leaving his fires burning. His army blamed him for being caught in an ambush and stirred up an angry mutiny. One whole legion marched off under their standards to Ariminum without orders. The rest separated and went home in squads, so that only seven cohorts remained with their general. Marcius, having made a mess of it in this way, returned to Carbo. However, Marcus Lamponius from Lucania, Pontius Telesinus from Samnium, and Gutta the Capuan, with 70,000 men, hastened to deliver Marius from the siege, but Sulla occupied a pass which was the only approach to the place, and blocked the road. Marius now despaired of aid from without, and built a citadel in the wide space between himself and the enemy, within which he collected his soldiers and his engines, and from which he attempted to force his way through the besieging army of Lucretius. The attempt was renewed several days in different ways, but he accomplished nothing and was again shut up in Praeneste.

1.10.91 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.10.91

καὶ περὶ τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας ἐν Φαυεντίᾳ Κάρβων καὶ Νωρβανὸς ἐξ ὁδοῦ βραχὺ πρὸ ἑσπέρας ἐπὶ τὸ Μετέλλου στρατόπεδον ἐλθόντες, λοιπῆς οὔσης ὥρας μιᾶς καὶ ἀμπέλων πυκνῶν περικειμένων, ἀνοήτως μάλα ὑπὸ ὀργῆς ἐς μάχην ἐξέταττον, ἐλπίσαντες Μέτελλον τῷ παραλόγῳ καταπλήξειν. ἡττώμενοι δὲ ὡς ἐν ἀφυεῖ χωρίῳ τε καὶ ὥρᾳ καὶ ἐς τὰ φυτὰ ἐμπίπτοντες ἐφθείροντο κατὰ πλῆθος, ὡς ἀπολέσθαι μὲν ἀμφὶ τοὺς μυρίους, αὐτομολῆσαι δʼ ἐς ἑξακισχιλίους καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς διαρριφῆναι, μόνων ἐν τάξει χιλίων ἐπανελθόντων ἐς Ἀρίμινον. τέλος δʼ ἄλλο Λευκανῶν ἀγόμενον ὑπὸ Ἀλβενουανοῦ, τῆς ἥττης πυθόμενον, μετεχώρει πρὸς Μέτελλον δυσχεραίνοντος Ἀλβενουανοῦ. ὁ δὲ τότε μὲν οὐ κατασχὼν τῆς ὁρμῆς αὑτὸν ἐς Νωρβανὸν ἐπανῆλθεν, οὐ πολλαῖς δὲ ἡμέραις ὕστερον κρύφα τῷ Σύλλᾳ κοινολογησάμενος καὶ λαβὼν ἄδειαν, εἴ τι πράξειεν ἀξιόλογον, ἐπὶ ἑστίασιν ἐκάλει Νωρβανόν τε καὶ τοὺς συνόντας αὐτῷ στρατηγούς, Γάιον Ἀντίπατρον καὶ Φλάυιον Φιμβρίαν, ἀδελφὸν τοῦδε τοῦ περὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἑαυτὸν ἀνελόντος, ὅσοι τε ἄλλοι τῶν Καρβωνείων στρατηγοὶ τότε παρῆσαν. ὡς δʼ ἀφίκοντο χωρίς γε Νωρβανοῦ ʽμόνος γὰρ οὐκ ἀφίκετὀ, πάντας αὐτοὺς ὁ Ἀλβενουανὸς ἔκτεινεν ἐπὶ τῆς διαίτης καὶ ἐς τὸν Σύλλαν διέφυγε. Νωρβανὸς δὲ καὶ Ἀρίμινον ἐπὶ τῇδε τῇ συμφορᾷ καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ τῶν πλησίον στρατοπέδων ἐς τὸν Σύλλαν μεταχωρεῖν πυνθανόμενος τῶν τε παρόντων οἱ φίλων οὐδένα ἔτι πιστὸν οὐδὲ βέβαιον ὡς ἐν συμφοραῖς τιθέμενος, ἰδιωτικοῦ σκάφους ἐπιβὰς ἐς Ῥόδον διέπλευσεν· ὅθεν ὕστερον ἐξαιτούμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ Σύλλα, Ῥοδίων ἔτι ἀμφιγνοούντων, ἑαυτὸν ἐν ἀγορᾷ μέσῃ διέφθειρε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.10.91

About the same time Carbo and Norbanus went by a short road to attack the camp of Metellus in Faventia just before nightfall. There was only one hour of daylight left, and there were thick vineyards thereabout. They made their plans for battle in hot temper and not with good judgment, hoping to take Metellus unawares and to stampede him. But they were beaten, both the place and the time being unfavorable for them. They became entangled in the vines, and suffered a heavy slaughter, losing some 10,000 men. About 6000 more deserted, and the rest were dispersed, only 1000 getting back to Ariminum in good order. Another legion of Lucanians under Albinovanus, when they heard of this defeat, went over to Metellus to the great chagrin of their leader. As the latter was not able to restrain this impulse of his men, he, for the time, returned to Norbanus. Not many days later he sent secretly to Sulla, and having obtained a promise of safety from him, if he should accomplish anything important, he invited Norbanus and his lieutenants, Gaius Antipater and Flavius Fimbria (brother of the one who committed suicide in Asia), together with such of Carbo’s lieutenants as were then present, to a feast. When they had all assembled except Norbanus (he was the only one who did not come), Albinovanus killed them all at the banquet and then fled to Sulla. Norbanus having learned that, in consequence of this disaster, Ariminum and many other camps in the vicinity were going over to Sulla, and being unable to rely on the good faith and firm support of any of his friends there present, since he found himself in adversity, took ship as a private individual and sailed to Rhodes. When, at a later period, Sulla demanded his surrender, and while the Rhodians were deliberating on it, he killed himself in the market-place.

1.10.92 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.10.92

Κάρβων δὲ ἕτερα δύο τέλη στρατιωτῶν ἐς Πραινεστὸν ἄγειν ἔπεμπε Δαμάσιππον, ὑπερεπειγόμενος Μάριον ἐκλῦσαι τῆς πολιορκίας· ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ οὗτοι τὰ στενὰ διελθεῖν ἐδύναντο φυλασσόμενα ὑπὸ τοῦ Σύλλα. Γαλάται τε ὅσοι ἀπὸ Ῥαβέννης ἐπὶ τὰ Ἄλπεια παρήκουσιν, ἀθρόως ἐς Μέτελλον μετετίθεντο· καὶ Λεύκολλος ἑτέρους τῶν Καρβωνείων ἐνίκα περὶ Πλακεντίαν. ὧν ὁ Κάρβων πυνθανόμενος, τρισμυρίους ὅμως ἔτι ἔχων περὶ τὸ Κλούσιον καὶ δύο τέλη τὰ Δαμασίππου καὶ ἕτερα περὶ Καρρίναν καὶ Μάρκιον Σαυνιτῶν τε αὐτῷ χειρὶ πολλῇ προθύμως περὶ τὰ στενὰ κακοπαθούντων, ἀπογνοὺς ἁπάντων ἀσθενῶς ἔφευγε σὺν τοῖς φίλοις ἐς Λιβύην ἐξ Ἰταλίας ὕπατος ἔτι ὤν, ὡς Λιβύην παραστησόμενος ἀντὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας. τῶν δʼ ὑπολειφθέντων οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸ Κλούσιον Πομπηίῳ συνενεχθέντες ἐς μάχην ἀπέβαλον ἐς δισμυρίους, καὶ ὡς ἐπὶ συμφορᾷ μεγίστῃ καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦδε τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐς τὰς πατρίδας κατὰ μέρη διελύθη· Καρρίνας δὲ καὶ Μάρκιος καὶ Δαμάσιππος οἷς εἶχον ἅπασιν ἐπὶ τὰ στενὰ ἐχώρουν ὡς ὁμοῦ τοῖς Σαυνίταις βιασόμενοι πάντως αὐτὰ περᾶσαι. οὐ δυνηθέντες δὲ οὐδʼ ὥς, ἐφέροντο ἐς Ῥώμην ὡς ἔρημον ἀνδρῶν καὶ τροφῶν ἅμα καταληψόμενοι τὸ ἄστυ καὶ πρὸ σταδίων ἑκατὸν ἐστρατοπέδευον ἀμφὶ τὴν Ἀλβανῶν γῆν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.10.92

Carbo sent Damasippus in haste with two other legions to Praeneste to relieve Marius, who was still besieged, but not even these could force their way through the pass that was guarded by Sulla. The Gauls who inhabited the country lying between Ravenna and the Alps went over to Metellus en masse and Lucullus won a victory over another body of Carbo’s forces near Placentia. When Carbo learned these facts, although he still had 30,000 men around Clusium, and the two legions of Damasippus, and others under Carinas and Marcius, besides a large force of Samnites, who were courageously enduring hardships at the pass, he fell into despair and weakly fled to Africa with his friends, although he was still consul, in order to make a stand there instead of in Italy. Of those whom he left behind, the army around Clusium had a battle with Pompey in which they lost 20,000. Naturally, after this greatest disaster of all, the remainder of the army dissolved in fragments and each man went to his own home. Carinas, Marcius, and Damasippus went with all the forces they had to the pass in order to force their way through it in conjunction with the Samnites. Failing in the attempt, they marched to Rome, thinking that the city might be easily taken, as it was bereft of men and provisions, and they encamped in the Alban territory at a distance of 100 stades from it.

1.10.93 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.10.93

δείσας οὖν ὁ Σύλλας περὶ τῇ πόλει τοὺς μὲν ἱππέας προύπεμψε κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐνοχλεῖν αὐτοῖς ὁδεύουσιν, αὐτὸς δʼ ἐπειχθεὶς ἀθρόῳ τῷ στρατῷ παρὰ ταῖς Κολλίναις πύλαις περὶ μεσημβρίαν ἐστρατοπέδευσεν, ἀμφὶ τὸ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ἱερόν, ἤδη καὶ τῶν πολεμίων περὶ τὴν πόλιν στρατοπεδευόντων. μάχης δʼ εὐθὺς αὐτοῖς περὶ δείλην ἑσπέραν γενομένης τῷ μὲν δεξιῷ Σύλλας ἐκράτει, τὸ δὲ λαιὸν ἡττώμενον ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας κατέφυγεν. οἱ δὲ γέροντες, ὄντες ἐπὶ τῶν τειχῶν, ὡς εἶδον αὐτοῖς συνεστρέχοντας τοὺς πολεμίους, τὰς πύλας καθῆκαν ἀπὸ μηχανῆς· αἱ δʼ ἐμπίπτουσαι πολλοὺς μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοῦ διέφθειραν, πολλοὺς δʼ ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς, οἱ λοιποὶ δʼ ὑπὸ δέους καὶ ἀνάγκης ἀνέστρεφον ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους. καὶ νυκτὸς ὅλης ἀγωνισάμενοι πολὺ πλῆθος ἔκτειναν· ἔκτειναν δὲ καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν Τελεσῖνόν τε καὶ Ἀλβῖνον καὶ τὰ στρατόπεδα αὐτῶν ἔλαβον. Λαμπώνιός τε ὁ Λευκανὸς καὶ Μάρκιος καὶ Καρρίνας ὅσοι τε ἄλλοι στρατηγοὶ τῆς Καρβωνείου στάσεως αὐτοῖς συνῆσαν, διέφυγον. καὶ θάνατος ἐκ τοῦδε τοῦ ἔργου πέντε μυριάδων ἐδόκει γενέσθαι παρʼ ἀμφοτέρων· τά τε αἰχμάλωτα ὀκτακισχιλίων πλείω γενόμενα Σύλλας, ὅτι Σαυνῖται τὸ πλέον ἦν, κατηκόντισε. μετὰ δὲ μίαν ἡμέραν αὐτῷ καὶ Μάρκιος καὶ Καρρινας ἁλόντες προσήγοντο· καὶ οὐδὲ τῶνδε φειδόμενος οἷα Ῥωμαίων ἔκτεινεν ἄμφω καὶ τὰς κεφαλὰς ἐς Πραινεστὸν Λουκρητίῳ περὶ τὰ τείχη περιενεγκεῖν ἔπεμψεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.10.93

Sulla feared for the safety of the city, and sent his cavalry forward with all speed to hinder their march, and then hastened in person with his whole army and encamped alongside the Colline gate around the temple of Venus about noon. The enemy were already encamped around the city. A battle was fought at once, late in the afternoon. On the right wing Sulla was victorious. His left wing was vanquished and fled to the gates. The old soldiers on the walls, when they saw the enemy rushing in with their own men, dropped the portcullis. It fell upon and killed many soldiers and many senators. But the majority, impelled by fear and necessity, turned and fought the enemy. The fighting continued through the night and a great many were killed. The generals, Telesinus and Albinus, were killed and their camp was taken. Lamponius the Lucanian, Marcius, and Carinas, and the other generals of the faction of Carbo, fled. It was estimated that 50,000 men on both sides lost their lives in this engagement. Prisoners, to the number of more than 8000, were shot down with darts by Sulla because they were mostly Samnites. The next day Marcius and Carinas were captured and brought in. Sulla did not spare them because they were Romans, but killed them both and sent their heads to Lucretius at Praeneste to be displayed around the walls.

1.10.94 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.10.94

Πραινέστιοι δὲ καὶ τάδε θεώμενοι καὶ τὸν Κάρβωνος στρατὸν ἀπολωλέναι πάντα πυνθανόμενοι αὐτόν τε Νωρβανὸν ἤδη φυγεῖν ἐξ Ἰταλίας καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Ἰταλίαν καὶ Ῥώμην ἐπʼ αὐτῇ Σύλλαν ἐκτενῶς κεχειρῶσθαι, τὴν πόλιν τῷ Λουκρητίῳ παρέδοσαν, Μαρίου καταδύντος ἐς τάφρους ὑπονόμους καὶ μετὰ βραχὺ καὶ ἀνελόντος ἑαυτόν. Λουκρήτιος μὲν δὴ Μαρίου τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐκτεμὼν ἔπεμπεν ἐς Σύλλαν· καὶ αὐτὴν ὁ Σύλλας ἐν ἀγορᾷ μέσῃ πρὸ τῶν ἐμβόλων θέμενος ἐπιγελάσαι λέγεται τῇ νεότητι τοῦ ὑπάτου καὶ εἰπεῖν· ἐρέτην δεῖ πρῶτα γενέσθαι, πρὶν πηδαλίοις ἐπιχειρεῖν. Λουκρήτιος δʼ ἐπεὶ Πραινεστὸν εἷλε, τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἐνταῦθα Μαρίῳ στρατηγούντων τοὺς μὲν αὐτίκα ἀνῄρει, τοὺς δʼ ἐς φυλακὴν ἐσέβαλλεν· οὓς ὁ Σύλλας ἐπελθὼν ἀνεῖλε. καὶ τοὺς ἐν Πραινεστῷ προσέταξε χωρὶς ὅπλων προελθεῖν ἅπαντας ἐς τὸ πεδίον καὶ προελθόντων τοὺς μὲν ἑαυτῷ τι χρησίμους γενομένους, ὀλίγους πάμπαν, ἐξείλετο, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐκέλευσεν ἐς τρία ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων διαστῆναι, Ῥωμαίους τε καὶ Σαυνίτας καὶ Πραινεστίους· ἐπεὶ δὲ διέστησαν, τοῖς μὲν Ῥωμαίοις ἐπεκήρυξεν, ὅτι καὶ οἵδε ἄξια θανάτου δεδράκασι, καὶ συγγνώμην ἔδωκεν ὅμως, τοὺς δὲ ἑτέρους κατηκόντισεν ἅπαντας· γύναια δʼ αὐτῶν καὶ παιδία μεθῆκεν ἀπαθεῖς ἀπιέναι. καὶ τὴν πόλιν διήρπαζε, πολυχρήματον ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα τότε οὖσαν. ὧδε μὲν δὴ καὶ Πραινεστὸς ἑάλω, Νῶρβα δʼ, ἑτέρα πόλις, ἀντεῖχεν ἔτι ἐγκρατῶς, ἔστε Αἰμιλίου Λεπίδου νυκτὸς ἐς αὐτὴν ἐκ προδοσίας ἐσελθόντος διαγανακτήσαντες οἱ ἔνδον ἐπὶ τῇ προδοσίᾳ, οἱ μὲν ἑαυτοὺς ἀνῄρουν, οἱ δʼ ἀλλήλους ἑκόντες, οἱ δὲ καὶ βρόχοις συνεπλέκοντο· καὶ τὰς θύρας ἐνέφραττον ἕτεροι καὶ ἐνεπίμπρασαν […: gap in edition] ἄνεμός τε πολὺς ἐμπεσὼν ἐς τοσοῦτον αὐτὴν ἐδαπάνησεν, ὡς μηδὲν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως λάφυρον γενέσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.10.94

When the Praenestians saw them and knew that Carbo’s army was completely destroyed, and that Norbanus himself had fled from Italy, and that Rome and all the rest of Italy were in the power of Sulla, they surrendered their city to Lucretius. Marius hid himself in an underground tunnel and shortly afterward committed suicide. Lucretius cut off his head and sent it to Sulla, who exposed it in the forum in front of the rostra. It is said that he indulged in a jest at the youth of the consul, saying that one ought to be a rower before he manages the helm. When Lucretius took Praeneste he seized the senators who had held commands under Marius, and put some of them to death and cast the others into prison. The latter were put to death by Sulla when he came that way. All the others who were taken in Praeneste he ordered to march out to the plain without arms, and when they had done so he chose out a very few who had been in any way serviceable to him. The remainder he ordered to be divided into three parts, consisting of Romans, Samnites, and Praenestians respectively. When this had been done he announced to the Romans by herald that they had merited death, but nevertheless he would pardon them. The others he massacred to the last man. He allowed their wives and children to go unharmed. He plundered the town, which was extremely rich at that time. In this way was Praeneste served. Norba, another town, still resisted with all its might until Aemilius Lepidus was admitted to it in the night by treachery. The inhabitants were maddened by this treason. Some killed themselves, or fell on each other’s swords, others strangled themselves with ropes. Still others closed the gates and set fire to the town. A strong wind fanned the flames, which so far consumed the place that no plunder was left in it. In this way did these stout-hearted men perish.

1.11.95 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.11.95

καὶ οἵδε μὲν οὕτως ἐγκρατῶς ἀπέθανον· ἠνυσμένων δὲ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν πολέμοις καὶ πυρὶ καὶ φόνῳ πολλῷ, οἱ μὲν τοῦ Σύλλα στρατηγοὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐπιόντες τὰ ὕποπτα ἐφρούρουν, καὶ Πομπήιος ἔς τε Λιβύην ἐπὶ Κάρβωνα καὶ ἐς Σικελίαν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐκεῖ Κάρβωνος φίλους ἐστέλλετο· αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ Σύλλας Ῥωμαίους ἐς ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγὼν πολλὰ ἐμεγαληγόρησεν ἐφʼ ἑαυτῷ καὶ φοβερὰ ἐς κατάπληξιν εἶπεν ἕτερα καὶ ἐπήνεγκεν, ὅτι τὸν μὲν δῆμον ἐς χρηστὴν ἄξει μεταβολήν, εἰ πείθοιντό οἱ, τῶν δʼ ἐχθρῶν οὐδενὸς ἐς ἔσχατον κακοῦ φείσεται, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἢ ταμίας ἢ χιλιάρχους ἢ ὅσοι τι συνέπραξαν ἄλλοι τοῖς πολεμίοις, μεθʼ ἣν ἡμέραν Σκιπίων ὁ ὕπατος οὐκ ἐνέμεινε τοῖς πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡμολογημένοις, μετελεύσεσθαι κατὰ κράτος. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν αὐτίκα βουλευτὰς ἐς τεσσαράκοντα καὶ τῶν καλουμένων ἱππέων ἀμφὶ χιλίους καὶ ἑξακοσίους ἐπὶ θανάτῳ προύγραφεν. οὗτος γὰρ δοκεῖ πρῶτος, οὓς ἐκόλασε θανάτῳ, προγράψαι καὶ γέρα τοῖς ἀναιροῦσι καὶ μήνυτρα τοῖς ἐλέγχουσι καὶ κολάσεις τοῖς κρύπτουσιν ἐπιγράψαι. μετʼ οὐ πολὺ δὲ βουλευτὰς ἄλλους αὐτοῖς προσετίθει. καὶ τῶνδε οἱ μὲν ἀδοκήτως καταλαμβανόμενοι διεφθείροντο, ἔνθα συνελαμβάνοντο, ἐν οἰκίαις ἢ στενωποῖς ἢ ἱεροῖς, οἱ δὲ μετέωροι πρὸς τὸν Σύλλαν φερόμενοί τε καὶ πρὸ ποδῶν αὐτοῦ ῥιπτούμενοι· οἱ δὲ καὶ ἐσύροντο καὶ κατεπατοῦντο, οὐδὲ φωνὴν ἔτι τῶν θεωμένων οὐδενὸς ἐπὶ τοσοῖσδε κακοῖς ἔχοντος ὑπʼ ἐκπλήξεως. ἐξέλασίς τε ἑτέρων ἦν καὶ δήμευσις τῶν ἑτέροις ὄντων. ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς τῆς πόλεως ἐκφυγόντας ζητηταὶ πάντα μαστεύοντες διέθεον καὶ ὅσους αὐτῶν λάβοιεν ἀνῄρουν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.11.95

After accomplishing these deeds throughout Italy by war, fire, and murder, Sulla’s generals visited the several cities and established garrisons at the suspected places. Pompey was despatched to Africa against Carbo and to Sicily against Carbo’s friends who had taken refuge there. Sulla himself called the Roman people together in an assembly and made them a speech vaunting his own exploits and making other menacing statements in order to inspire terror. He finished by saying that he would bring about a change which would be beneficial to the public if they would obey him. He would not spare one of his enemies, but would visit them with the utmost severity. He would take vengeance by every means in his power on all praetors, quaestors, military tribunes, and everybody else who had committed any hostile act after the day when the consul Scipio violated the agreement made with him. After saying this he forthwith proscribed about forty senators and 1600 knights. He seems to have been the first one to punish by proscription, to offer prizes to assassins and rewards wards to informers, and to threaten with punishment those who should conceal the proscribed. Shortly afterward he added the names of other senators to the proscription. Some of these, taken unawares, were killed where they were caught, in their houses, in the streets, or in the temples. Others were picked up, carried to Sulla, and thrown down at his feet. Others were dragged through the city and trampled on, none of the spectators daring to utter a word of remonstrance against these horrors. Banishment was inflicted upon some and confiscation upon others. Spies were searching everywhere for those who had fled from the city, and those whom they caught they killed.

Edition note

Mommsen says that the list of the proscribed reached 4700 names. This total, he adds, is given by Valerius Maximus, ix. 2, i. According to Appian (B.C. i. 95) there were proscribed by Sulla nearly 40 senators and 1600 knights; according to Florus (ii. 9, whence Augustine, de Civ. Dei, iii. 28) 2000 senators and knights. According to Plutarch (Sull. 31) 520 names were placed on the list in the first three days; according to Orosius (v. 21) 580 names during the first days. There is no material contradiction between these various reports, for it was not senators and knights alone that were put to death, and the list remained open for months. When Appian, at another passage (i. 103), mentions as put to death or banished by Sulla, 15 consulars, go senators, 2600 knights, he there confounds, as the context shows, the victims of the civil war throughout, with the victims of Sulla. . . . On a comparison of the figures 50 senators and 1000 knights were regarded as victims of Marius, 40 senators 1600 knights as victims of Sulla; this furnishes a standard—at least not altogether arbitrary—for estimating the extent of the mischief on both sides. (Hist. of Rome, iii. 423.)

1.11.96 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.11.96

πολλὴ δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἰταλιωτῶν ἀναίρεσίς τε καὶ ἐξέλασις καὶ δήμευσις ἦν, ὅσοι τι Κάρβωνος ἢ Νωρβανοῦ ἢ Μαρίου ἢ τῶν ὑπʼ ἐκείνοις στρατηγούντων ὑπήκουσαν. κρίσεις τε ἦσαν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀνὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ὅλην πικραὶ καὶ ἐγκλήματα ποικίλα, στρατηγίας ἢ στρατείας ἢ ἐσφορᾶς χρημάτων ἢ ἄλλης ὑπηρεσίας ἢ βουλεύσεως ὅλως κατὰ Σύλλα. ἐγκλήματα δʼ ἦν καὶ ξενία καὶ φιλία καὶ δάνεισμα, λαβόντος ἢ δόντος, ἤδη δέ τις καὶ προθυμίας ἢ μόνης συνοδίας ἡλίσκετο. καὶ ταῦτʼ ἤκμαζε μάλιστα κατὰ τῶν πλουσίων. ὡς δʼ ἐξέλιπε τὰ καθʼ ἕνα ἄνδρα ἐγκλήματα, ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις ὁ Σύλλας μετῄει καὶ ἐκόλαζε καὶ τάσδε, τῶν μὲν ἀκροπόλεις κατασκάπτων ἢ τείχη καθαιρῶν ἢ κοινὰς ζημίας ἐπιτιθεὶς ἢ εἰσφοραῖς ἐκτρύχων βαρυτάταις· ταῖς δὲ πλείοσι τοὺς ἑαυτῷ στρατευσαμένους ἐπῴκιζεν ὡς ἕξων φρούρια κατὰ τῆς Ἰταλίας τήν τε γῆν αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ οἰκήματα ἐς τούσδε μεταφέρων διεμέριζεν· ὃ καὶ μάλιστʼ αὐτοὺς εὔνους αὐτῷ καὶ τελευτήσαντι ἐποίησεν· ὡς γὰρ οὐχ ἕξοντες αὐτὰ βεβαίως, εἰ μὴ πάντʼ εἴη τὰ Σύλλα βέβαια, ὑπερηγωνίζοντο αὐτοῦ και μεταστάντος. καὶ τάδε μὲν ἦν ἀμφὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, Κάρβωνα δʼ ἐκ Λιβύης ἐς Σικελίαν μετὰ πολλῶν ἐπιφανῶν καὶ ἀπʼ αὐτῆς ἐς Κοσσύραν νῆσον ὑποφεύγοντα πέμψας τινὰς ὁ Πομπήιος συνέλαβε. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους τοῖς ἄγουσιν ἐκέλευσεν οὐδʼ ἐς ὄψιν οἱ προσαχθέντας ἀνελεῖν, Κάρβωνα δὲ παραστησάμενος αὑτοῦ τοῖς ποσὶ δεσμώτην τρὶς ὕπατον ἐπεδημηγόρησε καὶ κατέκανε καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐς Σύλλαν ἔπεμψεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.11.96

There was much killing, banishment, and confiscation also among those Italians who had obeyed Carbo, or Marius, or Norbanus, or their lieutenants. Severe judgments of the courts were rendered against them throughout all Italy on various charges—for exercising military command, for serving in the army, for contributing money, for rendering other service, or even giving counsel against Sulla. Hospitality, private friendship, the borrowing or lending of money, were alike accounted crimes. Now and then one would be arrested for doing a kindness to a suspect, or merely for being his companion on a journey. These accusations abounded mostly against the rich. When charges against individuals failed Sulla took vengeance on whole communities. He punished some of them by demolishing their citadels, or destroying their walls, or by imposing heavy fines and contributions on them. Among most of them he placed colonies of his troops in order to hold Italy under garrisons, sequestrating their lands and houses and dividing them among his soldiers, whom he thus made true to him during his life and even after his death. As they could not be secure in their own holdings unless all of Sulla’s affairs were on a firm foundation, they were his stoutest champions even after he was deceased. While the affairs of Italy were in this state, Pompey sent a force and captured Carbo, who had fled with many persons of distinction from Africa to Sicily and thence to the island of Cossyra. He ordered his officers to kill all of the others without bringing them into his presence; but Carbo, who had been thrice consul, he caused to be brought before his feet in chains, and after making a public harangue at him, killed him and sent his head to Sulla.

1.11.97 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.11.97

ὁ δʼ, ἐπεί οἱ πάντα, ὡς ἐβούλετο, ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς διῴκητο καὶ πολέμιον οὐδὲν ἦν ἔτι πλὴν Σερτωρίου μακρὰν ὄντος, Μέτελλον μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦτον ἐξέπεμπεν ἐς Ἰβηρίαν, τὰ δʼ ἐν τῇ πόλει καθίστατο ἅπαντα ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ, καθʼ ὃν ἐβούλετο τρόπον. νόμου γὰρ ἢ χειροτονίας ἢ κλήρου λόγος οὐκ ἦν ἔτι, πεφρικότων ὑπὸ δέους πάντων καὶ κρυπτομένων ἢ σιωπώντων· οἳ καὶ πάντα, ὅσα διῴκησεν ὁ Σύλλας ὑπατεύων τε καὶ ἀνθυπατεύων, βέβαια καὶ ἀνεύθυνα ἐψηφίζοντο εἶναι εἰκόνα τε αὐτοῦ ἐπίχρυσον ἐπὶ ἵππου πρὸ τῶν ἐμβόλων ἀνέθεσαν καὶ ὑπέγραψαν Κορνηλίου Σύλλα ἡγεμόνος Εὐτυχοῦς. ὧδε γὰρ αὐτὸν οἱ κόλακες, διευτυχοῦντα ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, ὠνόμαζον· καὶ προῆλθεν ἐς βέβαιον ὄνομα ἡ κολακεία. ἤδη δέ που γραφῇ περιέτυχον ἡγουμένῃ τὸν Σύλλαν Ἐπαφρόδιτον ἐν τῷδε τῷ ψηφίσματι ἀναγραφῆναι, καὶ οὐκ ἀπεικὸς ἐφαίνετό μοι καὶ τόδε, ἐπεὶ καὶ Φαῦστος ἐπωνομάζετο· δύναται δὲ τοῦ αἰσίου καὶ ἐπαφροδίτου ἀγχοτάτω μάλιστα εἶναι τὸ ὄνομα. ἔστι δʼ ὅπου καὶ χρησμὸς αὐτῷ δοθεὶς ἐβεβαίου τάδε σκεπτομένῳ τὰ μέλλοντα. πείθεὸ μοι, Ῥωμαῖε. κράτος μέγα Κύπρις ἔδωκεν Αἰνείου γενεῇ μεμελημένη. ἀλλὰ σὺ πᾶσιν ἀθανάτοις ἐπέτεια τίθει. μὴ λήθεο τῶνδε· Δελφοῖς δῶρα κόμιζε. καὶ ἔστι τις ἀμβαίνουσι Ταύρου ὑπὸ νιφόεντος, ὅπου περιμήκετον ἄστυ Καρῶν, οἳ ναίουσιν ἐπώνυμον ἐξ Ἀφροδίτης· ᾗ πέλεκυν θέμενος λήψῃ κράτος ἀμφιλαφές σοι. ὁπότερα δʼ αὐτῶν ἐψηφίσαντο Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν εἰκόνα τιθέντες, δοκοῦσί μοι παρασκώπτοντες ἢ ἐκμειλισσόμενοι τὸν ἄνδρα ἐπιγράψαι. ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ στέφανον χρύσεον καὶ πέλεκυν, ἐπιγράψας τάδε· τόνδε σοι αὐτοκράτωρ Σύλλας ἀνέθηκʼ, Ἀφροδίτη, ᾧ σʼ εἶδον κατʼ ὄνειρον ἀνὰ στρατιὴν διέπουσαν τεύχεσι τοῖς Ἄρεος μαρναμένην ἔνοπλον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.11.97

When everything had been accomplished against his enemies as he desired, and there was no longer any hostile force except that of Sertorius, who was far distant, Sulla sent Metellus into Spain against him and managed everything in the city to suit himself. There was no longer any occasion for laws, or elections, or for casting lots, because everybody was shivering with fear and in hiding, or dumb. Everything that Sulla had done as consul, or as proconsul, was confirmed and ratified, and his gilded equestrian statue was erected in front of the rostra with the inscription, Cornelius Sulla, a fortunate commander, for so his flatterers called him on account of his unbroken success against his enemies. And this flattering title still attaches to him. I have come across a history which relates that Sulla was styled Epaphroditus by a decree of the Senate itself. This does not seem to me to be inappropriate for he was also called Faustus (lucky), which name seems to have very nearly the same signification as Epaphroditus. There was also an oracle given to him somewhere which, in response to his question concerning the future, assured his prosperous career as follows:— Believe me, Roman, the Cyprian goddess cares for the race of Aeneas and has given it great power. Render yearly gifts to all the immortals, and do not forget them. Convey gifts to Delphi. There is also a place where men go up under snowy Taurus, a wide-reaching city of the Carians, whose inhabitants have named it for Aphrodite. Give the goddess an axe and you shall gain sovereign power. Whichever decree the Romans voted when they erected the statue, they seem to me to have made the inscription by way of jest or cajolery. However, Sulla sent a golden crown and an axe to Venus with this inscription:— The dictator Sulla dedicates this to thee, Venus, because in a dream he saw thee in panoply setting the army in order of battle and fighting with the weapons of Mars.

Edition note

The favorite of Venus.

Edition note

The town of Aphrodisias in Caria, dedicated to Venus. It is mentioned in the Annals of Tacitus (iii. 62) as one of those whose title to be considered a lawful sanctuary and refuge for criminals was investigated during the reign of Tiberius.

Edition note

Πείθεό μοι Πωμαῖε, κράτος μέγα Κύπρις ἔδωκεν Αἰνείου γενεῇ μεμελημένη. Ἀλλὰ σὺ πᾶσιν ἀθανάτοις ἐπέτεια τίθει· μὴ λήθεο τῶνδε. Δελφοῖς δῶρα κόμιζε. Καὶ ἔστι τις ἀμβαίνουσι Ταύρου ὑπὸ νιφόεντος, ὅπου περιμήκετον ἄσγυ Καρῶν, οἱ ναίουσιν ἐπώνυμον ἐξ Ἀφροδίγης· καὶ πέλεκυν θέμενος, λήψῃ κράτος ἀμιφλαφες σοι.

Edition note

Τόνδε σοι αὐτοκράτωρ Σύλλας ἀνέθηκ’, Ἀφροδίτη, ὡς εἶδον κατ’ ὄνειρον ἀνὰ στρατιὴν διέπουσαν τεύχεσι τοῖς Ἄρεος μαρναμενην ἔνοπλον.

1.11.98 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.11.98

ὁ δὲ ἔργῳ βασιλεὺς ὢν ἢ τύραννος, οὐχ αἱρετός, ἀλλὰ δυνάμει καὶ βίᾳ, δεόμενος δʼ ἄρα καὶ τοῦ προσποιήματος αἱρετὸς εἶναι δοκεῖν, ὧδε καὶ τόδε ἐμηχανήσατο. Ῥωμαίοις πάλαι κατʼ ἀρετὴν ἦσαν οἱ βασιλέες· καὶ ὁπότε τις αὐτῶν ἀποθάνοι, βουλευτὴς ἕτερος παρʼ ἕτερον ἐπὶ πέντε ἡμέρας ἦρχεν, ἕως τινὰ ἄλλον ὁ δῆμος δοκιμάσειε βασιλεύειν. καὶ τόνδε τὸν πενθήμερον ἄρχοντα ἰντέρρηγα ἐκάλουν· εἴη δʼ ἂν ἐν τοσῷδε βασιλεύς. ἀρχαιρέσια δʼ ὑπάτων οἱ λήγοντες τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀεὶ προυτίθεσαν· καὶ εἴ ποτε κατὰ συντυχίαν ὕπατος οὐκ εἴη, ὅδε ὁ ἐν τοσῷδε βασιλεὺς καὶ τότε ἐγίγνετο ἐς τὴν τῶν ὑπάτων χειροτονίαν. τούτου δὴ τοῦ ἔθους ἐπιβαίνων ὁ Σύλλας, ὑπάτων οὐκ ὄντων, ἐπεὶ καὶ Κάρβων ἐν Σικελίᾳ καὶ Μάριος κατὰ Πραινεστὸν ἐτεθνήκεσαν, αὐτὸς μέν που τῆς πόλεως ὑπεξῆλθε, τῇ δὲ βουλῇ προσέταξεν ἑλέσθαι τὸν καλούμενον μεταξὺ βασιλέα. ἡ μὲν δὴ Οὐαλέριον Φλάκκον εἵλετο, ἐλπίσασα ὑπάτων προτεθήσεσθαι χειροτονίαν· ὁ δὲ Σύλλας ἐπέστελλε τῷ Φλάκκῳ γνώμην ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἐσενεγκεῖν, ὅτι χρήσιμον ἡγοῖτο Σύλλας ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἔσεσθαι τῇ πόλει τὴν ἀρχήν, οὓς ἐκάλουν δικτάτορας, παυσάμενον ἔθος ἐκ τετρακοσίων ἐτῶν· ὃν δὲ ἕλοιντο, ἐκέλευεν ἄρχειν οὐκ ἐς χρόνον ῥητόν, ἀλλὰ μέχρι τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὅλην στάσεσι καὶ πολέμοις σεσαλευμένην στηρίσειεν. ὁ μὲν δὴ νοῦς τὴν γνώμην ἐς αὐτὸν ἔφερε τὸν Σύλλαν, καὶ οὐδʼ ἀμφίβολον ἦν· ὁ δὲ Σύλλας οὐ κατασχὼν αὑτοῦ καὶ τοῦτʼ ἐν τέλει τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ἀνεκάλυπτεν, ὅτι οἱ δοκοίη μάλιστʼ ἂν αὐτὸς τῇ πόλει καὶ ἐν τῷδε γενέσθαι χρήσιμος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.11.98

Thus Sulla became king, or tyrant, de facto, not elected, but holding power by force and violence. As, however, he needed some pretence of being elected it was managed in this way. The kings of the Romans in the olden time were chosen for their bravery, and when one of them died the senators held the royal power in succession for five days each, until the people could decide who should be the new king. This five-day ruler was called the Interrex, which means king for the time being. The retiring consuls always presided over the election of their successors in office, and if there chanced to be no consul at such a time an Interrex was appointed for the purpose of holding the consular comitia. Sulla took advantage of this custom. There were no consuls at this time, Carbo having lost his life in Sicily and Marius in Praeneste. So Sulla went out of the city for a time and ordered the Senate to choose an Interrex. They chose Valerius Flaccus, expecting that he would soon hold the consular comitia. But Sulla wrote to Flaccus to bring before the people the proposition that he (Sulla) considered it advisable, under present circumstances, that the city should be governed by a dictator according to a custom that had been abandoned 400 years. He told them not to appoint the dictator for any definite time, but until the city and Italy and the whole government, so shaken by factions and wars, should be put upon a firm foundation. That this proposal referred to Sulla himself was not at all doubtful. Sulla made no concealment of it. At the conclusion of the letter he declared openly that, in his judgment, he could be serviceable to the city in that capacity.

Edition note

This is probably a corruption of the text. The last dictator was appointed in the year 202 B.C., or 120 years before Sulla assumed that office.

1.11.99 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.11.99

ὁ μὲν δὴ τάδε ἐπέστελλε, Ῥωμαῖοι δʼ οὐχ ἑκόντες μὲν οὐδὲ κατὰ νόμον ἔτι χειροτονοῦντες οὐδὲν οὐδʼ ἐπὶ σφίσιν ἡγούμενοι τὸ ἔργον ὅλως, ἐν δὲ τῇ πάντων ἀπορίᾳ τὴν ὑπόκρισιν τῆς χειροτονίας ὡς ἐλευθερίας εἰκόνα καὶ πρόσχημα ἀσπασάμενοι χειροτονοῦσι τὸν Σύλλαν, ἐς ὅσον θέλοι, τύραννον αὐτοκράτορα. τυραννὶς μὲν γὰρ ἡ τῶν δικτατόρων ἀρχὴ καὶ πάλαι, ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ δʼ ὁριζομένη· τότε δὲ πρῶτον ἐς ἀόριστον ἐλθοῦσα τυραννὶς ἐγίγνετο ἐντελής. τοσόνδε μέντοι προσέθεσαν εἰς εὐπρέπειαν τοῦ ῥήματος, ὅτι αὐτὸν αἱροῖντο δικτάτορα ἐπὶ θέσει νόμων, ὧν αὐτὸς ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ δοκιμάσειε, καὶ καταστάσει τῆς πολιτείας. οὕτω μὲν δὴ Ῥωμαῖοι βασιλεῦσιν ὑπὲρ τὰς ἑξήκοντα ὀλυμπιάδας χρησάμενοι, ἐπὶ δʼ ἐκείνοις δημοκρατίᾳ τε καὶ ὑπάτοις ἐτησίοις προστάταις ἐς ἄλλας ἑκατὸν ὀλυμπιάδας, αὖθις ἐπειρῶντο βασιλείας, ὀλυμπιάδων οὐσῶν ἐν Ἕλλησιν ἑκατὸν ἐβδομήκοντα πέντε καὶ οὐδενὸς ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ τότε ἀγωνίσματος πλὴν σταδίου δρόμου γιγνομένου· τοὺς γὰρ ἀθλητὰς καὶ τὰ ἄλλα θεάματα πάντα ὁ Σύλλας ἐς Ῥώμην μετεκέκλητο ἐπὶ δόξῃ τῶν Μιθριδατείων ἔργων ἢ τῶν Ἰταλικῶν. πρόφασις δʼ ἦν ἀναπνεῦσαι καὶ ψυχαγωγῆσαι τὸ πλῆθος ἐκ καμάτων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.11.99

Such was Sulla’s letter. The Romans were unwilling, but they had no more opportunities for elections according to law, and they considered that this matter was not altogether in their own power. So, in the absence of everything else, they welcomed this pretence of an election as an image and semblance of freedom and chose Sulla their absolute master for as long a time as he pleased. There had been autocratic rule of the dictators before, but it was limited to short periods. But in Sulla’s time it first became unlimited and so an absolute tyranny; yet they added, for propriety’s sake, that they chose him dictator for the enactment of such laws as he might deem best and for the regulation of the commonwealth. Thus the Romans, after having government by kings for sixty Olympiads, and a democracy, under consuls chosen yearly, for 100 Olympiads, resorted to kingly government again. This was in the 175th Olympiad according to the Greek calendar, but there were no Olympic games then except races in the stadium, since Sulla had carried away the athletes and all the sights and shows to Rome to celebrate his victories in the Mithridatic and Italian wars, under the pretext that the masses needed a breathing-spell and recreation after their toils.

Edition note

Y.R. 673

1.11.100 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.11.100

ὁ δʼ ἐς μὲν πρόσχημα τῆς πατρίου πολιτείας ὑπάτους αὐτοῖς ἐπέτρεψεν ἀποφῆναι, καὶ ἐγένοντο Μᾶρκος Τύλλιος καὶ Κορνήλιος Δολοβέλλας· αὐτὸς δʼ οἷα δὴ βασιλεύων δικτάτωρ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὑπάτοις ἦν· πελέκεις τε γὰρ ἐφέροντο πρὸ αὐτοῦ, οἷα δικτάτορος, εἴκοσι καὶ τέσσαρες, ὅσοι καὶ τῶν πάλαι βασιλέων ἡγοῦντο, καὶ φυλακὴν τοῦ σώματος περιέθετο πολλήν. νόμους τε ἐξέλυε καὶ ἑτέρους ἐτίθετο· καὶ στρατηγεῖν ἀπεῖπε, πρὶν ταμιεῦσαι, καὶ ὑπατεύειν, πρὶν στρατηγῆσαι, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν αὐτὴν αὖθις ἄρχειν ἐκώλυσε, πρὶν ἔτη δέκα διαγενέσθαι. τὴν δὲ τῶν δημάρχων ἀρχὴν ἴσα καὶ ἀνεῖλεν, ἀσθενεστάτην ἀποφήνας καὶ νόμῳ κωλύσας μηδεμίαν ἄλλην τὸν δήμαρχον ἀρχὴν ἔτι ἄρχειν· διὸ καὶ πάντες οἱ δόξης ἢ γένους ἀντιποιούμενοι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἐξετρέποντο. καὶ οὐκ ἔχω σαφῶς εἰπεῖν, εἰ Σύλλας αὐτήν, καθὰ νῦν ἐστιν, εἰς τὴν βουλὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου μετήνεγκεν. αὐτῇ δὲ τῇ βουλῇ διὰ τὰς στάσεις καὶ τοὺς πολέμους πάμπαν ὀλιγανδρούσῃ προσκατέλεξεν ἀμφὶ τοὺς τριακοσίους ἐκ τῶν ἀρίστων ἱππέων, ταῖς φυλαῖς ἀναδοὺς ψῆφον περὶ ἑκάστου. τῷ δὲ δήμῳ τοὺς δούλους τῶν ἀνῃρημένων τοὺς νεωτάτους τε καὶ εὐρώστους, μυρίων πλείους, ἐλευθερώσας ἐγκατέλεξε καὶ πολίτας ἀπέφηνε Ῥωμαίων καὶ Κορνηλίους ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ προσεῖπεν, ὅπως ἑτοίμοις ἐκ τῶν δημοτῶν πρὸς τὰ παραγγελλόμενα μυρίοις χρῷτο. τὸ δʼ αὐτὸ καὶ περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐπινοῶν τέλεσι τοῖς ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ στρατευσαμένοις τρισὶ καὶ εἴκοσιν ἐπένειμεν, ὥς μοι προείρηται, πολλὴν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι γῆν, τὴν μὲν ἔτι οὖσαν ἀνέμητον, τὴν δὲ τὰς πόλεις ἀφαιρούμενος ἐπὶ ζημίᾳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.11.100

Nevertheless, as the form of the republic remained he allowed them to appoint consuls. Marcus Tullius and Cornelius Dolabella were chosen. But Sulla, like a reigning sovereign, was dictator over the consuls. Twenty-four axes were borne in front of him, as was customary with dictators, the same number that were borne before the ancient kings, and he had a large body-guard also. He repealed laws and he enacted others. He forbade anybody to hold the office of praetor until after he had held that of quaestor, or to be consul before he had been praetor, and he prohibited any man from holding the same office a second time till after the lapse of ten years. He reduced the tribunician power to such an extent that it seemed to be destroyed. He curtailed it by a law which provided that one holding the office of tribune should never afterward hold any other office; for which reason all men of reputation or family, who formerly contended for this office, shunned it thereafter. I am not able to say positively whether Sulla transferred this office from the people to the Senate, where it is now lodged, or not. To the Senate itself, which had been much thinned by the seditions and wars, he added about 300 members from the best of the knights, taking the vote of the tribes for each one. To the plebeians he added more than 10,000 slaves of proscribed persons, choosing the youngest and strongest, to whom he gave freedom and Roman citizenship, and he called them Cornelii after himself. In this way he made sure of having 10,000 men among the plebeians always ready to obey his commands. In order to provide the same kind of safeguard throughout Italy he distributed to the twenty-three legions that had served under him a great deal of land among the communities, as I have already related, some of which was public property and some taken from the communities by way of fine.

Edition note

B.C. 81

1.11.101 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.11.101

ἐς ἅπαντα δʼ ἦν οὕτω φοβερὸς καὶ ἄκρος ὀργήν, ὡς καὶ Κόιντον Λουκρήτιον Ὀφέλλαν τὸν Πραινεστὸν αὐτῷ λαβόντα καὶ Μάριον τὸν ὕπατον ἐκπεπολιορκηκότα καὶ τὸ τέλος αὐτῷ τῆς νίκης συναγαγόντα, ὑπατεύειν ἔτι ἱππέα ὄντα, πρὶν ταμιεῦσαι καὶ στρατηγῆσαι, διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν εἰργασμένων κατὰ παλαιὸν ἔθος ἀξιοῦντα καὶ τῶν πολιτῶν δεόμενον, ἐπεὶ κωλύων καὶ ἀνατιθέμενος οὐ μετέπειθεν, ἐν ἀγορᾷ μέσῃ κτεῖναι. καὶ συναγαγὼν τὸ πλῆθος ἐς ἐκκλησίαν εἶπεν· ἴστε μέν, ὦ ἄνδρες, καὶ παρʼ ἐμοῦ δὲ ἀκούσατε, ὅτι Λουκρήτιον ἐγὼ κατέκανον ἀπειθοῦντά μοι. καὶ λόγον εἶπε· φθεῖρες γεωργὸν ἀροτριῶντα ὑπέδακνον· ὁ δὲ δὶς μέν, ἔφη, τὸ ἄροτρον μεθεὶς τὸν χιτωνίσκον ἐκάθηρεν· ὡς δʼ αὖθις ἐδάκνετο, ἵνα μὴ πολλάκις ἀργοίη, τὸν χιτωνίσκον ἔκαυσεν. κἀγὼ τοῖς δὶς ἡττημένοις παραινῶ τρίτου πυρὸς μὴ δεηθῆναι. Σύλλας μὲν δὴ καὶ τοῖσδε καταπληξάμενος αὐτούς, καθὰ ἐβούλετο, ἦρχε. καὶ ἐθριάμβευσεν ἐπὶ τῷ Μιθριδατείῳ πολέμῳ. καί τινες αὐτοῦ τῆν ἀρχὴν ἀρνουμένην βασιλείαν ἐπισκώπτοντες ἐκάλουν, ὅτι τὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ὄνομα μόνον ἐπικρύπτοι· οἱ δʼ ἐπὶ τοὐναντίον ἀπὸ τῶν ἔργων μετέφερον καὶ τυραννίδα ὁμολογοῦσαν ἔλεγον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.11.101

So terrible was he and so uncontrollable in anger that he slew in the middle of the forum Q. Lucretius Ofella, the one who had besieged and captured Praeneste and the consul Marius, and had won the final victory for him. He did this because, in spite of the new law, Lucretius persisted, though Sulla opposed and forbade, in being a candidate for the consulship while he was still in the equestrian order and before he had been quaestor and praetor, presuming on the greatness of his services, according to the former custom, and captivating the populace. Then Sulla assembled the people and said to them, Know, citizens, and learn from me, that I caused the death of Lucretius because he disobeyed me. And then he told the following story: A husbandman was bitten by fleas while ploughing. He stopped his ploughing twice in order to clear them out of his shirt. When they bit him. again he burned his shirt, so that he might not be so often interrupted in his work. And I tell you, who have felt my hand twice, to take warning lest the third time fire be brought in requisition. With these words he terrified them and thereafter ruled as he pleased. He had a triumph on account of the Mithridatic war, during which some of the scoffers called his government the royalty disavowed because only the name of king was concealed. Others took the contrary view, judging from his acts, and called it the tyranny confessed.

1.11.102 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.11.102

ἐς τοσοῦτον αὐτοῖς τε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Ἰταλοῖς ἅπασιν ὁ πόλεμος ὅδε προύβη κακοῦ, προύβη δὲ καὶ τοῖς ὑπὲρ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἔθνεσιν ἅπασιν, ἄρτι μὲν ὑπὸ λῃστῶν καὶ Μιθριδάτου καὶ Σύλλα πεπολεμημένοις, ἄρτι δʼ ἀποροῦντος τοῦ ταμείου διὰ τὰς στάσεις ἐκτετρυχωμένοις εἰσφοραῖς πολλαῖς. ἔθνη τε γὰρ πάντα καὶ βασιλέες, ὅσοι σύμμαχοι, καὶ πόλεις, οὐχ ὅσαι μόνον ὑποτελεῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσαι ἑαυτὰς ἐγκεχειρίκεσαν ἐπὶ συνθήκαις ἔνορκοι καὶ ὅσαι διὰ συμμαχίαν ἤ τινα ἀρετὴν ἄλλην αὐτόνομοί τε καὶ φόρων ἦσαν ἀτελεῖς, τότε πᾶσαι συντελεῖν ἐκελεύοντο καὶ ὑπακούειν, χώρας τε ἔνιαι καὶ λιμένων κατὰ συνθήκας σφίσι δεδομένων ἀφῃροῦντο. Σύλλας δὲ καὶ Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ βασιλεύσαντος υἱόν, ἀνατραφέντα μὲν ἐν Κῷ καὶ ὑπὸ Κῴων ἐκδοθέντα Μιθριδάτῃ, διαφυγόντα δὲ πρὸς Σύλλαν ἐκ Μιθριδάτου καὶ συνήθη γενόμενον, ἐψηφίσατο βασιλεύειν Ἀλεξανδρέων, ἐρήμου τῆς Ἀλεξανδρέων ἀρχῆς ἀνδρὸς οὔσης καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν, ὅσαι βασιλείου γένους, ἀνδρὸς συγγενοῦς δεομένων, ἐλπίσας χρηματιεῖσθαι πολλὰ ἐκ βασιλείας πολυχρύσου. ἀλλὰ τόνδε μὲν οἱ Ἀλεξανδρεῖς ἐννεακαιδεκάτην ἡμέραν ἔχοντα τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ ἀτοπώτερον σφῶν, οἷα Σύλλᾳ πεποιθότα, ἐξηγούμενον, ἐς τὸ γυμνάσιον ἐκ τοῦ βασιλείου προαγαγόντες ἔκτειναν. οὕτως ἔτι καὶ οἵδε διά τε μέγεθος ἀρχῆς ἰδίας καὶ τῶν ἔξωθεν κακῶν ἔτι ὄντες ἀπαθεῖς ἀφόβως εἶχον ἑτέρων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.11.102

Into such evils were the Romans and all the Italians plunged by this war; and so likewise were all the countries beyond Italy by the recent piracies, or by the Mithridatic war, or by the many exhausting taxes levied to meet the deficit in the public treasury due to the seditions. All the allied nations and kings, and not only the tributary cities, but those which had delivered themselves to the Romans voluntarily under sworn agreements, and those which by virtue of their furnishing aid in war or for some other merit were autonomous and not subject to tribute, all were now required to pay and to obey. Some that had surrendered themselves under treaty arrangements were deprived of their territory and their harbors. Sulla decreed that Alexander (the son of Alexander the former sovereign of Egypt), who had been reared in Cos and given to Mithridates by the inhabitants of that island, and had fled to Sulla and become intimate with him, should be king of Alexandria. He did this because the government of Alexandria was destitute of a sovereign in the male line, and the women of the royal house wanted a man of the same lineage, and because he (Sulla) expected to reap a large reward from the rich kingdom. As Alexander behaved himself in a very offensive manner toward them, relying upon Sulla, the Alexandrians, on the nineteenth day of his reign, dragged him from the palace to the gymnasium and put him to death; so little fear had they of foreigners, either by reason of the magnitude of their own government or their inexperience as yet of external dangers.

1.12.103 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.12.103

τοῦ δʼ ἐπιόντος ἔτους Σύλλας, καίπερ ῶν δικτάτωρ, ἐς ὑπόκρισιν ὅμως καὶ σχῆμα δημοκρατικῆς ἀρχῆς ὑπέστη καὶ ὕπατος αὖθις γενέσθαι σὺν Μετέλλῳ τῷ Εὐσεβεῖ. καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦδε ἴσως ἔτι νῦν οἱ Ῥωμαίων βασιλέες, ὑπάτους ἀποφαίνοντες τῇ πατρίδι, ἔστιν ὅτε καὶ ἑαυτοὺς ἀποδεικνύουσιν, ἐν καλῷ τιθέμενοι μετὰ τῆς μεγίστης ἀρχῆς καὶ ὑπατεῦσαι. τῷ δʼ ἑξῆς ἔτει ὁ μὲν δῆμος καὶ τότε τὸν Σύλλαν θεραπεύων ᾑρεῖτο ὑπατεύειν, ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἀνασχόμενος ὑπάτους μὲν αὐτοῖς ἀπέφηνε Σερουίλιον Ἰσαυρικὸν καὶ Κλαύδιον Ποῦλχρον, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν μεγάλην ἀρχὴν οὐδενὸς ἐνοχλοῦντος ἑκὼν ἀπέθετο. καί μοι θαῦμα μὲν καὶ τόδε αὐτοῦ καταφαίνεται τοσήνδε ἀρχὴν πρῶτον ἀνδρῶν καὶ μόνον ἐς τότε Σύλλαν οὐδενὸς ἐπείγοντος ἀποθέσθαι, οὐ παισίν, ὡς Πτολεμαῖος ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Ἀριοβαρζάνης ἐν Καππαδοκίᾳ καὶ Σέλευκος ἐν Συρίᾳ, ἀλλʼ αὐτοῖς τοῖς τυραννουμένοις· ἄλογον δʼ ἤδη καὶ τὸ βιασάμενον ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν ῥιψοκινδύνως, ἐπείτε ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο, ἑκόντα ἀποθέσθαι καὶ παράδοξον, οἷον οὔπω τι ἕτερον, τὸ μὴ δεῖσαι νεότητος ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ πλέον μυριάδων δέκα ἀνῃρημένης καὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν αὐτὸν ἀνελόντα βουλευτὰς μὲν ἐνενήκοντα, ὑπάτους δʼ ἐς πεντεκαίδεκα, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν καλουμένων ἱππέων δισχιλίους καὶ ἑξακοσίους σὺν τοῖς ἐξεληλαμένοις· ὧν τῆς τε περιουσίας δεδημευμένης καὶ πολλῶν ἀτάφων ἐκριφέντων, οὔτε τοὺς οἴκοι ὁ Σύλλας οὔτε τοὺς φεύγοντας καταπλαγεὶς οὐδὲ τὰς πόλεις, ὧν ἀκροπόλεις τε καὶ τείχη καὶ γῆν καὶ χρήματα καὶ ἀτελείας ἀφῄρητο, ἑαυτὸν ἀπέφηνεν ἰδιώτην.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.12.103

The following year Sulla, although he was dictator, undertook the consulship a second time, with Metellus Pius for his colleague, in order to preserve the pretence and form of democratic government. It is perhaps from this example that the Roman emperors now make a showing of consuls to the country and even exhibit themselves in that capacity, considering it not unbecoming to hold the office of consul in connection with the supreme power. The next year the people, in order to pay court to Sulla, chose him consul again, but he refused the office and nominated Servilius Isauricus and Claudius Pulcher for their suffrages, and voluntarily laid down the supreme power, although nobody was troubling him. This act seems wonderful to me—that Sulla should have been the first, and till then the only one, to abdicate such vast power without compulsion, not to sons (like Ptolemy in Egypt, or Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia, or Seleucus in Syria), but to the very people over whom he had tyrannized. Almost incredible is it that after incurring so many dangers in forcing his way to this power he should have laid it down of his own free will after he had acquired it. Paradoxical beyond anything is the fact that he was afraid of nothing, although more than 100,000 young men had perished in this war, and he had destroyed of his enemies ninety senators, fifteen consulars, and 2600 of the so-called knights, including the banished. The property of these men had been confiscated and many of their bodies cast out unburied. Undaunted by the relatives of these persons at home, or by the banished abroad, or by the cities whose towers and walls he had thrown down and whose lands, money, and privileges he had swept away, Sulla now returned to private life.

Edition note

B.C. 80

Edition note

Y.R. 675

Edition note

B.C. 79

1.12.104 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.12.104

τοσοῦτον ἦν ἐν τῷδε τῷ ἀνδρὶ τόλμης καὶ τύχης· ὅν γέ φασιν ἐπειπεῖν ἐν ἀγορᾷ, τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποτιθέμενον, ὅτι καὶ λόγον, εἴ τις αἰτοίη, τῶν γεγονότων ὑφέξει, καὶ τὰς ῥάβδους καθελόντα καὶ τοὺς πελέκεας τὴν φρουρὰν ἀπὸ τοῦ σώματος ἀπώσασθαι καὶ μόνον μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἐς πολὺ ἐν μέσῳ βαδίσαι θεωμένου τοῦ πλήθους καὶ καταπεπληγότος αὐτὸν καὶ τότε. ἀναχωροῦντα δʼ ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν μόλις ποτὲ μειράκιον ἐπεμέμφετο καὶ οὐδενὸς αὐτὸ ἀπερύκοντος ἐθάρρησε καὶ λοιδορούμενον αὐτῷ μέχρι τῆς οἰκίας ἐλθεῖν. ὁ δὲ κατὰ τῶν μεγίστων ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ πόλεων ἄκρος ὀργὴν γενόμενος εὐσταθῶς τὸ μειράκιον ἤνεγκε καὶ τοσοῦτον ἐσιὼν ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν, εἴτε ἀπὸ ξυνέσεως εἴτε καὶ τύχῃ καταμαντευόμενος τῶν ἐσομένων, ἀπεκρίνατο, ὅτι κωλύσει τὸ μειράκιον τόδε ἕτερον ἄνδρα ἀρχὴν τοιάνδε ἔχοντα ἀποθέσθαι. καὶ Ῥωμαίοις μὲν οὕτω γενέσθαι συνηνέχθη μετʼ ὀλίγον, Γαΐου Καίσαρος τὴν ἀρχὴν οὐκέτι μεθέντος· ὁ δὲ Σύλλας μοι δοκεῖ, ἐς πάντα σφοδρὸς ὁμοῦ καὶ δυνατὸς γενόμενος, ἐπιθυμῆσαι τύραννος ἐξ ἰδιώτου γενέσθαι καὶ ἰδιώτης ἐκ τυράννου καὶ μετὰ τοῦτʼ ἐπʼ ἐρημίας ἀγροίκου διαγενέσθαι. διῆλθε γὰρ ἐς χωρία ἴδια ἐς Κύμην τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἐπʼ ἐρημίας θαλάσσῃ τε καὶ κυνηγεσίοις ἐχρῆτο, οὐ φυλασσόμενος ἄρα τὸν κατὰ ἄστυ ἰδιώτην βίον οὐδʼ ἀσθενὴς ὢν αὖθις ἐς ὅ τι ὁρμήσειεν· ᾧ δυνατὴ μὲν ἔτι ἡ ἡλικία καὶ τὸ σῶμα εὔρωστον, ἀμφὶ δὲ τὴν Ἰταλίαν δυώδεκα μυριάδες ἀνδρῶν ἦσαν ἔναγχος ὑπεστρατευμένων καὶ δωρεὰς μεγάλας καὶ γῆν πολλὴν παρʼ αὐτοῦ λαβόντων, ἕτοιμοι δʼ οἱ κατὰ τὸ ἄστυ μύριοι Κορνήλιοι καὶ ὁ ἄλλος αὐτοῦ στασιώτης λεώς, εὔνους αὐτῷ καὶ φοβερὸς ὢν ἔτι τοῖς ἑτέροις καὶ τὸ σφέτερον ἀδεές, ὧν τῷ Σύλλᾳ συνεπεπράχεσαν, ἐν τῷ Σύλλαν περιεῖναι τιθέμενοι· ἀλλά μοι δοκεῖ κόρον τε πολέμων καὶ κόρον ἀρχῆς καὶ κόρον ἄστεος λαβὼν ἐπὶ τέλει καὶ ἀγροικίας ἐρασθῆναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.12.104

So great was this man’s boldness and good fortune. It is said that he made a speech in the forum when he laid down his power in which he offered to give the reasons for what he had done to anybody who should ask them. He dismissed the lictors with their axes and discontinued his body-guard, and for a long time walked to the forum with only a few friends, the multitude looking upon him with awe even then. Once only when he was going home he was reproached by a boy. As nobody restrained this boy he made bold to follow Sulla to his house, railing at him, and Sulla, who had opposed the greatest men and states with towering rage, endured his reproaches with calmness and as he went into the house said, divining the future either by his intelligence or by chance, This young man will prevent any other holder of such power from laying it down. This saying was shortly confirmed to the Romans, for Gaius Caesar never laid down his power. Sulla seems to me to have been the same masterful and able man in all respects, whether striving to reach supreme power from private life, or changing back to private life from supreme power, or later when passing his time in rural solitude; for he retired to his own estate at Cumae in Italy and there occupied his leisure in hunting and fishing. He did this not because he was afraid to live a private life in the city, nor because he had not sufficient bodily strength for whatever he might try to do. He was still of virile age and sound constitution, and there were 120,000 men throughout Italy who had recently served under him in war and had received large gifts of money and land from him, and there were the 10,000 Cornelii ready in the city, besides other people of his party devoted to him and still formidable to his opponents, all of whom rested upon Sulla’s safety their hopes of impunity for what they had done in coöperation with him. But I think that he was satiated with war, with power, with city affairs, and that he took to rural life finally because he loved it.

Edition note

Sulla was fifty-nine years of age when he retired and he died in the following year.

Edition note

Y.R. 676

1.12.105 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.12.105

ἄρτι δʼ ἀποστάντος αὐτοῦ, Ῥωμαῖοι φόνου καὶ τυραννίδος ἀπαλλαγέντες ἡσυχῇ πάλιν ἐπὶ στάσεις ὑπερριπίζοντο ἑτέρας. καὶ ὕπατοι αὐτοῖς καθίστανται Κόιντός τε Κάτλος ἀπὸ τῶν Συλλείων καὶ Λέπιδος Αἰμίλιος ἀπὸ τῶν ἐναντίων, ἐχθίστω τε ἀλλήλοιν καὶ εὐθὺς ἀρξαμένω διαφέρεσθαι. δῆλόν τε ἦν τι κακὸν ἕτερον ἐκ τοῦδε γενησόμενον. Σύλλας δʼ ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς ἐνύπνιον ἔδοξεν ἰδεῖν, ὅτι αὐτὸν ὁ δαίμων ἤδη καλοίη· καὶ ὁ μὲν αὐτίκα μεθʼ ἡμέραν τοῖς φίλοις τὸ ὄναρ ἐξειπὼν διαθήκας συνέγραφεν ἐπειγόμενος καὶ αὐτῆς ἡμέρας συνετέλει· σφραγισαμένῳ δʼ αὐτὰς περὶ ἑσπέραν πυρετὸς ἐμπίπτει καὶ νυκτὸς ἐτελεύτησεν, ἑξήκοντα μὲν ἔτη βιώσας, εὐτυχέστατος δʼ ἀνδρῶν ἔς τε τὸ τέλος αὐτὸ καὶ ἐς τἆλλα πάντα, ὥσπερ καὶ ὠνομάζετο, γενέσθαι δοκῶν, εἰ δή τις εὐτυχίαν ἡγοῖτο τυχεῖν ὅσων ἂν ἐθέλῃ. γίνεται δʼ εὐθὺς ἐν ἄστει στάσις ἐπʼ αὐτῷ, τῶν μὲν ἄγειν ἀξιούντων τὸ σῶμα διὰ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐπὶ πομπῇ καὶ ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐν ἀγορᾷ προτιθέναι καὶ ταφῆς δημοσίας ἀξιοῦν, Λεπίδου δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀμφὶ Λέπιδον ἐνισταμένων. ἐξενίκα δʼ ὁ Κάτλος καὶ οἱ Σύλλειοι, καὶ ἐφέρετο ὁ νέκυς ὁ τοῦ Σύλλα διὰ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐς τὸ ἄστυ ἐπὶ κλίνης χρυσηλάτου καὶ κόσμου βασιλικοῦ, σαλπιγκταί τε πολλοὶ καὶ ἱππέες καὶ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ἐκ ποδὸς ὡπλισμένος εἵπετο. οἵ τε ὑποστρατευσάμενοι αὐτῷ πανταχόθεν ἐπὶ τὴν παραπομπὴν ὡπλισμένοι συνέθεον καί, ὡς ἕκαστος ἀφικνοῖτο, εὐθὺς ἐς κόσμον καθίσταντο· ἄλλο τε πλῆθος, ὅσον ἐπʼ οὐδενὶ ἔργῳ, συνέτρεχεν. ἡγεῖτο δʼ αὐτοῦ σημεῖα καὶ πελέκεις, ὅσοις περιὼν ἔτι καὶ ἄρχων ἐκοσμεῖτο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.12.105

Directly after his retirement the Romans, although delivered from slaughter and tyranny, began gradually to fan the flames of new seditions. Quintus Catulus and Aemilius Lepidus were chosen consuls, the former of the Sullan faction and the latter of the opposite party. They hated each other bitterly and began to quarrel immediately, from which it was plain that fresh troubles were brewing. While he was living in the country Sulla had a dream in which he thought he saw his Genius already calling him. Early in the morning he told the dream to his friends and in haste began writing his will, which he finished that day. After sealing it he was taken with a fever towards evening and died the same night. He was sixty years of age and had been the most fortunate of men even to the very last, and realized in all respects the title he bore; that is, if one can be considered fortunate who obtains all that he desires. Immediately a dissension sprang up in the city over his remains, some proposing to bring them in a procession through Italy and exhibit them in the forum and give him a public funeral. Lepidus and his faction opposed this, but Catulus and the Sullan party prevailed. Sulla’s corpse was borne through Italy on a golden litter with royal splendor. Musicians and horsemen in great numbers went in advance and a great multitude of armed men followed on foot. His fellow-soldiers flocked from all directions under arms to join the procession, and each one was assigned his place in due order as he came. The crowd of other people that came together was unprecedented. The standards and the fasces that he had used while living and ruling were borne in the procession.

Edition note

B.C. 78

Edition note

So in Shakespeare’s Troilus and Cressida, iv. 4:— Some say the Genius so cries Come to him that instantly must die.

1.12.106 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.12.106

ὡς δʼ ἐπὶ τὸ ἄστυ ἠνέχθη, ἐσεφέρετο μετὰ πομπῆς ἐνταῦθα δὴ μάλιστα ὑπερόγκου. στέφανοί τε γὰρ δισχιλίων πλείους ἀπὸ χρυσοῦ κατὰ σπουδὴν γενόμενοι παρεφέροντο, δῶρα τῶν πόλεων καὶ τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτῷ στρατευσαμένων τελῶν καὶ καθʼ ἕνα τῶν φίλων, ἄλλη τε τῶν ἐς τῆν ταφὴν πεμφθέντων οὐ δυνατὴ φράσαι πολυτέλεια. καὶ τὸ σῶμα δέει τοῦ συνδραμόντος στρατοῦ παρέπεμπον ἱερέες τε ἅμα πάντες καὶ ἱέρειαι, κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτῶν ἑκάτεροι, καὶ ἡ βουλὴ πᾶσα καὶ αἱ ἀρχαί, τὰ σφέτερα σημεῖα ἐπικείμενοι. κόσμῳ δʼ ἄλλῳ τὸ τῶν καλουμένων ἱππέων πλῆθος εἵπετο καὶ ὁ στρατὸς ἐν μέρει πᾶς, ὅσος ὑπεστράτευτο αὐτῷ· συνέδραμον γὰρ σπουδῇ, τὸ ἔργον ἅπαντες ἐπειγόμενοι καταλαβεῖν, σημεῖά τε φέροντες ἐπίχρυσα καὶ ὅπλα ἐπὶ σφίσι περιάργυρα, οἷς ἔτι νῦν ἐς τὰς πομπὰς εἰώθασι χρῆσθαι. σαλπιγκτῶν τε ἄπειρον ἦν πλῆθος, παρὰ μέρος ὑγρότατα καὶ πένθιμα μελῳδούντων. βοῇ δʼ ἐπευφήμουν ἥ τε βουλὴ πρώτη καὶ οἱ ἱππέες ἐν μέρει, εἶθʼ ὁ στρατός, εἶθʼ ὁ δῆμος, οἱ μὲν τῷ ὄντι τὸν Σύλλαν ἐπιποθοῦντες, οἱ δὲ δειμαίνοντες αὐτοῦ καὶ τότε τὸν στρατὸν καὶ τὸν νέκυν οὐχ ἧττον ἢ περιόντος· ἔς τε γὰρ τὴν ὄψιν τῶν γιγνομένων ἀποβλέποντες καὶ ἐς τὴν μνήμην ὧν ἔδρασεν ὁ ἀνήρ, ἐξεπλήττοντο καὶ ὡμολόγουν τοῖς ἐναντίοις εὐτυχέστατον αὐτὸν ἐκείνοις γενέσθαι καὶ σφίσι καὶ τεθνεῶτα φοβερώτατον. ὡς δʼ ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος, ἔνθα δημηγοροῦσιν ἐν ἀγορᾷ, προυτέθη, τοὺς μὲν ἐπιταφίους λόγους εἶπεν ὁ κράτιστος εἰπεῖν τῶν τότε, ἐπεὶ Φαῦστος ὁ παῖς ὁ τοῦ Σύλλα νεώτατος ἦν ἔτι, τὸ δὲ λέχος ὑποδύντες ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἄνδρες εὔρωστοι διεκόμιζον ἐς τὸ πεδίον τὸ Ἄρειον, ἔνθα βασιλέες θάπτονται μόνοι· καὶ τὸ πῦρ οἵ τε ἱππέες καὶ ἡ στρατιὰ περιέδραμον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.12.106

When the remains reached the city they were borne through the streets with an enormous procession. More than 2000 golden crowns which had been made in haste were carried in it, the gifts of cities and of the legions that he had commanded and of individual friends. It would be impossible to describe all the splendid things contributed to this funeral. From fear of the assembled soldiery all the priests and priestesses escorted the remains, each in proper costume. The entire Senate and the whole body of magistrates attended with their insignia of office. A multitude of the Roman knights followed with their peculiar decorations, and, in their turn, all the legions that had fought under him. They came together with eagerness, all hastening to join in the task, carrying gilded standards and silver-plated shields, such as are still used on such occasions. There was a countless number of trumpeters who by turns played the most mournful dirges. Loud cries were raised, first by the Senate, then by the knights, then by the soldiers, and finally by the plebeians. For some really longed for Sulla, but others were afraid of his army and his dead body, as they had been of himself when living. As they looked at the present spectacle and remembered what this man had accomplished they were amazed, and agreed with their opponents that he had been most beneficial to his own party and most formidable to themselves even in death. The corpse was shown in the forum on the rostra, where public speeches were usually made, and the most eloquent of the Romans then living delivered the funeral oration, as Sulla’s son, Faustus, was still very young. Then strong men of the senators took up the litter and carried it to the Campus Martius, where only kings were buried, and the knights and the army coursed around the funeral pile. And this was the last of Sulla.

1.13.107 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.13.107

καὶ Σύλλα μὲν τοῦτο τέλος ἦν, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς πυρᾶς χωροῦντες εὐθὺς οἱ ὕπατοι λόγοις βλασφήμοις ἐς ἀλλήλους διεφέροντο, καὶ τὸ ἀστικὸν ἐς αὐτοὺς διῄρητο. Λέπιδος δὲ καὶ τοὺς Ἰταλικοὺς προσποιούμενος ἔλεγεν, ὅτι τὴν γῆν αὐτοῖς, ἣν ὁ Σύλλας ἀφῄρητο, ἀποδώσει. ἄμφω μὲν οὖν ἡ βουλὴ δείσασα ὥρκωσε μὴ πολέμῳ διακριθῆναι, κληρωσάμενος δʼ ὁ Λέπιδος τὴν ὑπὲρ Ἄλπεις Γαλατίαν, ἐπὶ τὰ ἀρχαιρέσια οὐ κατῄει ὡς πολεμήσων τοῖς Συλλείοις τοῦ ἐπιόντος ἔτους ὑπὲρ τὸν ὅρκον ἀδεῶς· ἐδόκουν γὰρ ἐς τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτος ὡρκῶσθαι. οὐ λανθάνων δʼ, ἐφʼ οἷς ἐβούλευεν, ἐκαλεῖτο ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς· καὶ οὐδὲ αὐτὸς ἀγνοῶν, ἐφʼ οἷς ἐκαλεῖτο, ᾔει μετὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ παντὸς ὡς ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσελευσόμενος σὺν αὐτῷ. κωλυόμενος δὲ ἐκήρυξεν ἐς τὰ ὅπλα χωρεῖν, καὶ ἀντεκήρυττε Κάτλος. μικρόν τε πρὸ τοῦ Ἀρείου πεδίου μάχης αὐτοῖς γενομένης, ἡττώμενος ὁ Λέπιδος καὶ οὐκ ἐς πολὺ ἔτι ἀντισχὼν ἐς Σαρδὼ διέπλευσεν, ἔνθα νόσῳ τηκεδόνι χρώμενος ἀπέθανε· καὶ ὁ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ μικρὰ κατὰ μέρος ἐνοχλήσας διελύθη, τὸ δὲ κράτιστον Περπέννας ἐς Ἰβηρίαν ἤγαγε Σερτωρίῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.13.107

Directly after their return from the funeral the consuls fell into a wordy quarrel and the citizens began to take sides with them. Lepidus, in order to curry favor with the Italians, said that he would restore the land which Sulla had taken from them. The Senate was afraid of both factions and made them take an oath that they would not carry their differences to the point of war. To Lepidus the province of transalpine Gaul was assigned by lot and he did not come back to the comitia because he would be released in the following year from his oath about making war on the Sullans; for it was considered that the oath was binding only during the term of office. As his designs did not escape observation he was recalled by the Senate, and as he knew why he was recalled he came with his whole army, intending to bring them into the city with him. As he was prevented from doing this, he ordered his men under arms and Catulus did the same on the other side. A battle was fought not far from the Campus Martius. Lepidus was defeated and, soon giving up the struggle, sailed shortly afterward to Sardinia, where he died of a wasting disease. His army was frittered away little by little and dissolved, the greater part of it was conducted by Perpenna to Sertorius in Spain.

1.13.108 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.13.108

λοιπὸν δʼ ἐστὶ τῶν Συλλείων ἔργων τὸ Σερτωρίου, γενόμενον μὲν ὀκτάετες, οὐκ εὐμαρὲς δὲ οὐδαμὰ Ῥωμαίοις, ἅτε μὴ πρὸς Ἴβηρας αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τόδε ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους καὶ πρὸς Σερτώριον, ὃς ᾕρητο μὲν Ἰβηρίας ἄρχειν, Κάρβωνι δʼ ἐπὶ Σύλλᾳ συμμαχῶν Σύεσσαν πόλιν ἐν σπονδαῖς κατέλαβε καὶ φεύγων ἐπὶ τὴν στρατηγίαν ᾤχετο. καὶ στρατὸν ἔχων ἔκ τε Ἰταλίας αὐτῆς καί τινα ἄλλον ἐκ Κελτιβήρων ἀγείρας τούς τε πρὸ ἑαυτοῦ στρατηγούς, οὐ παραδιδόντας οἱ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐς χάριν Σύλλα, τῆς Ἰβηρίας ἐξέβαλε καὶ πρὸς Μέτελλον ἐπιπεμφθέντα ὑπὸ Σύλλα ἀπεμάχετο γενναίως. περιώνυμος δὲ ὢν ἐπὶ τόλμῃ, βουλὴν κατέλεξεν ἐκ τῶν συνόντων οἱ φίλων τριακοσίους καὶ τήνδε ἔλεγεν εἶναι τὴν Ῥωμαίων βουλὴν καὶ ἐς ὕβριν ἐκείνης σύγκλητον ἐκάλει. Σύλλα δʼ ἀποθανόντος καὶ Λεπίδου μετὰ Σύλλαν, στρατὸν ἔχων ἄλλον Ἰταλῶν, ὅσον αὐτῷ Περπέννας ὁ τοῦ Λεπίδου στρατηγὸς ἤγαγεν, ἐπίδοξος ἦν στρατεύσειν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, εἰ μὴ δείσασα ἡ βουλὴ στρατόν τε ἄλλον καὶ στρατηγὸν ἕτερον ἐπὶ τῷ προτέρῳ Πομπήιον ἔπεμψεν ἐς Ἰβηρίαν, νέον μὲν ἔτι ὄντα, περιφανῆ δʼ ἐξ ὧν ἐπὶ Σύλλα περί τε Λιβύην καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ Ἰταλίᾳ κατείργαστο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.13.108

There remained of the Sullan troubles the war with Sertorius, which had been going on for eight years, and was not an easy war to the Romans since it was waged not merely against Spaniards, but against other Romans and Sertorius. He had been chosen governor of Spain while he was coöperating with Carbo against Sulla; and after taking the city of Suessa during the armistice he fled and assumed his praetorship. He had an army from Italy itself and he raised another from the Celtiberians, and drove out of Spain the former praetors, who, in order to favor Sulla, refused to surrender the government to him. He had also fought nobly against Metellus, who had been sent against him by Sulla. Having acquired a reputation for bravery he enrolled a council of 300 members from the friends who were with him, and called it the Roman Senate in derision of the real one. After Sulla died, and Lepidus later, he obtained another army of Italians which Perpenna, the lieutenant of Lepidus, brought to him and it was supposed that he intended to march against Italy itself, and would have done so had not the Senate become alarmed and sent another army and general into Spain in addition to the former ones. This general was Pompey, who was still a young man, but renowned for his exploits in the time of Sulla, in Africa and in Italy itself.

Edition note

More probably ten years, Mendelssohn thinks.

Edition note

Y.R. 677

Edition note

B.C. 77

1.13.109 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.13.109

ὁ δὲ ἐς τὰ Ἄλπεια ὄρη μετὰ φρονήματος ἀνῄει, οὐ κατὰ τὴν Ἀννίβου μεγαλουργίαν, ἑτέραν δʼ ἐχάρασσεν ἀμφὶ ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ τε Ῥοδανοῦ καὶ Ἠριδανοῦ, οἳ ἀνίσχουσι μὲν ἐκ τῶν Ἀλπείων ὀρῶν οὐ μακρὰν ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων, ῥεῖ δʼ ὁ μὲν διὰ Κελτῶν τῶν ὑπὲρ Ἄλπεις εἰς τὴν Τυρρηνικὴν θάλασσαν, ὁ δὲ ἔνδοθεν τῶν Ἀλπείων ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰόνιον, Πάδος ἀντὶ Ἠριδανοῦ μετονομασθείς. ἀφικομένου δʼ ἐς Ἰβηρίαν αὐτίκα ὁ Σερτώριος τέλος ὅλον, ἐπὶ χορτολογίαν ἐξιόν, αὐτοῖς ὑποζυγίοις καὶ θεράπουσι συνέκοψε καὶ Λαύρωνα πόλιν ἐφορῶντος αὐτοῦ Πομπηίου διήρπασε καὶ κατέσκαψεν. ἐκ δὲ τῆς πολιορκίας γυνή τις ἐνυβρίζοντος αὐτῇ τοῦ λαβόντος παρὰ φύσιν τοῖς δακτύλοις ἐξέτεμε τὰς ὄψεις· καὶ ὁ Σερτώριος τοῦ πάθους πυθόμενος τὴν σπεῖραν ὅλην, ἀγέρωχον ἐς τὰ τοιαῦτʼ εἶναι νομιζομένην, καίπερ οὖσαν Ῥωμαϊκὴν κατέκανε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.13.109

Pompey courageously crossed the Alps, not in the face of such difficulties as Hannibal experienced, but he opened another passage around the sources of the Rhone and the Eridanus. These issue from the Alpine mountains not far from each other. One of them runs through transalpine Gaul and empties into the Tyrrhenian sea; the other from the interior of the Alps to the Adriatic. The name of the latter has been changed from the Eridanus to the Po. Directly Pompey arrived in Spain Sertorius cut in pieces a whole legion of his army, that had been sent out foraging, with its animals and servants. He also plundered and destroyed the Roman town of Lauro before the very eyes of Pompey. In this siege a woman tore out with her fingers the eyes of a soldier who had insulted her and was trying to commit an outrage upon her. When Sertorius heard of this he put to death the whole cohort that was supposed to be addicted to such brutality, although it was composed of Romans. Then the armies were separated by the advent of winter.

Edition note

Y.R. 678

Edition note

B.C. 76

Edition note

Y.R. 679

1.13.110 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.13.110

καὶ τότε μὲν χειμῶνος ἐπιόντος διέστησαν, ἀρχομένου δʼ ἦρος ἐπῄεσαν ἀλλήλοις, Μέτελλος μὲν καὶ Πομπήιος ἀπὸ τῶν Πυρηναίων ὀρῶν, ἔνθα διεχείμαζον, Σερτώριος δὲ καὶ Περπέννας ἐκ Λυσιτανίας. καὶ συμβάλλουσιν ἀλλήλοις περὶ πόλιν, ᾗ ὄνομα Σούκρων. κτύπου δʼ ἐν αἰθρίᾳ φοβεροῦ καὶ ἀστραπῶν παραλόγων γενομένων, τάδε μὲν ὡς ἐμπειροπόλεμοι διέφερον ἀκαταπλήκτως, πολὺν δʼ ἀλλήλων φόνον ἐξειργάζοντο, μέχρι Μέτελλος μὲν Περπένναν ἐτρέψατο καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτοῦ διήρπαζεν, ὁ δὲ Σερτώριος ἐνίκα Πομπήιον, καὶ ἐτρώθη δόρατι ἐς τὸν μηρὸν ἐπικινδύνως ὁ Πομπήιος. καὶ τοῦτο τέλος ἐγένετο τῆς τότε μάχης. ἔλαφος δʼ ἦν λευκὴ χειροήθης τῷ Σερτωρίῳ καὶ ἄνετος· ἧς ἀφανοῦς γενομένης ὁ Σερτώριος οὐκ αἴσιον ἑαυτῷ τιθέμενος ἐβαρυθύμει τε καὶ ἐπʼ ἀργίας ἦν, καὶ ταῦτʼ ἐπιτωθαζόμενος ἐς τὴν ἔλαφον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων. ὡς δʼ ὤφθη διὰ δρυμῶν δρόμῳ φερομένη, ἀνά τε ἔδραμεν ὁ Σερτώριος καὶ εὐθύς, ὥσπερ αὐτῇ προκαταρχόμενος, ἠκροβολίσατο ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους. οὐ πολὺ δὲ ὕστερον ἀγῶνα μέγαν ἠγωνίσατο περὶ Σεγοντίαν ἐκ μεσημβρίας ἐπὶ ἄστρα. καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν ἱππομαχῶν ἐκράτει τοῦ Πομπηίου καὶ ἔκτεινεν ἐς ἑξακισχιλίους ἀποβαλὼν ἐς ἡμίσεας· Μέτελλος δὲ καὶ τότε Περπέννα περὶ πεντακισχιλίους διέφθειρε. καὶ ὁ Σερτώριος μετὰ τὴν μάχην τῆς ἐπιούσης ἡμέρας πολλοὺς βαρβάρους προσλαβὼν ἐπέδραμεν ἀδοκήτως τῷ Μετέλλου στρατοπέδῳ περὶ δείλην ἑσπέραν ὡς ἀποταφρεύσων αὐτὸ σὺν τόλμῃ, Πομπηίου δʼ ἐπιδραμόντος ἐπαύσατο τῆς καταφρονήσεως.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.13.110

When spring came they resumed hostilities, Metellus and Pompey coming from the Pyrenees mountains, where they had wintered, and Sertorius and Perpenna from Lusitania. They met near the town of Sucro. While the fight was going on flashes of lightning came unexpectedly from a clear sky, but these trained soldiers were not in the least dismayed. They continued the fight, with heavy slaughter on both sides, until Metellus defeated Perpenna and plundered his camp. On the other hand, Sertorius defeated Pompey, who received a dangerous wound from a spear in the thigh, and this put an end to that battle. Sertorius had a white fawn that was tame and allowed to move about freely. When this fawn was not visible Sertorius considered it a bad omen. He became low-spirited and abstained from fighting; nor did he mind the enemy’s scoffing at the fawn. When she made her appearance running through the woods Sertorius would run to meet her and, as though he were inspired by her, he would begin to harass the enemy. Not long afterward Sertorius fought a great battle near Seguntia, lasting from noon till night. Sertorius fought on horseback and vanquished Pompey, killing nearly 6000 of his men and losing about half that number himself. Metellus at the same time destroyed about 5000 of Perpenna’s army. The day after this battle Sertorius, with a large reënforcement of barbarians, attacked the camp of Metellus unexpectedly towards evening with the intention of besieging it with a trench, but Pompey hastened up and caused Sertorius to desist from his bold enterprise. In this way they passed the summer, and again they separated to winter quarters.

Edition note

B.C. 75

Edition note

Y.R. 680

1.13.111 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.13.111

καὶ τάδε μὲν αὐτοῖς ἦν τοῦδε τοῦ θέρους ἔργα, καὶ πάλιν ἐς χειμασίαν διεκρίθησαν· τοῦ δʼ ἐπιόντος ἔτους, ἕκτης ἑβδομηκοστῆς καὶ ἑκατοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος οὔσης, δύο μὲν ἐκ διαθηκῶν ἔθνη Ῥωμαίοις προσεγίγνετο, Βιθυνία τε Νικομήδους ἀπολιπόντος καὶ Κυρήνη Πτολεμαίου, τοῦ Λαγίδου βασιλέως, ὃς ἐπίκλησιν ἦν Ἀπίων, πόλεμοι δʼ ἤκμαζον οὗτός τε ὁ Σερτωρίου περὶ Ἰβηρίαν καὶ ὁ Μιθριδάτου περὶ τὴν ἀνατολὴν καὶ ὁ τῶν λῃστῶν ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ θαλάσσῃ καὶ περὶ Κρήτην πρὸς αὐτοὺς Κρῆτας ἕτερος καὶ ὁ τῶν μονομάχων ἀνὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, αἰφνίδιος αὐτοῖς καὶ ὅδε καὶ σφοδρὸς ὁμοῦ γενόμενος. διαιρούμενοι δʼ ἐς τοσαῦτα, ὅμως καὶ ἐς Ἰβηρίαν ἔπεμψαν ἄλλα στρατοῦ δύο τέλη, μεθʼ ὧν ἅμα τῷ ἄλλῳ παντὶ Μέτελλός τε καὶ Πομπήιος αὖθις ἀπὸ τῶν Πυρηναίων ὀρῶν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἴβηρα κατέβαινον. Σερτώριος δὲ καὶ Περπέννας αὐτοῖς ἀπήντων ἀπὸ Λυσιτανίας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.13.111

The following year, which was in the 176th Olympiad, two countries were acquired by the Romans by bequest. Bithynia was left to them by Nicomedes, and Cyrene by Ptolemy Apion, of the house of the Lagidae. There were wars and wars; the Sertorian was raging in Spain, the Mithridatic in the East, that of the pirates on the entire sea, and another one around Crete against the Cretans themselves, besides the gladiatorial war in Italy, which started suddenly and became very serious. Although distracted by so many conflicts the Romans sent another army of two legions into Spain. With these and the other forces in their hands Metellus and Pompey again descended from the Pyrenees mountains to the Ebro and Sertorius and Perpenna advanced from Lusitania to meet them. At this juncture many of the soldiers of Sertorius deserted to Metellus.

Edition note

B.C. 74

1.13.112 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.13.112

καὶ τότε μάλιστα πολλοὶ Σερτωρίου πρὸς τὸν Μέτελλον ηὐτομόλουν, ἐφʼ ᾧ χαλεπαίνων ὁ Σερτώριος ἀγρίως καὶ βαρβαρικῶς ἐλυμαίνετο πολλοῖς καὶ διὰ μίσους ἐγίγνετο. μᾶλλον δʼ αὐτὸν ὁ στρατὸς ἐν αἰτίαις εἶχεν, ἐπεὶ καὶ δορυφόρους ἀντʼ αὐτῶν ἐπήγετο πανταχοῦ Κελτίβηρας καὶ τὴν φυλακὴν τοῦ σώματος, Ῥωμαίους ἀπελάσας, τοῖσδε ἀντʼ ἐκείνων ἐπέτρεπεν. οὐ γὰρ ἔφερον ἐς ἀπιστίαν ὀνειδιζόμενοι, εἰ καὶ πολεμίῳ Ῥωμαίων ἐστρατεύοντο· ἀλλʼ αὐτὸ δὴ τοῦτο καὶ μάλιστα ὑπέδακνεν αὐτούς, τὸ ἀπίστους ἐς τὴν πατρίδα διὰ τὸν Σερτώριον γενομένους ἀπιστεῖσθαι καὶ πρὸς αὐτοῦ, οὐδʼ ἠξίουν διὰ τοὺς αὐτομολήσαντας οἱ παραμένοντες κατεγνῶσθαι. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ οἱ Κελτίβηρες αὐτοῖς, ἀφορμῆς λαβόμενοι, ἐνύβριζον ὡς ἀπιστουμένοις. οἱ δʼ οὐ τελέως ὅμως τὸν Σερτώριον ἀπεστρέφοντο διὰ τὰς χρείας· οὐ γὰρ ἦν τότε τοῦ ἀνδρὸς οὔτε πολεμικώτερος ἄλλος οὔτʼ ἐπιτυχέστερος. ὅθεν αὐτὸν καὶ οἱ Κελτίβηρες διὰ τὴν ταχυεργίαν ἐκάλουν Ἀννίβαν, ὃν θρασύτατόν τε καὶ ἀπατηλότατον στρατηγὸν παρὰ σφίσιν ἐδόκουν γενέσθαι. ὁ μὲν δὴ στρατὸς ὧδε εἶχε Σερτωρίῳ, πόλεις δʼ αὐτοῦ πολλὰς επέτρεχον οἱ περὶ τὸν Μέτελλον καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐς τὰ ὑπήκοα σφίσι μετῆγον. Παλαντίαν δὲ Πομπηίου περικαθημένου καὶ τὰ τείχη ξύλων κορμοῖς ὑποκρεμάσαντος, ἐπιφανεὶς ὁ Σερτώριος τὴν μὲν πολιορκίαν ἐξέλυσε, τὰ τείχη δʼ ἔφθασεν ὑποκαύσας ὁ Πομπήιος καὶ ἐς Μέτελλον ἀνεχώρει. Σερτώριος δὲ καὶ τὰ πεσόντα ἤγειρε, καὶ τοῖς περί τι χωρίον Καλάγυρον στρατοπεδεύουσιν ἐπιδραμὼν ἔκτεινε τρισχιλίους. καὶ τάδε ἦν καὶ τοῦδε τοῦ ἔτους ἐν Ιβηρίᾳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.13.112

Sertorius was so exasperated by this that he visited savage and barbarous punishment upon many of his men and fell into disrepute in consequence. The soldiers blamed him particularly because wherever he went he surrounded himself with a body-guard of Celtiberian spearmen instead of Romans, removing the latter in favor of the former. Nor could they bear to be reproached with treachery by him while they were serving under an enemy of the Roman people. That they should be charged with bad faith by Sertorius while they were acting in bad faith to their country on his account, was the very thing that vexed them most. Nor did they consider it just that those who remained with the standards should be condemned because others deserted. Moreover, the Celtiberians took this occasion to insult them as men under suspicion. Still they were not altogether alienated from Sertorius since they derived advantages from his service, for there was no other man of that period more skilled in the art of war or more successful in it. For this reason, and on account of the rapidity of his movements, the Celtiberians gave him the name of Hannibal, whom they considered the boldest and most crafty general ever known in their country. In this way the army stood affected toward Sertorius. The forces of Metellus overran many of his towns and brought the men belonging to them under subjection. While Pompey was laying siege to Pallantia and underrunning the walls with wooden supports, Sertorius suddenly appeared on the scene and raised the siege. Pompey hastily set fire to the timbers and retreated to Metellus. Sertorius rebuilt the part of the wall which had fallen and then attacked his enemies who were encamped around the castle of Calagurris and killed 3000 of them. And so this year went by in Spain.

Edition note

A letter from Pompey to the Senate describing his desperate condition and threatening, unless supplied with money, to return to Italy, with Sertorius probably in close pursuit, is preserved in the writings of Sallust.

Edition note

Y.R. 681

1.13.113 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.13.113

τοῦ δʼ ἐπιόντος οἱ στρατηγοὶ Ῥωμαίων μᾶλλόν τι θαρρήσαντες ἐπῄεσαν ταῖς πόλεσι ταῖς ὑπὸ Σερτωρίῳ σὺν καταφρονήσει καὶ πολλὰ αὐτοῦ περιέσπων καὶ ἑτέροις ἐπέβαινον, ἐπαιρόμενοι τοῖς ἀπαντωμένοις. οὐ μέντοι μεγάλῃ γε μάχῃ συνηνέχθησαν, ἀλλʼ αὖθις […: gap in edition] , μέχρι τοῦ ἑξῆς ἔτους αὐτοὶ μὲν αὖθις ἐπῄεσαν σὺν πλέονι μᾶλλον καταφρονήσει, ὁ δὲ Σερτώριος βλάπτοντος ἤδη θεοῦ τὸν μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασι πόνον ἑκὼν μεθίει, τὰ πολλὰ δʼ ἦν ἐπὶ τρυφῆς, γυναιξὶ καὶ κώμοις καὶ πότοις σχολάζων. ὅθεν ἡττᾶτο συνεχῶς. καὶ γεγένητο ὀργήν τε ἄκρος διʼ ὑπονοίας ποικίλας καὶ ὠμότατος ἐς κόλασιν καὶ ὑπόπτης ἐς ἅπαντας, ὥστε καὶ Περπένναν, τὸν ἐκ τῆς Αἰμιλίου στάσεως ἑκόντα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθόντα μετὰ πολλοῦ στρατοῦ, δεῖσαι περὶ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ προεπιβουλεῦσαι μετὰ ἀνδρῶν δέκα. ὡς δὲ καὶ τῶνδέ τινες τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐνδειχθέντες οἱ μὲν ἐκολάσθησαν, οἱ δʼ ἀπέφυγον, ὁ Περπέννας παρὰ δόξαν λαθὼν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπὶ τὸ ἔργον ἠπείγετο καὶ οὐδαμοῦ τὸν Σερτώριον μεθιέντα τοὺς δορυφόρους ἐπὶ ἑστίασιν ἐκάλει, μεθύσας δʼ αὐτόν τε καὶ τὴν περιεστῶσαν τὸν ἀνδρῶνα φυλακὴν ἔκτεινεν ἀπὸ τῆς διαίτης.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.13.113

In the following year the Roman generals plucked up rather more courage and advanced in an audacious manner against the towns that adhered to Sertorius, drew many away from him, assaulted others, and were much elated by their success. No great battle was fought, but again . . . until the following year, when they advanced again even more audaciously. Sertorius was now evidently misled by a god, for he relaxed his labors, fell into habits of luxury, and gave himself up to women, and to carousing and drinking, for which reason he was defeated continually. He became hot-tempered, from various suspicions, and extremely cruel in punishment, and distrustful of everybody, so much so that Perpenna, who had belonged to the faction of Lepidus and had come hither as a volunteer with a considerable army, began to fear for his own safety and formed a conspiracy with ten other men against him. The conspiracy was betrayed, some of the guilty ones were punished and others fled, but Perpenna escaped detection in some unaccountable manner and applied himself all the more to carry out the design. As Sertorius was never without his guard of spearmen, Perpenna invited him to a banquet, plied him and his guards with wine, and assassinated him after the feast.

Edition note

B.C. 73

Edition note

Schweighäuser detects a lacuna here which he fills with the words there were skirmishes here and there.

Edition note

Y.R. 682

Edition note

B.C. 72

Edition note

Plutarch represents Sertorius as temperate, unassailable by either pleasure or fear, and very sparing and backward in punishing offenders. (Life of Sertorius, 10.)

1.13.114 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.13.114

καὶ ὁ στρατὸς εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Περπένναν ἀνίστατο σὺν θορύβῳ τε πολλῷ καὶ μετʼ ὀργῆς, ἐς εὔνοιαν αὐτίκα τοῦ Σερτωρίου μεταβαλόντες ἀπὸ τοῦ μίσους, ὥσπερ ἅπαντες ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀποθανοῦσι τὴν μὲν ὀργὴν μεθιᾶσιν, οὐκ ἐμποδὼν ἔτι τοῦ λυποῦντος ὄντος, ἐς δὲ τὴν ἀρετὴν αὐτῶν μετʼ ἐλέου καὶ μνήμης ἐπανίασι. τότε δὲ καὶ τὰ παρόντα σφίσιν ἐκλογιζόμενοι, Περπέννα μὲν ὡς ἰδιώτου κατεφρόνουν, τὴν δʼ ἀρετὴν Σερτωρίου μόνην ἂν σφίσιν ἡγούμενοι γενέσθαι σωτήριον, χαλεπῶς ἐς τὸν Περπένναν διετίθεντο αὐτοί τε καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι σὺν αὐτοῖς, μάλιστα δὲ τούτων Λυσιτανοί, ὅσῳ καὶ μάλιστα αὐτοῖς ὁ Σερτώριος ἐχρῆτο. ὡς δὲ καὶ τῶν διαθηκῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν τῶν Σερτωρίου ὁ Περπέννας αὐταῖς ἐνεγέγραπτο ἐπὶ τῷ κλήρῳ, μᾶλλόν τι πάντας ὀργὴ καὶ μῖσος ἐς τὸν Περπένναν ἐσῄει, ὡς οὐκ ἐς ἄρχοντα μόνον ἢ στρατηγόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐς φίλον καὶ εὐεργέτην τοσόνδε μύσος ἐργασάμενον. καὶ οὐκ ἂν οὐδὲ χειρῶν ἀπέσχοντο, εἰ μὴ περιθέων αὐτοὺς ὁ Περπέννας τοὺς μὲν δώροις ὑπηγάγετο, τοὺς δʼ ὑποσχέσεσι, τοὺς δʼ ἀπειλαῖς ἐξεφόβησε, τοὺς δὲ καὶ διεχρήσατο ἐς κατάπληξιν ἑτέρων. ἐπί τε τὰ πλήθη παρερχόμενος ἐδημαγώγει καὶ τοὺς δεσμώτας αὐτῶν ἐξέλυεν, οὓς ὁ Σερτώριος κατέδησεν, καὶ τοῖς Ἴβηρσι τὰ ὅμηρα ἀπέλυεν. οἷς ὑπαχθέντες ὑπήκουον μὲν ὡς στρατηγῷ ʽτὸ γὰρ δὴ μετὰ Σερτώριον εἶχεν ἀξίωμἀ, οὐ μέντοι χωρὶς δυσμενείας οὐδὲ τότε ἐγίγνοντο· καὶ γὰρ ὠμότατος αὐτίκα ἐς κολάσεις θαρρήσας ἐφαίνετο καὶ τῶν ἐκ Ῥώμης αὐτῷ συμφυγόντων ἐπιφανῶν ἔκτεινε τρεῖς καὶ τὸν ἀδελφιδοῦν ἑαυτοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.13.114

The soldiers straightway rose in tumult and anger against Perpenna, their hatred of Sertorius being suddenly turned to affection for him, as people generally mollify their anger toward the dead, and when the one who has injured them is no longer before their eyes recall his virtues with tender memory. Reflecting on their present situation they despised Perpenna as though he had been a private individual, for they considered that the bravery of Sertorius had been their only salvation. They were angry with Perpenna, and the barbarians were no less so; most of all were the Lusitanians, of whose services Sertorius had especially availed himself. When the will of Sertorius was opened a bequest to Perpenna was found in it, and thereupon still greater anger and hatred of him entered into the minds of all, since he had committed such an abominable crime, not merely against his ruler and commanding general, but against his friend and benefactor. And they would not have abstained from violence had not Perpenna bestirred himself, making gifts to some and promises to others. Some he terrified with threats and some he killed in order to strike terror into the rest. He came forward and made a speech to the multitude, and released from confinement some whom Sertorius had imprisoned, and dismissed some of the Spanish hostages. Reduced to submission in this way they obeyed him as praetor (for he held the next rank to Sertorius) yet they were not without bitterness toward him even then. As he grew bolder he became very cruel in punishments, and put to death three of the nobility who had fled together from Rome to him, and also his own nephew.

1.13.115 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.13.115

ὡς δὲ ἐφʼ ἕτερα τῆς Ἰβηρίας ὁ Μέτελλος ᾤχετο ʽοὐ γὰρ ἔτι δυσχερὲς ἐδόκει Περπένναν ἐπιτρέψαι μόνῳ Πομπηίᾠ, ἐπὶ μέν τινας ἡμέρας ἐγίγνοντο ἁψιμαχίαι καὶ ἀπόπειραι Πομπηίου καὶ Περπέννα, μὴ σαλευόντων ἄθρουν τὸν στρατόν, τῇ δεκάτῃ δὲ ἀγὼν αὐτοῖς μέγιστος ἐξερράγη. ἑνὶ γὰρ ἔργῳ κρίναντες διακριθῆναι, Πομπήιος μὲν τῆς Περπέννα στρατηγίας κατεφρόνει, Περπέννας δʼ ὡς οὐ πιστῷ χρησόμενος ἐς πολὺ τῷ στρατῷ, πάσῃ σχεδὸν τῇ δυνάμει συνεπλέκετο. ταχὺ δʼ ὁ Πομπήιος περιῆν ὡς οὔτε στρατηγοῦ διαφέροντος οὔτε προθύμου στρατοῦ. καὶ τροπῆς πάντων ὁμαλοῦς γενομένης ὁ μὲν Περπέννας ὑπὸ θάμνῳ πόας ἐκρύφθη, δεδιὼς τοὺς οἰκείους μᾶλλον τῶν πολεμίων· λαβόντες δʼ αὐτὸν ἱππέες τινες εἷλκον ἐς τὸν Πομπήιον, ἐπιβλασφημούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἰδίων ὡς αὐθέντην Σερτωρίου καὶ βοῶντα πολλὰ μηνύσειν τῷ Πομπηίῳ περὶ τῆς Ῥώμῃ στάσεως· ἔλεγε δὲ εἴτε ἀληθεύων εἴθʼ ἵνα σῶος ἀχθείη πρὸς αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ προπέμψας ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτόν, πρὶν ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν, δείσας ἄρα, μή τι μηνύσειεν ἀδόκητον καὶ ἑτέρων ἀρχὴ κακῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ γένοιτο. καὶ ἔδοξεν ἐμφρόνως πάνυ τοῦθʼ ὁ Πομπήιος πρᾶξαι καὶ συνετέλεσεν αὐτῷ καὶ τόδε εἰς δόξαν ἀγαθήν. τέλος δʼ ἦν τοῦτο τῷ περὶ Ἰβηρίαν πολέμῳ, τὸ καὶ Σερτωρίῳ τοῦ βίου γενόμενον· δοκεῖ γὰρ οὐκ ἂν οὔτε ὀξέως οὔτε εὐμαρῶς οὕτως, ἔτι Σερτωρίου περιόντος, συντελεσθῆναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.13.115

As Metellus had gone to other parts of Spain,— for he considered it no longer a difficult task for Pompey alone to vanquish Perpenna, — these two skirmished and made tests of each other for several days, but did not bring their whole strength into the field. On the tenth day, however, a great battle was fought between them. They resolved to decide the contest by one engagement—Pompey because he despised the generalship of Perpenna; Perpenna because he did not believe that his army would long remain faithful to him, and he could now engage with nearly his whole strength. Pompey, as might have been expected, soon got the better of this inferior general and disaffected army. Perpenna was defeated all along the line and concealed himself in a thicket, more fearful of his own troops than of the enemy’s. He was seized by some horsemen and dragged toward Pompey’s headquarters, loaded with the execrations of his own men, as the murderer of Sertorius, and crying out that he could give Pompey a great deal of information about the factions in Rome. This he said either because it was true, or in order to be brought safe to Pompey’s presence, but the latter sent orders to kill him before bringing him into his presence, fearing lest the news that Perpenna wanted to communicate should be the source of new troubles at Rome. Pompey seems to have behaved very prudently in this matter, and his action added to his high reputation. So ended the war in Spain with the life of Sertorius. I think that if he had lived longer the war would not have ended so soon or so successfully.

Edition note

Plutarch says that Perpenna, having the papers of Sertorius in his hands, offered to show Pompey letters from persons of the highest quality in Rome inviting Sertorius to march to Italy in order to bring about a change in the government, but that Pompey took the papers and burned them without reading them, or allowing anybody else to do so. He says also that all of the conspirators against Sertorius who fell into Pompey’s hands were put to death by his orders. (Life of Sertorius, 27.)

1.14.116 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.14.116

τοῦ δʼ αὐτοῦ χρόνου περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν μονομάχων ἐς θέας ἐν Καπύῃ τρεφομένων, Σπάρτακος Θρᾲξ ἀνήρ, ἐστρατευμένος ποτὲ Ῥωμαίοις, ἐκ δὲ αἰχμαλωσίας καὶ πράσεως ἐν τοῖς μονομάχοις ὤν, ἔπεισεν αὐτῶν ἐς ἑβδομήκοντα ἄνδρας μάλιστα κινδυνεῦσαι περὶ ἐλευθερίας μᾶλλον ἢ θέας ἐπιδείξεως καὶ βιασάμενος σὺν αὐτοῖς τοὺς φυλάσσοντας ἐξέδραμε· καί τινων ὁδοιπόρων ξύλοις καὶ ξιφιδίοις ὁπλισάμενος ἐς τὸ Βέσβιον ὄρος ἀνέφυγεν, ἔνθα πολλοὺς ἀποδιδράσκοντας οἰκέτας καί τινας ἐλευθέρους ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν ὑποδεχόμενος ἐλῄστευε τὰ ἐγγύς, ὑποστρατήγους ἔχων Οἰνόμαόν τε καὶ Κρίξον μονομάχους. μεριζομένῳ δʼ αὐτῷ τὰ κέρδη κατʼ ἰσομοιρίαν ταχὺ πλῆθος ἦν ἀνδρῶν· καὶ πρῶτος ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἐκπεμφθεὶς Οὐαρίνιος Γλάβρος, ἐπὶ δʼ ἐκείνῳ Πόπλιος Οὐαλέριος, οὐ πολιτικὴν στρατιὰν ἄγοντες, ἀλλʼ ὅσους ἐν σπουδῇ καὶ παρόδῳ συνέλεξαν ʽοὐ γάρ πω Ῥωμαῖοι πόλεμον, ἀλλʼ ἐπιδρομήν τινα καὶ λῃστηρίῳ τὸ ἔργον ὅμοιον ἡγοῦντο εἶναἰ, συμβαλόντες ἡττῶντο. Οὐαρινίου δὲ καὶ τὸν ἵππον αὐτὸς Σπάρτακος περιέσπασεν· παρὰ τοσοῦτον ἦλθε κινδύνου Ῥωμαίων ὁ στρατηγὸς αὐτὸς αἰχμάλωτος ὑπὸ μονομάχου γενέσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.14.116

At the same time Spartacus, a Thracian by birth, who had once served as a soldier with the Romans, but had since been a prisoner and sold for a gladiator, and was in the gladiatorial training-school at Capua, persuaded about seventy of his comrades to strike for their own freedom rather than for the amusement of spectators. They overcame the guards and ran away. They armed themselves with clubs and daggers that they took from people on the roads and took refuge on Mount Vesuvius. There many fugitive slaves and even some freemen from the fields joined Spartacus, and he plundered the neighboring country, having for subordinate officers two gladiators named Œnomaus and Crixus. As he divided the plunder impartially he soon had plenty of men. Varinius Glaber was first sent against him and afterward Publius Valerius, not with regular armies, but with forces picked up in haste and at random, for the Romans did not consider this a war as yet, but a raid, something like an outbreak of robbery. When they attacked Spartacus they were beaten. Spartacus even captured the horse of Varinius; so narrowly did a Roman praetor escape being captured by a gladiator. After this still greater numbers flocked to Spartacus till his army numbered 70,000 men. For these he manufactured weapons and collected apparatus.

Edition note

B.C. 73

Edition note

Y.R. 682

1.14.117 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.14.117

μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο Σπαρτάκῳ μὲν ἔτι μᾶλλον πολλοὶ συνέθεον, καὶ ἑπτὰ μυριάδες ἦσαν ἤδη στρατοῦ, καὶ ὅπλα ἐχάλκευε καὶ παρασκευὴν συνέλεγεν, οἱ δʼ ἐν ἄστει τοὺς ὑπάτους ἐξέπεμπον μετὰ δύο τελῶν. καὶ τούτων ὑπὸ μὲν θατέρου Κρίξος, ἡγούμενος τρισμυρίων ἀνδρῶν, περὶ τὸ Γάργανον ὄρος ἡττᾶτο, καὶ δύο μέρη τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ αὐτὸς συναπώλετο αὐτοῖς· Σπάρτακον δὲ διὰ τῶν Ἀπεννίνων ὀρῶν ἐπὶ τὰ Ἄλπεια καὶ ἐς Κελτοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀλπείων ἐπειγόμενον ὁ ἕτερος ὕπατος προλαβὼν ἐκώλυε τῆς φυγῆς, καὶ ὁ ἕτερος ἐδίωκεν. ὁ δʼ ἐφʼ ἑκάτερον αὐτῶν ἐπιστρεφόμενος παρὰ μέρος ἐνίκα. καὶ οἱ μὲν σὺν θορύβῳ τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦδε ὑπεχώρουν, ὁ δὲ Σπάρτακος τριακοσίους Ῥωμαίων αἰχμαλώτους ἐναγίσας Κρίξῳ, δυώδεκα μυριάσι πεζῶν ἐς Ῥώμην ἠπείγετο, τὰ ἄχρηστα τῶν σκευῶν κατακαύσας καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους πάντας ἀνελὼν καὶ ἐπισφάξας τὰ ὑποζύγια, ἵνα κοῦφος εἴη· αὐτομόλων τε πολλῶν αὐτῷ προσιόντων οὐδένα προσίετο. καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων αὐτὸν αὖθις περὶ τὴν Πικηνίτιδα γῆν ὑποστάντων, μέγας ἀγὼν ἕτερος ὅδε γίγνεται καὶ μεγάλη καὶ τότε ἧσσα Ῥωμαίων. ὁ δὲ τῆς μὲν ἐς Ῥώμην ὁδοῦ μετέγνω, ὡς οὔπω γεγονὼς ἀξιόμαχος οὐδὲ τὸν στρατὸν ὅλον ἔχων στρατιωτικῶς ὡπλισμένον (οὐ γάρ τις αὐτοῖς συνέπραττε πόλις, ἀλλὰ θεράποντες ἦσαν καὶ αὐτόμολοι καὶ σύγκλυδες), τὰ δʼ ὄρη τὰ περὶ Θουρίους καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτὴν κατέλαβε, καὶ χρυσὸν μὲν ἢ ἄργυρον τοὺς ἐμπόρους ἐσφέρειν ἐκώλυε καὶ κεκτῆσθαι τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ, μόνον δὲ σίδηρον καὶ χαλκὸν ὠνοῦντο πολλοῦ καὶ τοὺς ἐσφέροντας οὐκ ἠδίκουν. ὅθεν ἀθρόας ὕλης εὐπορήσαντες εὖ παρεσκευάσαντο καὶ θαμινὰ ἐπὶ λεηλασίας ἐξῄεσαν. Ῥωμαίοις τε πάλιν συνενεχθέντες ἐς χεῖρας ἐκράτουν καὶ τότε καὶ λείας πολλῆς γέμοντες ἐπανῄεσαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.14.117

Rome now sent out the consuls with two legions. One of them overcame Crixus with 30,000 men near Mount Garganus, two-thirds of whom perished together with himself. Spartacus endeavored to make his way through the Apennines to the Alps and the Gallic country, but one of the consuls anticipated him and hindered his march while the other hung upon his rear. He turned upon them one after the other and beat them in detail. They retreated in confusion in different directions. Spartacus sacrificed 300 Roman prisoners to the manes of Crixus, and marched on Rome with 120,000 foot, having burned all his useless material, killed all his prisoners, and butchered his pack-animals in order to expedite his movement. Many deserters offered themselves to him, but he would not accept them. The consuls again met him in the country of Picenum. Here was another great battle and then, too, a great defeat for the Romans. Spartacus changed his intention of marching on Rome. He did not consider himself ready as yet for that kind of a fight, as his whole force was not suitably armed, for no city had joined him, but only slaves, deserters, and riff-raff. However, he occupied the mountains around Thurii and took the city itself. He prohibited the bringing in of gold or silver by merchants, and would not allow his own men to acquire any, but he bought largely of iron and brass and did not interfere with those who dealt in these articles. Supplied with abundant material from this source his men provided themselves with plenty of arms and continued in robbery for the time being. When they next came to an engagement with the Romans they were again victorious, and returned laden with spoils.

Edition note

B.C. 72

Edition note

Y.R. 683

1.14.118 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.14.118

Τριέτης τε ἦν ἤδη καὶ φοβερὸς αὐτοῖς ὁ πόλεμος, γελώμενος ἐν ἀρχῇ καὶ καταφρονούμενος ὡς μονομάχων. προτεθείσης τε στρατηγῶν ἄλλων χειροτονίας ὄκνος ἐπεῖχεν ἅπαντας καὶ παρήγγελλεν οὐδείς, μέχρι Λικίνιος Κράσσος, γένει καὶ πλούτῳ Ῥωμαίων διαφανής, ἀνεδέξατο στρατηγήσειν καὶ τέλεσιν ἓξ ἄλλοις ἤλαυνεν ἐπὶ τὸν Σπάρτακον· ἀφικόμενος δὲ καὶ τὰ τῶν ὑπάτων δύο προσέλαβε. καὶ τῶνδε μὲν αὐτίκα διακληρώσας ὡς πολλάκις ἡττημένων ἐπὶ θανάτῳ μέρος δέκατον διέφθειρεν. οἱ δʼ οὐχ οὕτω νομίζουσιν, ἀλλὰ παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ συμβαλόντα καὶ τόνδε καὶ ἡττημένον, πάντων διακληρῶσαι τὸ δέκατον καὶ ἀνελεῖν ἐς τετρακισχιλίους, οὐδὲν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἐνδοιάσαντα. ὁποτέρως δʼ ἔπραξε, φοβερώτερος αὐτοῖς τῆς τῶν πολεμίων ἥττης φανεὶς αὐτίκα μυρίων Σπαρτακείων ἐφʼ ἑαυτῶν που στρατοπεδευόντων ἐκράτει καὶ δύο αὐτῶν μέρη κατακανὼν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἤλαυνε τὸν Σπάρτακον σὺν καταφρονήσει. νικήσας δὲ καὶ τόνδε λαμπρῶς ἐδίωκε φεύγοντα ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ὡς διαπλευσούμενον ἐς Σικελίαν καὶ καταλαβὼν ἀπετάφρευε καὶ ἀπετείχιζε καὶ ἀπεσταύρου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.14.118

This war, so formidable to the Romans (although ridiculous and contemptible in the beginning, considered as the work of gladiators), had now lasted three years. When the election of new praetors came on, fear fell upon all, and nobody offered himself as a candidate until Licinius Crassus, a man distinguished among the Romans for birth and wealth, assumed the praetorship and marched against Spartacus with six new legions. When he arrived at his destination he received also the two legions of the consuls, whom he decimated by lot for their bad conduct in several battles. Some say that Crassus, too, having engaged in battle with his whole army, and having been defeated, decimated the whole army and was not deterred by their numbers, but destroyed about 4000 of them. Whichever way it was, he demonstrated to them that he was more dangerous to them than the enemy. Presently he overcame 10,000 of the Spartacans, who were encamped somewhere in a detached position, and killed two-thirds of them. He then marched boldly against Spartacus himself, vanquished him in a brilliant engagement, and pursued his fleeing forces to the sea, where they tried to pass over to Sicily. He overtook them and enclosed them with a line of circumvallation consisting of ditch, wall, and paling.

Edition note

B.C. 71

1.14.119 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.14.119

βιαζομένου δʼ ἐς τὴν Σαυνίτιδα τοῦ Σπαρτάκου διαδραμεῖν, ἔκτεινεν ὁ Κράσσος ἐς ἑξακισχιλίους ἄλλους περὶ ἕω καὶ περὶ δείλην ἐς τοσούσδε ἑτέρους, τριῶν ἐκ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ μόνων ἀποθανόντων καὶ ἑπτὰ τρωθέντων· τοσήδε ἦν αὐτίκα διὰ τὴν κόλασιν ἐς τὸ τῆς νίκης θάρσος μεταβολή. Σπάρτακος δὲ ἱππέας ποθὲν προσιόντας αὐτῷ περιμένων οὐκέτι μὲν ἐς μάχην ᾔει τῷ στρατῷ παντί, πολλὰ δʼ ἠνώχλει τοῖς περικαθημένοις ἀνὰ μέρος, ἄφνω τε καὶ συνεχῶς αὐτοῖς ἐπιπίπτων, φακέλους τε ξύλων ἐς τὴν τάφρον ἐμβάλλων κατέκαιε καὶ τὸν πόνον αὐτοῖς δύσεργον ἐποίει. αἰχμάλωτόν τε Ῥωμαῖον ἐκρέμασεν ἐν τῷ μεταιχμίῳ, δεικνὺς τοῖς ἰδίοις τὴν ὄψιν ὧν πείσονται, μὴ κρατοῦντες. οἱ δʼ ἐν ἄστει Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς πολιορκίας πυνθανόμενοι καὶ ἀδοξοῦντες, εἰ χρόνιος αὑτοῖς ἔσται πόλεμος μονομάχων, προσκατέλεγον ἐπὶ τὴν στρατείαν Πομπήιον ἄρτι ἀφικόμενον ἐξ Ἰβηρίας, πιστεύοντες ἤδη δυσχερὲς εἶναι καὶ μέγα τὸ Σπαρτάκειον ἔργον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.14.119

Spartacus tried to break through and make an incursion into the Samnite country, but Crassus slew about 6000 of his men in the morning and as many more towards evening. Only three of the Roman army were killed and seven wounded, so great was the improvement in their morale inspired by the recent punishment. Spartacus, who was expecting from somewhere a reënforcement of horse, no longer went into battle with his whole army, but harassed the besiegers by frequent sallies here and there. He fell upon them unexpectedly and continually, threw bundles of fagots into the ditch and set them on fire and made their labor difficult. He crucified a Roman prisoner in the space between the two armies to show his own men what fate awaited them if they did not conquer. When the Romans in the city heard of the siege they thought it would be disgraceful if this war against gladiators should be prolonged. Believing also that the work still to be done against Spartacus was great and severe they ordered up the army of Pompey, which had just arrived from Spain, as a reënforcement.

1.14.120 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.14.120

διὰ δὲ τὴν χειροτονίαν τήνδε καὶ Κράσσος, ἵνα μὴ τὸ κλέος τοῦ πολέμου γένοιτο Πομπηίου, πάντα τρόπον ἐπειγόμενος ἐπεχείρει τῷ Σπαρτάκῳ, καὶ ὁ Σπάρτακος, τὸν Πομπήιον προλαβεῖν ἀξιῶν, ἐς συνθήκας τὸν Κράσσον προυκαλεῖτο. ὑπερορώμενος δʼ ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ διακινδυνεύειν τε ἔγνω καί, παρόντων οἱ τῶν ἱππέων ἤδη, ὤσατο παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ διὰ τοῦ περιτειχίσματος καὶ ἔφυγεν ἐπὶ Βρεντέσιον, Κράσσου διώκοντος. ὡς δὲ καὶ Λεύκολλον ἔμαθεν ὁ Σπάρτακος ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον, ἀπὸ τῆς ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτῃ νίκης ἐπανιόντα, εἶναι, πάντων ἀπογνοὺς ἐς χεῖρας ᾔει τῷ Κράσσῳ μετὰ πολλοῦ καὶ τότε πλήθους· γενομένης δὲ τῆς μάχης μακρᾶς τε καὶ καρτερᾶς ὡς ἐν ἀπογνώσει τοσῶνδε μυριάδων, τιτρώσκεται ἐς τὸν μηρὸν ὁ Σπάρτακος δορατίῳ καὶ συγκάμψας τὸ γόνυ καὶ προβαλὼν τὴν ἀσπίδα πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἀπεμάχετο, μέχρι καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος ἀμφʼ αὐτὸν κυκλωθέντες ἔπεσον. ὅ τε λοιπὸς αὐτοῦ στρατὸς ἀκόσμως ἤδη κατεκόπτοντο κατὰ πλῆθος, ὡς φόνον γενέσθαι τῶν μὲν οὐδʼ εὐαρίθμητον, Ῥωμαίων δὲ ἐς χιλίους ἄνδρας, καὶ τὸν Σπαρτάκου νέκυν οὐχ εὑρεθῆναι. πολὺ δʼ ἔτι πλῆθος ἦν ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν, ἐκ τῆς μάχης διαφυγόν· ἐφʼ οὓς ὁ Κράσσος ἀνέβαινεν. οἱ δὲ διελόντες ἑαυτοὺς ἐς τέσσαρα μέρη ἀπεμάχοντο, μέχρι πάντες ἀπώλοντο πλὴν ἑξακισχιλίων, οἳ ληφθέντες ἐκρεμάσθησαν ἀνὰ ὅλην τὴν ἐς Ῥώμην ἀπὸ Καπύης ὁδόν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.14.120

On account of this vote Crassus tried in every way to come to an engagement with Spartacus so that Pompey might not reap the glory of the war. Spartacus himself, thinking to anticipate Pompey, invited Crassus to come to terms with him. When his proposals were rejected with scorn he resolved to risk a battle, and as his cavalry had arrived he made a dash with his whole army through the lines of the besieging force and pushed on to Brundusium with Crassus in pursuit. When Spartacus learned that Lucullus had just arrived in Brundusium from his victory over Mithridates he despaired of everything and brought his forces, which were even then very numerous, to close quarters with Crassus. The battle was long and bloody, as might have been expected with so many thousands of desperate men. Spartacus was wounded in the thigh with a spear and sank upon his knee, holding his shield in front of him and contending in this way against his assailants until he and the great mass of those with him were surrounded and slain. The remainder of his army was thrown into confusion and butchered in crowds. So great was the slaughter that it was impossible to count them. The Roman loss was about 1000. The body of Spartacus was not found. A large number of his men fled from the battle-field to the mountains and Crassus followed them thither. They divided themselves in four parts, and continued to fight until they all perished except 6000, who were captured and crucified along the whole road from Capua to Rome.

1.14.121 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:1.14.121

καὶ τάδε Κράσσος ἓξ μησὶν ἐργασάμενος ἀμφήριστος ἐκ τοῦδε αὐτίκα μάλα τῇ δόξῃ τῇ Πομπηίου γίνεται. καὶ τὸν στρατὸν οὐ μεθίει, διότι μηδὲ Πομπήιος. ἐς δὲ ὑπατείαν ἄμφω παρήγγελλον, ὁ μὲν ἐστρατηγηκὼς κατὰ τὸν νόμον Σύλλα, ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος οὔτε στρατηγήσας οὔτε ταμιεύσας ἔτος τε ἔχων τέταρτον ἐπὶ τοῖς τριάκοντα· τοῖς δὲ δημάρχοις ὑπέσχητο πολλὰ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐς τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἐπανάξειν. αἱρεθέντες δὲ ὕπατοι οὐδʼ ὣς μεθίεσαν τὸν στρατόν, ἔχοντες ἀγχοῦ τῆς πόλεως, ἑκάτερος πρόφασιν τήνδε ποιούμενος, Πομπήιος μὲν ἐς τὸν Ἰβηρικὸν θρίαμβον περιμένειν ἐπανιόντα Μέτελλον, ὁ δὲ Κράσσος, ὡς Πομπήιον δέον προδιαλῦσαι. καὶ ὁ δῆμος, ἑτέραν ἀρχὴν στάσεως ὁρῶν καὶ φοβούμενος δύο στρατοὺς περικαθημένους, ἐδέοντο τῶν ὑπάτων ἐν ἀγορᾷ προκαθημένων συναλλαγῆναι πρὸς ἀλλήλους. καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἑκάτερος ἀπεκρούετο· ὡς δὲ καὶ θεόληπτοί τινες προύλεγον πολλὰ καὶ δεινά, εἰ μὴ συναλλαγεῖεν οἱ ὕπατοι, ὁ δῆμος αὖθις αὐτοὺς μετʼ οἰμωγῆς παρεκάλει πάνυ ταπεινῶς, ἔτι τῶν Σύλλα καὶ Μαρίου κακῶν ἀναφέροντες. καὶ ὁ Κράσσος πρότερος ἐνδοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ θρόνου κατέβαινε καὶ ἐς τὸν Πομπήιον ἐχώρει, τὴν χεῖρα προτείνων ἐπὶ διαλλαγαῖς· ὁ δʼ ὑπανίστατο καὶ προσέτρεχε. καὶ δεξιωσαμένων ἀλλήλους εὐφημίαι τε ἦσαν ἐς αὐτοὺς ποικίλαι, καὶ οὐ πρὶν ὁ δῆμος ἀπέστη τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἢ προγράψαι τοὺς ὑπάτους τὰς ἀφέσεις τῶν στρατοπέδων. οὕτω μὲν δὴ δόξασα καὶ ἥδε μεγάλη στάσις ἔσεσθαι κατελύετο εὐσταθῶς· καὶ ἔτος ἦν τῷδε τῷ μέρει τῶν ἐμφυλίων ἀμφὶ τὰ ἑξήκοντα μάλιστʼ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀναιρέσεως Τιβερίου Γράκχου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.14.121

Crassus accomplished his task within six months, whence arose a contention for honors between himself and Pompey. Crassus did not dismiss his army, for Pompey did not dismiss his. Both were candidates for the consulship. Crassus had been praetor as the law of Sulla required. Pompey had been neither praetor nor quaestor, and was only thirty-four years old. He promised the tribunes of the people that much of their former power should be restored. When they were chosen consuls they did not even then dismiss their armies, which were stationed near the city. Each one offered an excuse. Pompey said that he was waiting the return of Metellus for his Spanish triumph. Crassus said that Pompey ought to dismiss his army first. The people, seeing fresh seditions brewing and fearing two armies encamped round about, besought the consuls, while they were occupying the curule chairs in the forum, to be reconciled to each other. At first both of them repelled these solicitations. When certain persons, who seemed to be divinely inspired, predicted many direful consequences if the consuls did not come to an agreement, the people again implored them with lamentation and the greatest dejection, reminding them of the evils produced by the contentions of Marius and Sulla. Crassus yielded first. He came down from his chair, advanced to Pompey, and offered him his hand in the way of reconciliation. Pompey rose and hastened to meet him. They shook hands amid general acclamations and the people did not leave the assembly until the consuls had given orders in writing to disband the armies. Thus was the well-grounded fear of another great dissension happily dispelled. This was about the sixtieth year in the course of the civil convulsions, reckoning from the killing of Tiberius Gracchus.

Edition note

Y.R. 684

Edition note

B.C. 70

2.1.1 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.1.1

μετὰ δὲ τὴν Σύλλα μοναρχίαν καὶ ὅσα ἐπʼ αὐτῇ Σερτώριός τε καὶ Περπέννας περὶ Ἰβηρίαν ἔδρασαν, ἕτερα ἐμφύλια Ῥωμαίοις τοιάδε ἐγίγνετο, μέχρι Γάιος Καῖσαρ καὶ Πομπήιος Μάγνος ἀλλήλοις ἐπολέμησαν καὶ Πομπήιον μὲν καθεῖλεν ὁ Καῖσαρ, Καίσαρα δʼ ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ τινὲς ὡς βασιλιζόμενον κατέκανον. ταῦτα δὲ ὅπως ἐγένετο καὶ ὅπως ἀνῃρέθησαν ὅ τε Πομπήιος καὶ ὁ Γάιος, ἡ δευτέρα τῶν ἐμφυλίων ἥδε δηλοῖ. ὁ μὲν δὴ Πομπήιος ἄρτι τὴν θάλασσαν καθήρας ἀπὸ τῶν ληστηρίων τότε μάλιστα πανταχοῦ πλεονασάντων Μιθριδάτην ἐπὶ τοῖς λῃσταῖς καθῃρήκει, Πόντου βασιλέα, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἔθνη προσέλαβεν ἀμφὶ τὴν ἕω, διετάσσετο· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἦν ἔτι νέος, δεινὸς εἰπεῖν τε καὶ πρᾶξαι, τολμῆσαί τε ἐς πάντα καὶ ἐλπίσαι περὶ ἁπάντων, ἐς δὲ δὴ φιλοτιμίαν ἀφειδὴς ὑπὲρ δύναμιν, ὡς ἀγορανομῶν ἔτι καὶ στρατηγῶν εἶναι κατάχρεως καὶ τῷ πλήθει δαιμονίως ὑπεραρέσκειν, τῶν δήμων αἰεὶ τοὺς δαψιλεῖς ἐπαινούντων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.1.1

AFTER the reign of Sulla, and the later operations of Sertorius and Perpenna in Spain, other internal commotions of a similar nature took place among the Romans until Gaius Caesar and Pompey the Great waged war against each other, and Caesar made an end of Pompey and was himself killed in the senate-chamber because he was accused of exercising royal power. How these things came about and how both Pompey and Caesar lost their lives, this second book of the Civil Wars will show. Pompey had lately cleared the sea of pirates, who were then more numerous than ever before, and afterward had overthrown Mithridates, king of Pontus, and regulated his kingdom and the other nations that he had subdued in the East. Caesar was still a young man, but powerful in speech and action, daring in every way, ambitious of everything, and profuse beyond his means in the pursuit of honors. While yet aedile and praetor he had incurred great debts and had made himself wonderfully agreeable to the multitude, who always sing the praises of those who are lavish in expenditures.

Edition note

B.C.

Edition note

Y.R. 690

Edition note

B.C. 64

2.1.2 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.1.2

Γάιος δὲ Κατιλίνας, μεγέθει τε δόξης καὶ γένους λαμπρότητι περιώνυμος, ἔμπληκτος ἀνήρ, δόξας ποτὲ καὶ υἱὸν ἀνελεῖν διʼ Αὐρηλίας Ὀρεστίλλης ἔρωτα, οὐχ ὑφισταμένης τῆς Ὀρεστίλλης παῖδα ἔχοντι γήμασθαι, Σύλλα φίλος τε καὶ στασιώτης καὶ ζηλωτὴς μάλιστα γεγονώς, ἐκ δὲ φιλοτιμίας καὶ ὅδε ἐς πενίαν ὑπενηνεγμένος καὶ θεραπευόμενος ἔτι πρὸς δυνατῶν ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ γυναικῶν, ἐς ὑπατείαν παρήγγελλεν ὡς τῇδε παροδεύσων ἐς τυραννίδα. πάγχυ δʼ ἐλπίσας αἱρεθήσεσθαι διὰ τὴν ὑποψίαν τήνδε ἀπεκρούσθη, καὶ Κικέρων μὲν ἦρχεν ἀντʼ αὐτοῦ, ἀνὴρ ἥδιστος εἰπεῖν τε καὶ ῥητορεῦσαι, Κατιλίνας δʼ αὐτὸν ἐς ὕβριν τῶν ἑλομένων ἐπέσκωπτεν, ἐς μὲν ἀγνωσίαν γένους καινὸν ὀνομάζων (καλοῦσι δʼ οὕτω τοὺς ἀφʼ ἑαυτῶν, ἀλλʼ οὐ τῶν προγόνων γνωρίμους), ἐς δʼ ξενίαν τῆς πόλεως ἰγκουιλῖνον, ᾧ ῥήματι καλοῦσι τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας ἐν ἀλλοτρίαις οἰκίαις. αὐτὸς δὲ πολιτείαν μὲν ὅλως ἔτι ἀπεστρέφετο ἐκ τοῦδε, ὡς οὐδὲν μοναρχίαν ταχὺ καὶ μέγα φέρουσαν, ἀλλʼ ἔριδος καὶ φθόνου μεστήν· χρήματα δʼ ἀγείρων πολλὰ παρὰ πολλῶν γυναικῶν, αἳ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἤλπιζον ἐν τῇ ἐπαναστάσει διαφθερεῖν, συνώμνυτό τισιν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ τῶν καλουμένων ἱππέων, συνῆγε δὲ καὶ δημότας καὶ ξένους καὶ θεράποντας. καὶ πάντων ἡγεμόνες ἦσαν αὐτῷ Κορνήλιος Λέντλος καὶ Κέθηγος, οἳ τότε τῆς πόλεως ἐστρατήγουν. ἀνά τε τὴν Ἰταλίαν περιέπεμπεν ἐς τῶν Συλλείων τοὺς τὰ κέρδη τῆς τότε βίας ἀναλωκότας καὶ ὀρεγομένους ἔργων ὁμοίων, ἐς μὲν Φαισούλας τῆς Τυρρηνίας Γάιον Μάλλιον, ἐς δὲ τῆν Πικηνίτιδα καὶ τὴν Ἀπουλίαν ἑτέρους, οἳ στρατὸν αὐτῷ συνέλεγον ἀφανῶς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.1.2

At this time Lucius Catiline was a person of importance, of great celebrity, and high birth, but a madman. It was believed that he had killed his own son because of his own love for Aurelia Orestilla, who was not willing to marry a man who had a son. He had been a friend and zealous partisan of Sulla. He had reduced himself to poverty in order to gratify his ambition, but still he was courted by the powerful, both men and women, and he became a candidate for the consulship as a step leading to absolute power. He confidently expected to be elected; but the suspicion of his ulterior designs defeated him, and Cicero, the most eloquent orator and the rhetorician of the period, was chosen instead. Catiline, by way of raillery and contempt for those who voted for him, called him Novus Homo (a new man) on account of his obscure birth (for so they call those who achieve distinction by their own merits and not by those of their ancestors); and because he was not born in the city he called him Inquilinus (a lodger), by which term they designate those who occupy houses belonging to others. From this time Catiline abstained wholly from politics as not leading quickly and surely to absolute power, but as full of the spirit of contention and malice. He procured much money from many women who hoped that their husbands would get killed in the uprising, and he formed a conspiracy with a number of senators and knights, and collected together a body of plebians, foreign residents, and slaves. His leading fellow-conspirators were Cornelius Lentulus and Cethegus, who were then city praetors. He sent emissaries throughout Italy to those of Sulla’s soldiers who had squandered the gains of their former life of plunder and who longed for similar doings. For this purpose he sent Gaius Manlius to Faesulae in Etruria and others to Picenum and Apulia, who enlisted soldiers for him secretly.

Edition note

All the codices say Gaius Catiline. The Latin version of Candidus says Lucius.

Edition note

Y.R. 690

Edition note

B.C. 64

Edition note

Y.R. 691

Edition note

B.C. 63

2.1.3 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.1.3

καὶ τάδε πάντα ἔτι ἀγνοούμενα Φουλβία γύναιον οὐκ ἀφανὲς ἐμήνυε τῷ Κικέρωνι· ἧς ἐρῶν Κόιντος Κούριος, ἀνὴρ διʼ ὀνείδη πολλὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἀπεωσμένος καὶ τῆσδε τῆς Κατιλίνα συνθήκης ἠξιωμένος, κούφως μάλα καὶ φιλοτίμως ἐξέφερεν οἷα πρὸς ἐρωμένην, ὡς αὐτίκα δυναστεύσων. ἤδη δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ γιγνομένων λόγος ἐφοίτα. καὶ ὁ Κικέρων τήν τε πόλιν ἐκ διαστημάτων φρουραῖς διελάμβανε καὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἐξέπεμπε πολλοὺς ἐς πάντα τὰ ὕποπτα τοῖς γιγνομένοις ἐφεδρεύειν. Κατιλίνας δʼ, οὐδενὸς μέν πω θαρροῦντος αὐτοῦ λαβέσθαι διὰ τὴν ἔτι τοῦ ἀκριβοῦς ἀγνωσίαν, δεδιὼς δὲ ὅμως καὶ τὸ χρόνιον ἡγούμενος ὕποπτον, ἐν δὲ τῷ τάχει τὴν ἐλπίδα τιθέμενος, τά τε χρήματα προύπεμπεν ἐς Φαισούλας καὶ τοῖς συνωμόταις ἐντειλάμενος κτεῖναι Κικέρωνα καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐκ διαστημάτων πολλῶν νυκτὸς ἐμπρῆσαι μιᾶς ἐξῄει πρὸς Γάιον Μάλλιον ὡς αὐτίκα στρατὸν ἄλλον ἀθροίσων καὶ ἐς τὸν ἐμπρησμὸν τῆς πόλεως ἐπιδραμούμενος. ὁ μὲν δὴ ῥάβδους τε καὶ πελέκεας ὥς τις ἀνθύπατος κούφως μάλα ἀνέσχε πρὸ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ ἐς τὸν Μάλλιον ἐχώρει στρατολογῶν· Λέντλῳ δὲ καὶ τοῖς συνωμόταις ἔδοξεν, ὅτε Κατιλίναν ἐν Φαισούλαις πυνθάνοιντο γεγενῆσθαι, Λέντλον μὲν αὐτὸν καὶ Κέθηγον ἐφεδρεῦσαι ταῖς Κικέρωνος θύραις περὶ ἕω μετὰ κεκρυμμένων ξιφιδίων, ἐσδεχθέντας τε διὰ τὴν ἀξίωσιν καὶ λαλοῦντας ὁτιδὴ μηκῦναι τὴν ὁμιλίαν ἐν περιπάτῳ καὶ κτεῖναι περισπάσαντας ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων, Λεύκιον δὲ Βηστίαν τὸν δήμαρχον ἐκκλησίαν εὐθὺς ὑπὸ κήρυξι συνάγειν καὶ κατηγορεῖν τοῦ Κικέρωνος ὡς ἀεὶ δειλοῦ καὶ πολεμοποιοῦ καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐν οὐδενὶ δεινῷ διαταράττοντος, ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ Βηστίου δημηγορίᾳ, νυκτὸς αὐτίκα τῆς ἐπιούσης, ἑτέρους ἐν δυώδεκα τόποις ἐμπιπράναι τὴν πόλιν καὶ διαρπάζειν καὶ κατακτείνειν τοὺς ἀρίστους.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.1.3

All these facts, while they were still secret, were communicated to Cicero by Fulvia, a woman of quality. Her lover, Quintus Curius, one of the conspirators with Catiline, who had been expelled from the Senate for debauchery, told his mistress in a vain and boastful way that he would soon be in a position of great power. And now a rumor of what was transpiring in Italy was noised about. Accordingly, Cicero stationed guards at intervals throughout the city, and sent many of the nobility to the suspected places to watch what was going on. Catiline, although nobody had ventured to lay hands on him, because the facts were not yet publicly known, was nevertheless fearful lest suspicion should increase with time. Trusting to rapidity of movement he forwarded money to Faesulae and directed his fellow-conspirators to kill Cicero and set the city on fire at a number of different places the same night. Then he departed to join Gaius Manlius, intending to collect additional forces and invade the city while burning. So extremely vain was he that he had the rods and axes borne before him as though he were a proconsul, and he proceeded on his journey to Manlius, enlisting soldiers as he went. Lentulus and his fellow-conspirators decided that when they should learn that Catiline had arrived at Faesulae, Lentulus and Cethegus should present themselves at Cicero’s door early in the morning with concealed daggers, expecting to be admitted because of their rank; enter into conversation with him in the vestibule on some subject, no matter what; draw him away from his own people, and kill him; that Lucius Bestia, the tribune, should at once call an assembly of the people by heralds and accuse Cicero of timidity and of stirring up war and disturbing the city without cause, and that on the night following Bestia’s speech the city should be set on fire by others in twelve places and plundered, and the leading citizens killed.

Edition note

He began to promise her seas and mountains, says Sallust (Cat. 23).

Edition note

Y.R. 691

Edition note

B.C. 63

2.1.4 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.1.4

ὧδε μὲν Λέντλῳ καὶ Κεθήγῳ καὶ Στατιλίῳ καὶ Κασσίῳ, τοῖς ἄρχουσι τῆς ἐπαναστάσεως, ἐδέδοκτο, καὶ τὸν καιρὸν ἐπετήρουν· Ἀλλοβρίγων δὲ πρέσβεις, αἰτιώμενοι τοὺς ἡγουμένους αὑτῶν, […: gap in edition] ἐς τὴν Λέντλου συνωμοσίαν ἐπήχθησαν ὡς ἀναστήσοντες ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους τὴν Γαλατίαν. καὶ Λέντλος μὲν αὐτοῖς συνέπεμπεν ἐς Κατιλίναν Βουλτούρκιον, ἄνδρα Κροτωνιάτην, γράμματα χωρὶς ὀνομάτων γεγραμμένα φέροντα· οἱ δʼ Ἀλλόβριγες ἐνδοιάσαντες ἐκοινώσαντο Φαβίῳ Σάγγᾳ, ὃς ἦν τῶν Ἀλλοβρίγων προστάτης, ὥσπερ ἁπάσαις πόλεσιν ἔστι τις ἐν Ῥώμῃ προστάτης. παρὰ δὲ τοῦ Σάγγα μαθὼν ὁ Κικέρων συνέλαβεν ἀπιόντας τοὺς Ἀλλόβριγάς τε καὶ Βουλτούρκιον καὶ ἐς τὴν βουλὴν εὐθέως ἐπήγαγεν· οἱ δʼ ὡμολόγουν, ὅσα τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Λέντλον συνῄδεσαν, ἀχθέντας τε ἤλεγχον, ὡς ὁ Κορνήλιος Λέντλος εἴποι πολλάκις εἱμάρθαι τρεῖς Κορνηλίους γενέσθαι Ῥωμαίων μονάρχους, ὧν ἤδη Κίνναν καὶ Σύλλαν γεγονέναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.1.4

Such were the designs of Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Cassius, the chiefs of the conspiracy, and they waited for the appointed time. Meanwhile ambassadors of the Allobroges, who were in the city making complaint against their magistrates, were solicited to join the conspiracy of Lentulus in order to cause an uprising against the Romans in Gaul. Lentulus sent in company with them, to Catiline, a man of Croton named Vulturcius, who carried letters without signatures. The Allobroges being in doubt communicated the matter to Fabius Sanga, the patron of their state—it was the custom of all the subject states to have patrons at Rome. Sanga communicated the facts to Cicero, who captured the Allobroges and Vulturcius on their journey and brought them straightway before the Senate. They confessed to their understanding with Lentulus and testified in his presence that Cornelius Lentulus had often said that it was written in the book of fate that three Cornelii should be monarchs of Rome, two of whom, Cinna and Sulla, had already been such.

Edition note

Sallust says that the Allobroges were privy to their own arrest, which took place on the Milvian bridge, and that they made no resistance, but that Vulturcius fought till he was overpowered. (Cat. 45.)

2.1.5 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.1.5

λεχθέντων δὲ τούτων ἡ μὲν βουλὴ Λέντλον παρέλυσε τῆς ἀρχῆς, ὁ δὲ Κικέρων ἕκαστον ἐς τὰς οἰκίας τῶν στρατηγῶν διαθεὶς ἐπανῆλθεν αὐτίκα καὶ ψῆφον περὶ αὐτῶν ἐδίδου. θόρυβος δʼ ἦν ἀμφὶ τὸ βουλευτήριον, ἀγνοουμένου ἔτι τοῦ ἀκριβοῦς, καὶ δέος τῶν συνεγνωκότων. αὐτοῦ δὲ Λέντλου καὶ Κεθήγου θεράποντές τε καὶ ἐξελεύθεροι, χειροτέχνας πολλοὺς προσλαβόντες, κατʼ ὀπισθίας ὁδοὺς περιῄεσαν ἐπὶ τὰς τῶν στρατηγῶν οἰκίας ὡς τοὺς δεσπότας ἐξαρπασόμενοι. ὧν ὁ Κικέρων πυθόμενος ἐξέδραμεν ἐκ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου καὶ διαθεὶς ἐς τὰ ἐπίκαιρα φύλακας ἐπανῆλθε καὶ τὴν γνώμην ἐπετάχυνε. Σιλανὸς μὲν δὴ πρῶτος ἔλεγεν, ὃς ἐς τὸ μέλλον ᾕρητο ὑπατεύειν· ὧδε γὰρ Ῥωμαίοις ὁ μέλλων ὑπατεύσειν πρῶτος ἐσφέρει γνώμην, ὡς αὐτός, οἶμαι, πολλὰ τῶν κυρουμένων ἐργασόμενος καὶ ἐκ τοῦδε εὐβουλότερόν τε καὶ εὐλαβέστερον ἐνθυμησόμενος περὶ ἑκάστου. ἀξιοῦντι δὲ τῷ Σιλανῷ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐσχάτῃ κολάσει μετιέναι πολλοὶ συνετίθεντο, ἕως, ἐπὶ Νέρωνα τῆς γνώμης περιιούσης, ὁ Νέρων ἐδικαίου φυλάττειν αὐτούς, μέχρι Κατιλίναν ἐξέλωσι πολέμῳ καὶ τὰ ἀκριβέστατα μάθωσι,

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.1.5

When they had so testified the Senate deprived Lentulus of his office. Cicero put each of the conspirators under arrest at the houses of the praetors, and returned directly to take the vote of the Senate concerning them. In the meantime there was a great tumult around the senate-house, the affair being as yet little understood, and those who did understand it being alarmed. The slaves and freedmen of Lentulus and Cethegus, reënforced by numerous artisans, made a circuit by back streets and assaulted the houses of the praetors in order to rescue their masters. When Cicero heard of this he hurried out of the senate-house and stationed the necessary guards and then came back and hastened the taking of the vote. Silanus, the consul-elect, spoke first, as it was the custom among the Romans for the one who was about to assume that office to deliver his opinion first, because, as I think, he would have most to do with the execution of the decrees, and hence would give more careful consideration and circumspection to each. It was the opinion of Silanus that the culprits should suffer the extreme penalty, and many senators agreed with him until it came Nero’s turn to deliver his opinion. Nero judged that it would be best to keep them under guard until Catiline should be beaten in the field and they could obtain the most accurate knowledge of the facts.

2.1.6 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.1.6

γάιός τε Καῖσαρ οὐ καθαρεύων μὲν ὑπονοίας μὴ συνεγνωκέναι τοῖς ἀνδράσι, Κικέρωνος δʼ οὐ θαρροῦντος καὶ τόνδε, ὑπεραρέσκοντα τῷ δήμῳ, ἐς τὸν ἀγῶνα προβαλέσθαι, προσετίθει διαθέσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας Κικέρωνα τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐν πόλεσιν αἷς ἂν αὐτὸς δοκιμάσῃ, μέχρι Κατιλίνα καταπολεμηθέντος ἐς δικαστήριον ὑπαχθῶσι, καὶ μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον ἐς ἄνδρας ἐπιφανεῖς ᾖ πρὸ λόγου καὶ δίκης ἐξειργασμένος. δικαίου δὲ τῆς γνώμης φανείσης καὶ δεχθείσης, ἀκρατῶς οἱ πολλοὶ μετετίθεντο, μέχρι Κάτων ἤδη σαφῶς ἀνακαλύπτων τὴν ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα ὑποψίαν καὶ ὁ Κικέρων δεδιὼς ἀμφὶ τῇ νυκτὶ προσιούσῃ, μὴ τὸ συνεγνωκὸς τοῖς ἀνδράσι πλῆθος αἰωρούμενον ἔτι κατʼ ἀγορὰν καὶ δεδιὸς περί τε σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ περὶ ἐκείνων ἐργάσηταί τι ἄτοπον, ἔπεισαν ὡς αὐτοφώρων ἄνευ κρίσεως καταγνῶναι. καὶ εὐθὺς ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν, ἔτι τῆς βουλῆς συνεστώσης, ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ὁ Κικέρων ἐς τὸ δεσμωτήριον μεταγαγών, τοῦ πλήθους ἀγνοοῦντος, ἐπεῖδεν ἀποθνῄσκοντας καὶ τοῖς ἐν ἀγορᾷ παροδεύων ἐσήμηνεν, ὅτι τεθνᾶσιν. οἱ δὲ διελύοντο πεφρικότες τε καὶ περὶ σφῶν ἀγαπῶντες ὡς διαλαθόντες.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.1.6

Gaius Caesar was not free from the suspicion of complicity with these men, but Cicero did not venture to bring into the controversy one so popular with the masses. Caesar proposed that Cicero should distribute the culprits among the towns of Italy, according to his own discretion, to be kept until Catiline should be beaten in fight, and that then they should be regularly tried, instead of inflicting an irremediable punishment upon members of the nobility in advance of argument and trial. As this opinion appeared to be just and acceptable, most of the senators changed completely, until Cato openly manifested his suspicion of Caesar; and Cicero, who had apprehensions concerning the coming night (lest the crowd who were concerned with the conspiracy and were still in the forum in a state of suspense, fearful for themselves and the conspirators, might do something desperate), persuaded the Senate to give judgment against them without trial as persons caught in the act. Cicero immediately, while the Senate was still in session, conducted each of the conspirators from the houses where they were in custody to the prison, without the knowledge of the crowd, and saw them put to death. Then he went back to the forum and signified that they were dead. The crowd dispersed in alarm, congratulating themselves that they had not been found out. Thus the city breathed freely once more after the great fear that had weighed upon it that day.

Edition note

Y.R. 692

2.1.7 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.1.7

οὕτω μὲν ἡ πόλις ἀνέπνευσεν ἀπὸ τοῦ δέους πολλοῦ σφίσιν ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπιστάντος· Κατιλίναν δὲ ἐς δισμυρίους τε ἀγείραντα καὶ τούτων τεταρτημόριον ὁπλίσαντα ἤδη καὶ ἐς Γαλατίαν ἐπὶ ἄλλην παρασκευὴν ἀπιόντα Ἀντώνιος ὁ ἕτερος ὕπατος ὑπʼ Ἀλπείοις καταλαβών, οὐ δυσχερῶς ἐκράτησεν ἀνδρὸς ἐμπλήκτως ἀλλόκοτον ἔργον ἐπὶ νοῦν λαβόντος τε καὶ ἐς πεῖραν ἔτι ἐμπληκτότερον ἀπαρασκεύως προαγαγόντος. οὐ μὴν ὅ γε Κατιλίνας οὐδʼ ἄλλος οὐδεὶς τῶν συνόντων ἐπιφανῶν φυγεῖν ἠξίωσεν, ἀλλ ἐσδραμόντες ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ἀπώλοντο. ὧδε μὲν ἡ Κατιλίνα ἐπανάστασις, παρʼ ὀλίγον ἐς ἔσχατον ἐλθοῦσα κινδύνου τῇ πόλει, διελύετο. καὶ ὁ Κικέρων, ἅπασιν ἐπὶ λόγου δυνάμει μόνῃ γνώριμος ὤν, τότε καὶ ἐπὶ ἔργῳ διὰ στόματος ἦν καὶ σωτὴρ ἐδόκει περιφανῶς ἀπολλυμένῃ τῇ πατρίδι γενέσθαι, χάριτές τε ἦσαν αὐτῷ παρὰ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν καὶ εὐφημίαι ποικίλαι. Κάτωνος δʼ αὐτὸν καὶ πατέρα τῆς πατρίδος προσαγορεύσαντος ἐπεβόησεν ὁ δῆμος. καὶ δοκεῖ τισιν ἥδε ἡ εὐφημία ἀπὸ Κικέρωνος ἀρξαμένη περιελθεῖν ἐς τῶν νῦν αὐτοκρατόρων τοὺς φαινομένους ἀξίους· οὐδὲ γὰρ τοῖσδε, καίπερ οὖσι βασιλεῦσιν, εὐθὺς ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἅμα ταῖς ἄλλαις ἐπωνυμίαις, ἀλλὰ σὺν χρόνῳ μόλις ἥδε, ὡς ἐντελὴς ἐπὶ μεγίστοις δὴ μαρτυρία, ψηφίζεται.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.1.7

Catiline had assembled about 20,000 troops, of whom one-fourth part were already armed, and was moving toward Gaul in order to complete his preparations, when Antonius, the other consul, overtook him beyond the Alps and easily defeated the madly conceived adventure of the man, which was still more madly put to the test without preparation. Neither Catiline nor any of the nobility who were associated with him deigned to fly, but all perished at close quarters with their enemies. Such was the end of the uprising of Catiline, which almost brought the city to the extreme of peril. Cicero, who had been hitherto distinguished only for eloquence, was now in everybody’s mouth as a man of action, and was considered unquestionably the saviour of his country on the eve of its destruction, for which reason the thanks of the assembly were bestowed upon him, amid general acclamations. At the instance of Cato the people saluted him as the Father of his Country. Some think that this appellation, which is now bestowed upon those emperors who are deemed worthy of it, had its beginning with Cicero. Although they are in fact kings, it is not given to them with their other titles immediately upon their accession, but is decreed to them in the progress of time, not as a matter of course, but as a final testimonial of the greatest services.

Edition note

B.C. 62

Edition note

The battle was fought at Pistoria, at the southern base of the Apennines. The Roman army was commanded, not by the consul Antonius, but by his lieutenant Petreius, who is described by Sallust as one who had served with great reputation for more than thirty years as military tribune, prefect, lieutenant, or praetor. Moreover it was a desperate and bloody engagement. (Cat. 57-61.)

2.2.8 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.2.8

ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ στρατηγὸς ἐς Ἰβηρίαν αἱρεθεὶς ἐπὶ μέν τι πρὸς τῶν χρήστων διεκρατεῖτο ἐν Ῥώμῃ, πολὺ πλέονα τῆς περιουσίας ὀφλὼν διὰ τὰς φιλοτιμίας· ὅτε φασὶν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν, ὅτι δέοιτο δισχιλίων καὶ πεντακοσίων μυριάδων, ἵνα ἔχοι μηδέν· διαθέμενος δὲ τοὺς ἐνοχλοῦντας, ὡς ἐδύνατο, καὶ τῆς Ἰβηρίας ἐπιβὰς χρηματίζειν μὲν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἢ διαιτᾶν δίκας ἢ ὅσα ὁμοιότροπα τούτοις, ἅπαντα ὑπερεῖδεν ὡς οὐδὲν οἷς ἐπενόει χρήσιμα, στρατιὰν δὲ ἀγείρας ἐπετίθετο τοῖς ἔτι λοιποῖς Ἰβήρων ἀνὰ μέρος, μέχρι τὴν Ἰβηρίαν ἐς τὸ ὁλόκληρον ἀπέφηνε Ῥωμαίοις ὑποτελῆ, καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ ἐς Ῥώμην ἔπεμψεν ἐς τὸ κοινὸν ταμιεῖον. ἐφʼ οἷς ἡ μὲν βουλὴ θριαμβεῦσαι παρέσχεν αὐτῷ, ὁ δὲ τῆς πομπῆς τὴν παρασκευὴν ἐς τὸ λαμπρότατον ἐν τοῖς τῆς Ῥώμης προαστείοις διεκόσμει, ἐν αἷς ἡμέραις ὑπατείας ἦσαν παραγγελίαι, καὶ ἔδει τὸν παραγγέλλοντα παρεῖναι, ἐσελθόντι δὲ οὐκ ἦν ἔτι ἐπὶ τὸν θρίαμβον ἐπανελθεῖν. ὁ δὲ καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐς πολλὰ τυχεῖν ἐπειγόμενος καὶ τὴν πομπὴν οὐχ ἕτοιμον ἔχων ἐσέπεμπε τῇ βουλῇ δεόμενος ἐπιτρέψαι οἱ τὴν παραγγελίαν ἀπόντι ποιήσασθαι διὰ τῶν φίλων, εἰδὼς μὲν παράνομον, γεγονὸς δὲ ἤδη καὶ ἑτέροις. Κάτωνος δʼ ἀντιλέγοντος αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν τελευταίαν οὖσαν τῶν παραγγελιῶν ἀναλοῦντος ἐπὶ τοῖς λόγοις, ἐσέδραμεν ὁ Καῖσαρ ὑπεριδὼν τοῦ θριάμβου καὶ παραγγείλας ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀνέμενε τὴν χειροτονίαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.2.8

Caesar, who had been chosen praetor for Spain, was detained in the city by his creditors, as he owed much more than he could pay, by reason of his political expenses. He was reported as saying that he needed 25,000,000 sesterces in order to have nothing at all. However, he arranged with those who were detaining him as best he could and proceeded to Spain. Here he neglected the transaction of public business, the administration of justice, and all matters of that kind because he considered them of no use to his purposes, but he raised an army and attacked the independent Spanish tribes one by one until he made the whole country tributary to the Romans. He also sent much money to the public treasury at Rome. For these reasons the Senate awarded him a triumph. He was making preparations outside the walls for a most splendid procession, during the days when candidates for the consulship were required to present themselves. It was not lawful for one who was going to have a triumph to enter the city and then go back again for the triumph. As Caesar was very anxious to secure the office, and his procession was not yet ready, he sent to the Senate and asked permission to stand for the consulship while absent, through the intercession of friends, for although he knew it was against the law it had been done by others. Cato opposed his proposition and used up the last day for the presentation of candidates, in speech making. Thereupon Caesar abandoned his triumph, entered the city, offered himself as a candidate, and waited for the comitia.

Edition note

B.C. 61

Edition note

About $1,250,000.

Edition note

Y.R. 694

Edition note

B.C. 60

2.2.9 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.2.9

ἐν δὲ τούτῳ Πομπήιος, ἐκ τῶν Μιθριδατείων ἔργων ἐπὶ μέγα δόξης καὶ δυνάμεως ἐλθών, ἠξίου πολλά, ὅσα βασιλεῦσι καὶ δυνάσταις καὶ πόλεσιν ἐδεδώκει, τὴν βουλὴν βεβαιῶσαι. φθόνῳ δʼ αὐτῶν οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ μάλιστα Λεύκολλος, ὁ πρὸ τοῦ Πομπηίου στρατεύσας ἐπὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην, ὡς ἀσθενέστατον αὐτὸν ἀπολιπὼν τῷ Πομπηίῳ, διεκώλυεν, ἴδιον ἔργον ἀποφαίνων τὸ Μιθριδάτειον. καὶ Λευκόλλῳ συνελάμβανε Κράσσος. ἀγανακτῶν οὖν ὁ Πομπήιος προσεταιρίζεται Καίσαρα, συμπράξειν ἐς τὴν ὑπατείαν ἐπομόσας· ὁ δʼ εὐθὺς αὐτῷ Κράσσον διήλλασσε. καὶ τρεῖς οἵδε τὸ μέγιστον ἐπὶ πᾶσι κράτος ἔχοντες τὰς χρείας ἀλλήλοις συνηράνιζον. καί τις αὐτῶν τήνδε τὴν συμφροσύνην συγγραφεύς, Οὐάρρων, ἑνὶ βιβλίῳ περιλαβὼν ἐπέγραψε Τρικάρανον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.2.9

In the meantime Pompey, who had acquired great glory and power by his Mithridatic war, was asking the Senate to ratify numerous concessions that he had granted to kings, princes, and cities. Many senators, however, moved by envy, made opposition, and especially Lucullus, who had held the command against Mithridates before Pompey, and who considered that the victory was his, since he had left the king in a state of extreme weakness for Pompey. Crassus coöperated with Lucullus in this matter. Pompey was indignant and made friends with Caesar and promised under oath to support him for the consulship. The latter thereupon brought Crassus into friendly relations with Pompey. Thus these three most powerful men coöperated together for their mutual advantage. This coalition the Roman writer Varro treated in a book entitled Tricaranus (the three-headed monster). The Senate had its suspicions of them and elected Lucius Bibulus as Caesar’s colleague to hold him in check.

Edition note

Τρικάρανον.—The original Tricaranus was a famous satire against the three cities of Athens, Sparta, and Thebes, written by Anaximenes of Lampsacus and by him falsely attributed to the historian Theopompus in order to bring the latter into disrepute in those cities. By a skilful imitation of the style of Theopompus it had the intended effect. (Pausanias, Description of Greece, vi. 18, 2.)

Edition note

Y.R. 695

2.2.10 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.2.10

Ὑφορωμένη δʼ αὐτοὺς ἡ βουλὴ Λεύκιον Βύβλον ἐς ἐναντίωσιν τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐχειροτόνησεν αὐτῷ συνάρχειν· καὶ εὐθὺς αὐτῶν ἦσαν ἔριδές τε καὶ ὅπλων ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους ἰδίᾳ παρασκευαί. δεινὸς δʼ ὢν ὁ Καῖσαρ ὑποκρίνεσθαι, λόγους ἐν τῇ βουλῇ περὶ ὁμονοίας διέθετο πρὸς Βύβλον, ὡς τὰ κοινὰ λυπήσοντες, εἰ διαφέροιντο. πιστευθεὶς δʼ οὕτω φρονεῖν, ἀπερίσκεπτον ἤδη καὶ ἀπαράσκευον καὶ οὐδὲν ἔτι τῶν γιγνομένων ὑπονοοῦντα τὸν Βύβλον ἔχων, χεῖρά τε πολλὴν ἀφανῶς ἡτοιμάζετο καὶ νόμους ὑπὲρ τῶν πενήτων ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐσέφερε καὶ γῆν αὐτοῖς διένεμε, καὶ τὴν ἀριστεύουσαν αὐτῆς μάλιστα περὶ Καπύην, ἣ ἐς τὰ κοινὰ διεμισθοῦτο, τοῖς οὖσι πατράσι παίδων τριῶν, ἔμμισθον ἑαυτῷ τῆσδε τῆς χάριτος πλῆθος τοσόνδε ποιούμενος· δισμύριοι γὰρ ἀθρόως ἐφάνησαν οἱ τὰ τρία τρέφοντες μόνοι. ἐνισταμένων δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ πολλῶν, υποκρινάμενος δυσχεραίνειν, ὼς οὐ δίκαια ποιούντων, ἐξέδραμε καὶ βουλὴν μὲν οὐκέτι συνῆγεν ἐπὶ τὸ ἔτος ὅλον, ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν ἐμβόλων ἐδημηγόρει· Πομπήιόν τε ἐν μέσῳ καὶ Κράσσον ἠρώτα περὶ τῶν νόμων· οἱ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐπῄνουν, καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἐπὶ τὴν χειροτονίαν ᾔει σὺν κεκρυμμένοις ξιφιδίοις.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.2.10

Strife sprang up between them immediately and they proceeded to arm themselves secretly against each other. Caesar, who was a master of dissimulation, made speeches in the Senate in the interest of harmony with Bibulus, as though he were taking care lest harm should come to the republic from their disagreement. As he was believed to be sincere, Bibulus was thrown off his guard. While Bibulus was unprepared and suspecting nothing, Caesar secretly got a large band of soldiers in readiness and brought before the Senate measures for the relief of the poor by the distribution of the public land to them. The best part of this land around Capua, which was leased for the public benefit, he proposed to bestow upon those who were the fathers of at least three children, by which means he bought for himself the favor of a multitude of men. Twenty-thousand, who had three children each, came forward at once. As many senators opposed his motion he pretended to be indignant at their injustice, and rushed out of the Senate and did not convene it again for the remainder of the year, but harangued the people from the rostra. In a public assembly he asked Pompey and Crassus what they thought about his proposed laws. Both gave their approval, and the people came to the voting-place carrying concealed daggers.

Edition note

This land had been public domain ever since the second Punic war. ( Velleius, ii. 44.)

Edition note

B.C. 59

Edition note

Appian and Dion are wrong in affirming that he ceased to assemble the Senate; for he called them together several times, among others to make them swear to observe his law and to declare Ptolemy and Ariovistus friends of the Roman people, etc. (Duruy, iii. 206.)

2.2.11 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.2.11

ἡ βουλὴ δέ ʽοὐ γάρ τις αὐτὴν συνῆγεν, οὐδʼ ἐξῆν τῷ ἑτέρῳ τῶν ὑπάτων συναγαγεῖν αὐτήν’ ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ Βύβλου συνελθόντες οὐδὲν μὲν ἀντάξιον τῆς Καίσαρος ἰσχύος τε καὶ παρασκευῆς ἐποίουν, ἐπενόουν δʼ ὅμως Βύβλον ἐνίστασθαι τοῖς νόμοις καὶ μὴ δόξαν ἀμελείας, ἀλλὰ ἥσσης ἐνέγκασθαι. πεισθεὶς οὖν ὁ Βύβλος ἐνέβαλεν ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν δημηγοροῦντος ἔτι τοῦ Καίσαρος. ἔριδος δὲ καὶ ἀταξίας γενομένης πληγαί τε ἦσαν ἤδη, καὶ οἱ μετὰ τῶν ξιφιδίων τὰς ῥάβδους καὶ τὰ σημεῖα τοῦ Βύβλου περιέκλων καὶ τῶν δημάρχων ἔστιν οὓς περὶ αὐτὸν ὄντας ἔτρωσαν. Βύβλος δʼ οὐ καταπλαγεὶς ἀπεγύμνου τὴν σφαγὴν καὶ μετὰ βοῆς ἐκάλει τοὺς Καίσαρος φίλους ἐπὶ τὸ ἔργον· εἰ γὰρ οὐ δύναμαι πεῖσαι τὰ δίκαια ποιεῖν, ἔφη, Καίσαρα, τό γε ἄγος αὐτῷ καὶ μύσος οὕτως ἀποθανὼν ἐπιβαλῶ. ἀλλὰ τὸν μὲν ἄκοντα ὑπεξήγαγον οἱ φίλοι ἐς τὸ πλησίον ἱερὸν τοῦ Στησίου Διός, Κάτων δʼ ἐπιπεμφθεὶς ὤσατο μὲν ὡς νέος ἐς μέσους καὶ δημηγορεῖν ἤρχετο, μετέωρος δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν Καίσαρος ἀρθεὶς ἐξεφέρετο. καὶ λαθὼν κατʼ ἄλλας ὁδοὺς αὖθις ἀνέδραμεν ἐς τὸ βῆμα καὶ λέγειν μὲν ἔτι οὐδενὸς ἀκούοντος ἀπεγίνωσκε, τοῦ δὲ Καίσαρος ἀγροίκως κατεβόα, μέχρι καὶ τότε μετέωρος ἐξερρίφη καὶ τοὺς νόμους ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐκύρωσε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.2.11

The Senate (since no one called it together and it was not lawful for one consul to do so without the consent of the other) assembled at the house of Bibulus, but did nothing to counteract the force and preparation of Caesar. They planned, however, that Bibulus should oppose Caesar’s laws, so that they should seem to be overcome by force rather than by their own negligence. Accordingly, Bibulus burst into the forum while Caesar was still speaking. Strife and tumult arose, blows were given, and those who had daggers broke the fasces and insignia of Bibulus and wounded some of the tribunes who stood around him. Bibulus was in no wise terrified, but bared his neck to Caesar’s partisans and loudly called on them to strike. If I cannot persuade Caesar to do right, he said, I will affix upon him the guilt and stigma of my death. His friends, however, led him, against his will, out of the crowd and into the neighboring temple of Jupiter Stator. Cato was indignant at these proceedings, and, being a young man, forced his way to the midst of the crowd and began to make a speech, but was lifted up and dragged out by Caesar’s partisans. Then he went around secretly by another street and again mounted the rostra; but as he despaired of making a speech, since nobody would listen to him, he abused Caesar roundly until he was ejected by the Caesarians, and Caesar secured the enactment of his laws.

2.2.12 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.2.12

καὶ ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς τόν τε δῆμον ὥρκωσεν ἐς ἀεὶ κυρίους νομιεῖν καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ἐκέλευεν ὀμνύναι. ἐνισταμένων δὲ πολλῶν καὶ Κάτωνος, εἰσηγεῖτο μὲν ὁ Καῖσαρ θάνατον τῷ μὴ ὀμόσαντι, καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἐπεκύρου· ὤμνυον δʼ αὐτίκα δείσαντες οἵ τε ἄλλοι καὶ οἱ δήμαρχοι· οὐ γὰρ ἔτι χρήσιμον ἀντιλέγειν ἦν κυρουμένου διὰ τοὺς ἄλλους τοῦ νόμου. Οὐέττιος δʼ ἀνὴρ δημότης, ἐς τὸ μέσον ἐσδραμὼν μετὰ ξιφιδίου γυμνοῦ, ἐπιπεμφθῆναι ἔφη πρός τε Βύβλου καὶ Κικέρωνος καὶ Κάτωνος ἐς ἀναίρεσιν Καίσαρός τε καὶ Πομπηίου καὶ τὸ ξιφίδιον αὑτῷ Βύβλου ῥαβδοῦχον ἐπιδοῦναι Ποστούμιον. ὑπόπτου δʼ ὄντος ἐφʼ ἑκάτερα τοῦ πράγματος ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ ἐξετράχυνε τὸ πλῆθος, τὴν δʼ ἐπιοῦσαν ἐξετάσειν τὸν Οὐέττιον ἀνεβάλλοντο. καὶ ὁ Οὐέττιος φυλασσόμενος ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ νυκτὸς ἀνῃρέθη. εἰκαζομένου δʼ ἐς ποικίλα τοῦ συμβεβηκότος ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐκ ἀνίει καὶ τοῦτο δρᾶσαι λέγων τοὺς δεδιότας, ἕως ὁ δῆμος αὐτῷ συνεχώρησεν ἀμύνειν τοῖς ἐπιβεβουλευμένοις. καὶ Βύβλος μὲν ἐκ χειρῶν ἅπαντα μεθεὶς οἷά τις ἰδιώτης οὐ προῄει τῆς οἰκίας ἐπὶ τὸ λοιπὸν τῆς ἀρχῆς ἅπαν, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ οὐδʼ αὐτὸς ἔτι ἐζήτει περὶ τοῦ Οὐεττίου, μόνος ἔχων τὸ κράτος ἐπὶ τῇ πολιτείᾳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.2.12

The plebeians swore to observe these laws forever, and Caesar directed the Senate to do the same. Many of them, including Cato, refused, and Caesar proposed and the people enacted the death penalty to the recusants. Then they became alarmed and took the oath, including the tribunes, for it was no longer of any use to speak against it after the law had been confirmed by the others. And now Vettius, a plebeian, ran into the forum with a drawn dagger and said that he had been sent by Bibulus, Cicero, and Cato to kill Caesar and Pompey, and that the dagger had been given to him by Postumius, the lictor of Bibulus. Although this affair was open to suspicion on both sides, Caesar made use of it to inflame the multitude and postponed the examination of the assailant. Vettius was thrown into prison and killed the same night. As this transaction was variously commented on, Caesar did not let it pass unnoticed, but said that it had been done by the opposite party who were afraid of exposure. Finally, the people furnished him a guard to protect him against conspirators, and Bibulus abstained from public business altogether, like a private citizen, and did not go out of his house for the remainder of his official term.

Edition note

The text is somewhat confused here. Mendelssohn suspects a lacuna.

Edition note

τοὺς δεδιότας, those who were afraid. Mendelssohn suggests the addition of ἀντιστασιώτας, the opposite party, to complete the sense.

2.2.13 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.2.13

νόμους δʼ ἐσέφερεν, ἐκθεραπεύων τὸ πλῆθος, ἑτέρους καὶ τὰ Πομπηίῳ πεπραγμένα ἅπαντα ἐκύρου, καθάπερ ὑπέσχητο αὐτῷ. οἱ δʼ ἱππέες λεγόμενοι, τὴν μὲν ἀξίωσιν τοῦ δήμου καὶ τῆς βουλῆς ὄντες ἐν μέσῳ, δυνατώτατοι δὲ ἐς ἅπαντα περιουσίας τε οὕνεκα καὶ μισθώσεως τελῶν καὶ φόρων, οὓς ὑπὸ τῶν ἐθνῶν τελουμένους ἐξεμισθοῦντο, καὶ πλήθους βεβαιοτάτων ἐς ταῦτα θεραπόντων, ἐκ πολλοῦ τὴν βουλὴν ᾔτουν ἄφεσίν τινα μέρους τῶν φόρων αὑτοῖς γενέσθαι. καὶ ἀποδιέτριβεν ἡ βουλή. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐς οὐδὲν τότε τῆς βουλῆς δεόμενος, ἀλλὰ μόνῳ τῷ δήμῳ χρώμενος τὰ τρίτα τῶν μισθώσεων αὐτοῖς παρῆκεν. οἱ δέ, ὑπὲρ τὴν σφετέραν ἀξίωσιν ἀδοκήτου τῆς χάριτος αὐτοῖς γενομένης, ἐξεθείαζον αὐτόν, καὶ στῖφος ἄλλο καρτερώτερον τοῦ δήμου τόδε τῷ Καίσαρι προσγεγένητο διʼ ἑνὸς πολιτεύματος. ὁ δὲ καὶ θέας ἐπεδίδου καὶ κυνηγέσια θηρίων ὑπὲρ δύναμιν, δανειζόμενος ἐς ἅπαντα καὶ τὰ πρότερα πάνθʼ ὑπερβάλλων παρασκευῇ καὶ χορηγίᾳ καὶ δόσεσι λαμπραῖς· ἐφʼ οἷς αὐτὸν εἵλοντο Γαλατίας τῆς τε ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων καὶ ὑπὲρ Ἄλπεις ἐπὶ πενταετὲς ἄρχειν καὶ ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔδοσαν τέλη στρατοῦ τέσσαρα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.2.13

As Caesar now had the sole administration of public affairs, he did not make any further inquiry concerning Vettius. He brought forward new laws to win the favor of the multitude, and caused all of Pompey’s acts to be ratified, as he had promised him. The so-called knights, who held the middle place in rank between the Senate and the plebeians, and were extremely powerful in all ways by reason of their wealth, and of the farming of the provincial revenues which they contracted for, and who kept for this purpose multitudes of very trusty servants, had been asking the Senate for a long time to release them from a part of what they owed to the treasury. The Senate was consuming time on this question. As Caesar did not want anything of the Senate then, but was employing the people only, he released the publicans from a third part of their contracts. For this unexpected favor, which was far beyond their deserts, the knights extolled Caesar to the skies. Thus a more powerful body of defenders than that of the plebeians was added to Caesar’s support through one political act. He gave spectacles and combats of wild beasts beyond his means, borrowing money on all sides, and surpassing all former exhibitions in lavish display and splendid gifts, in consequence of which he was appointed governor of both Cisalpine and Transalpine Gaul for five years, with the command of four legions.

2.2.14 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.2.14

ὁ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀποδημίαν οἱ χρόνιον ὁρῶν ἐσομένην καὶ τὸν φθόνον ὡς ἐπὶ μεγίστοις δὴ τοῖς δεδομένοις μείζονα, Πομπηίῳ μὲν ἐζεύγνυ τὴν θυγατέρα, καίπερ ἐνηγγυημένην Καιπίωνι, δεδιώς, μὴ καὶ φίλος ὢν ἐπιφθονήσειε τῷ μεγέθει τῆς εὐδαιμονίας, τοὺς δὲ θρασυτάτους τῶν στασιωτῶν ἐπὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς τοῦ μέλλοντος ἔτους παρῆγε. καὶ ὕπατον μὲν ἀπέφηνεν Αὖλον Γαβίνιον, φίλον ἑαυτοῦ· Λευκίου δὲ Πείσωνος τοῦ σὺν αὐτῷ μέλλοντος ὑπατεύσειν τὴν θυγατέρα Καλπουρνίαν αὐτὸς ἤγετο, βοῶντος Κάτωνος διαμαστροπεύεσθαι γάμοις τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. δημάρχους δὲ ᾑρεῖτο Οὐατίνιόν τε καὶ Κλώδιον τὸν Καλὸν ἐπίκλην, ὅν τινα αἰσχρὰν ἐν ἱερουργίᾳ γυναικῶν ποτε λαβόντα ὑπόνοιαν ἐπὶ Ἰουλίᾳ τῇ Καίσαρος αὐτοῦ γυναικὶ ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ οὐκ ἔκρινεν, ὑπεραρέσκοντα τῷ δήμῳ, καίπερ ἀποπεμψάμενος τῆν γυναῖκα, ἕτεροι δὲ διὰ τὴν ἱερουργίαν ἐς ἀσέβειαν ἐδίωκον, καὶ συνηγόρευε τοῖς διώκουσι Κικέρων. καὶ κληθεὶς ἐς μαρτυρίαν ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐ κατεῖπεν, ἀλλὰ τότε καὶ δήμαρχον ἐς ἐπιβουλὴν τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἀπέφηνε, διαβάλλοντος ἤδη τὴν συμφροσύνην τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐς μοναρχίαν. οὕτω καὶ λύπης ἐκράτουν ὑπὸ χρείας καὶ τὸν ἐχθρὸν εὐηργέτουν ἐς ἄμυναν ἑτέρου. δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ ὁ Κλώδιος ἀμείψασθαι πρότερος τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ συλλαβεῖν ἐς τὴν τῆς Γαλατίας ἀρχήν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.2.14

As Caesar saw that he would be away from home a long time, and believed that envy would be in proportion to benefits conferred, he gave his daughter in marriage to Pompey, although she was betrothed to Caepio, because he feared that even a friend might become envious of his great success. He promoted the boldest of his partisans to the principal offices for the ensuing year. He designated his friend Aulus Gabinius as consul, with Lucius Piso as his colleague, whose daughter, Calpurnia, Caesar married, although Cato cried out that the government was debauched by marriages. For tribunes he chose Vatinius and Clodius Pulcher, although the latter had been suspected of an amour with the wife of Caesar himself during a religious ceremony of women, but whom Caesar did not bring to trial because Clodius was very popular with the masses; but he divorced his wife. Others prosecuted Clodius for impiety at the sacred rites, and Cicero made the argument for the prosecution. When Caesar was called as a witness he refused to testify against Clodius, but even raised him to the tribuneship as a foil to Cicero who was already decrying the triumvirate as tending toward monarchy. Thus Caesar turned a private grievance to useful account and benefited one enemy in order to revenge himself on another. It appears, however, that Clodius had previously requited Caesar by helping him to secure the governorship of Gaul.

Edition note

See vol. i. p. 47.

2.3.15 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.3.15

τοσάδε μὲν δὴ Καῖσαρ ὑπατεύων ἔπραξε καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποθέμενος ἐπὶ τὴν ἑτέραν εὐθὺς ἐξῄει· Κικέρωνα δὲ γράφεται Κλώδιος παρανόμων, ὅτι πρὸ δικαστηρίου τοὺς ἀμφὶ Λέντλον καὶ Κέθηγον ἀνέλοι. ὁ δʼ ἐς τὸ ἔργον ἐκεῖνο γενναιοτάτῳ λήματι κεχρημένος ἀσθενέστατος ἐς τὴν δίκην ἐγίγνετο, καὶ ταπεινὴν ἐσθῆτα ἐπικείμενος γέμων τε αὐχμοῦ καὶ ῥύπου προσέπιπτεν οἷς ἐντύχοι κατὰ τοὺς στενωπούς, οὐδὲ τοῖς ἀγνῶσιν ἐνοχλεῖν αἰδούμενος, ὥστε αὐτῷ τὸ ἔργον διὰ τὴν ἀπρέπειαν ἀπὸ οἴκτου μεταπίπτειν ἐς γέλωτα. ἐς τοσοῦτο δειλίας περὶ μίαν οἰκείαν δίκην κατέπεσεν, ὃς τὸν ὅλον βίον ἐν ἀλλοτρίαις ἐξήταστο λαμπρῶς, οἷόν τι καὶ Δημοσθένη φασὶ τὸν Ἀθηναῖον οὐδʼ ὑποστῆναι τὴν ἑαυτοῦ δίκην, ἀλλὰ πρὸ τοῦ ἀγῶνος φυγεῖν. Κλωδίου δὲ καὶ τὰς παρακλήσεις αὐτῷ σὺν ὕβρει διακόπτοντος ἐν τοῖς στενωποῖς, ἀπέγνω πάνθʼ ὁ Κικέρων καὶ ἔφευγεν ἑκούσιον καὶ ὅδε φυγήν, καὶ φίλων αὐτῷ πλῆθος συνεξῄει, καὶ ἡ βουλὴ συνίστη τὸν ἄνδρα πόλεσι τε καὶ βασιλεῦσι καὶ δυνάσταις. Κλώδιος δʼ αὐτῷ τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ τὰς ἐπαύλεις ἐπικατέσκαπτεν ἐπαιρόμενός τε καὶ τῷδε ἀντιπαρεβάλλετο ἤδη καὶ Πομπηίῳ τὸ μέγιστον ἐν τῇ πόλει κράτος ἔχοντι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.3.15

Such were the acts of Caesar’s consulship. He then laid down his magistracy and proceeded directly to his new government. Clodius now brought an accusation against Cicero for putting Lentulus and Cethegus and their followers to death without trial. Cicero, who had exhibited the highest courage in that transaction, became utterly unnerved at his trial. He put on coarse raiment and, defiled with squalor and dirt, supplicated those whom he met in the streets, not being ashamed to annoy people who knew nothing about the business, so that his doings excited laughter rather than pity by reason of his unseemly aspect. Into such trepidation did he fall at this single trial of his own, although he had been managing other people’s causes successfully all his life. In like manner they say that Demosthenes the Athenian did not stand his ground when accused, but fled before the trial. When Clodius interrupted Cicero’s supplications on the streets with contumely, he gave way to despair and, like Demosthenes, went into voluntary exile. A multitude of his friends went out of the city with him, and the Senate recommended him to the attention of cities, kings, and princes. Clodius demolished his house and his villas. Clodius was so much elated by this affair that he compared himself with Pompey, who was then the most powerful man in Rome.

Edition note

B.C. 58

Edition note

The question whether Cicero was justified under Roman law in putting the conspirators to death without a trial has been the subject of endless controversy. It is treated with great force and clearness by Mr. Strachan-Davidson in his Life of Cicero (p. 151 seq.), who holds that he was so justified.

2.3.16 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.3.16

ὁ δὲ Μίλωνα, τὸν σὺν τῷ Κλωδίῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν παραδεδεγμένον, θρασύτερον ὄντα τοῦ Κλωδίου, ἐς ὑπατείαν ἐπήλπιζε καὶ ἤλειφεν ἐπὶ τὸν Κλώδιον καὶ ψηφίσασθαι τῷ Κικέρωνι κάθοδον ἐκέλευεν, ἐλπίσας τὸν Κικέρωνα ἐλθόντα περὶ μὲν τῆς παρούσης πολιτείας οὐκέτι φθέγξεσθαι μεμνημένον, οἷα ἔπαθε, δίκας δὲ καὶ πράγματα ἐποίσειν τῷ Κλωδίῳ. Κικέρων μὲν δὴ διὰ Πομπήιον ἐκπεσὼν διὰ Πομπήιον κατῄει, ἑκκαιδεκάτῳ μάλιστα μηνὶ τῆς ἐξελάσεως· καὶ αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ τὰς ἐπαύλεις ἀνίστη τέλεσι κοινοῖς. λαμπρῶς δʼ αὐτὸν περὶ τὰς πύλας ὑποδεχομένων πάντων, φασὶ περὶ τὰς δεξιώσεις τὴν ἡμέραν ὅλην, οἷόν τι καὶ Δημοσθένει συνέβη κατιόντι, ἀναλῶσαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.3.16

Accordingly, Pompey held out to Milo, who was Clodius’ colleague in office and a bolder spirit than himself, the hope of the consulship, and incited him against Clodius, and directed him to procure a vote for the recall of Cicero. He hoped that when Cicero should come back he would no longer speak against the existing status (the triumvirate), remembering what he had suffered, but would make trouble for Clodius and bring punishment upon him. Thus Cicero, who had been exiled by means of Pompey, was recalled by means of Pompey about sixteen months after his banishment, and the Senate rebuilt his house and his villas at the public expense. He was received magnificently at the city gates. It is said that a whole day was consumed by the greetings extended to him, as was the case with Demosthenes when he returned.

Edition note

Y.R. 697

Edition note

B.C. 57

Edition note

Y.R. 698

2.3.17 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.3.17

ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἔν τε Κελτοῖς καὶ Βρεττανοῖς πολλὰ καὶ λαμπρὰ εἰργασμένος, ὅσα μοι περὶ Κελτῶν λέγοντι εἴρηται, πλούτου γέμων ἐς τὴν ὅμορον τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ Γαλατίαν, τὴν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἠριδανὸν ποταμόν, ἧκεν, ἐκ συνεχοῦς πολέμου τὸν στρατὸν ἀναπαύσων ἐπʼ ὀλίγον. ὅθεν αὐτῷ περιπέμποντι ἐς Ῥώμην πολλὰ πολλοῖς χρήματα αἵ τε ἐτήσιοι ἀρχαὶ παρὰ μέρος ἀπήντων καὶ οἱ ἄλλως ἐπιφανεῖς ὅσοι τε ἐς ἡγεμονίας ἐθνῶν ἢ στρατοπέδων ἐξῄεσαν, ὡς ἑκατὸν μέν ποτε καὶ εἴκοσι ῥάβδους ἀμφʼ αὐτὸν γενέσθαι, βουλευτὰς δὲ πλείους διακοσίων, τοὺς μὲν ἀμειβομένους ὑπὲρ τῶν ἤδη γεγονότων, τοὺς δὲ χρηματιουμένους, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλο τι τοιουτότροπον αὑτοῖς ἐξεργασομένους. πάντα γὰρ ἤδη διὰ τούτου ἐπράσσετο στρατιᾶς τε πολλῆς οὕνεκα καὶ δυνάμεως χρημάτων καὶ σπουδῆς ἐς ἅπαντας φιλανθρώπου. ἀφίκοντο δʼ αὐτῷ καὶ Πομπήιος καὶ Κράσσος, οἱ κοινωνοὶ τῆς δυναστείας. καὶ αὐτοῖς βουλευομένοις ἔδοξε Πομπήιον μὲν καὶ Κράσσον αὖθις ὑπατεῦσαι, Καίσαρι δʼ ἐς τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ὧν εἶχεν ἐθνῶν, ἄλλην ἐπιψηφισθῆναι πενταετίαν. ὧδε μὲν ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων διεκρίθησαν, Πομπηίῳ δʼ ἐς τὴν ὑπατείαν ἀντιπαρήγγελλε Δομίτιος Αἰνόβαρβος· καὶ τῆς κυρίας ἡμέρας ἄμφω κατῄεσαν ἔτι νυκτὸς ἐς τὸ πεδίον ἐς τὴν χειροτονίαν. τῶν δʼ ἀμφʼ αὐτοὺς ἔριδες ἦσαν καὶ συνεπλέκοντο, μέχρι τις τὸν Δομιτίου δᾳδοῦχον ἐπάταξε ξίφει. καὶ φυγὴ μετὰ τοῦτο ἦν, Δομίτιός τε αὐτὸς ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν διεσῴζετο μόλις, καὶ Πομπηίου τὴν ἐσθῆτά τινες ᾑμαγμένην ἔφερον οἴκαδε. παρὰ τοσοῦτον ἑκάτερος ἦλθε κινδύνου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.3.17

In the meantime Caesar, who had performed the many brilliant exploits in Gaul and Britain which have been described in my Celtic history, had returned with vast riches to Cisalpine Gaul on the river Po to give his army a short respite from continuous fighting. From this place he sent large sums of money to many persons in Rome, to those who were holding the yearly offices and to persons otherwise distinguished as governors and generals, and they went thither by turns to meet him. So many of them came that 120 lictors could be seen around him at one time, and more than 200 senators, some returning thanks for what they had already received, others asking for money or seeking some other advantage for themselves from the same quarter. All things were now possible to Caesar by reason of his large army, his great riches, and his readiness to oblige everybody. Pompey and Crassus, his partners in the triumvirate, came also. In their conference it was decided that Pompey and Crassus should be elected consuls again and that Caesar’s governorship over his provinces should be extended for five years more. Thereupon they separated and Domitius Ahenobarbus offered himself as a candidate for the consulship against Pompey. When the appointed day came, both went down to the Campus Martius before daylight to attend the comitia. Their followers got into an altercation and came to blows, and finally somebody assaulted the torchbearer of Domitius with a sword. There was a scattering straightway, and Domitius escaped with difficulty to his own house. Even Pompey’s clothing was carried home stained with blood, so great was the danger incurred by both candidates.

Edition note

B.C. 56

Edition note

Plutarch (Life of Caesar, 21) says that this conference took place at Lucca. He mentions the same number of lictors and of senators in attendance as those in the text.

Edition note

Y.R. 699

2.3.18 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.3.18

αἱρεθέντες δʼ οὖν ὕπατοι Κράσσος τε καὶ Πομπήιος Καίσαρι μέν, ὥσπερ ὑπέστησαν, τὴν ἑτέραν πενταετίαν προσεψηφίσαντο, τὰ δὲ ἔθνη διακληρούμενοι καὶ στρατιὰν ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς, ὁ μὲν Πομπήιος εἵλετο Ἰβηρίαν τε καὶ Λιβύην καὶ ἐς τάσδε τοὺς φίλους περιπέμπων αὐτὸς ὑπέμεινεν ἐν Ῥώμῃ, ὁ δὲ Κράσσος Συρίαν τε καὶ τὰ Συρίας πλησίον ἐπιθυμίᾳ πολέμου πρὸς Παρθυαίους ὡς εὐχεροῦς δὴ καὶ ἐνδόξου καὶ ἐπικερδοῦς. ἀλλὰ τῷδε μὲν ἐξιόντι τῆς πόλεως πολλά τε ἄλλα ἀπαίσια ἐγίγνετο, καὶ οἱ δήμαρχοι προηγόρευον μὴ πολεμεῖν Παρθυαίοις οὐδὲν ἀδικοῦσιν, οὐ πειθομένῳ δὲ δημοσίας ἀρὰς ἐπηρῶντο, ὧν ὁ Κράσσος οὐ φροντίσας ἀπώλετο ἐν τῇ Παρθυηνῇ σύν τε παιδὶ ὁμωνύμῳ καὶ αὐτῷ στρατῷ· μύριοι γὰρ οὐδʼ ἐντελεῖς ἐκ δέκα μυριάδων ἐς Συρίαν διέφυγον. ἀλλὰ τὴν μὲν Κράσσου συμφορὰν ἡ Παρθικὴ δηλώσει γραφή, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ λιμῷ πιεζόμενοι Πομπήιον εἵλοντο τῆς ἀγορᾶς αὐτοκράτορα εἶναι καί οἱ καθάπερ ἐπὶ τῶν λῃστηρίων εἴκοσιν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ὑπηρέτας ἔδωκαν. ὁ δὲ αὐτοὺς ὁμοίως ἐς τὰ ἔθνη διαθεὶς ἐπέτρεχε καὶ τὴν Ῥώμην αὐτίκα ἐνέπλησεν ἀγορᾶς δαψιλοῦς, ὅθεν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐς μέγα δόξης ἐπῆρτο καὶ δυνάμεως.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.3.18

Accordingly, Pompey and Crassus were chosen consuls and Caesar’s governorship was extended for five years according to the agreement. The provinces were allotted with an army to each consul in the following manner: Pompey chose Spain and Africa, but sent friends to take charge of them, he himself remaining in Rome. Crassus took Syria and the adjacent country because he wanted a war with the Parthians, which he thought would be easy as well as glorious and gainful. But when he took his departure from the city there were many unfavorable omens, and the tribunes forbade the war against the Parthians, who had done no wrong to the Romans. As he would not obey, they invoked public imprecations on him, which Crassus disregarded; wherefore he perished in Parthia, together with his son of the same name, and his army, not quite 10,000 of whom, out of 100,000, escaped to Syria. The disaster to Crassus will be described in my Parthian history. As the Romans were suffering from scarcity, they appointed Pompey the sole manager of the grain supply and gave him, as in his operations against the pirates, twenty assistants from the Senate. These he distributed in like manner among the provinces while he superintended the whole, and thus Rome was very soon provided with abundant supplies, by which means Pompey again gained great reputation and power.

Edition note

B.C. 55

Edition note

Y.R. 700

2.3.19 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.3.19

τοῦ δʼ αὐτοῦ χρόνου καὶ ἡ Καίσαρος θυγάτηρ κύουσα τῷ Πομπηίῳ θνῄσκει. καὶ δέος ἅπασιν ἐνέπιπτεν ἀνῃρημένης τῆς ἐπιγαμίας, ὡς αὐτίκα μεγάλοις στρατοῖς Καίσαρός τε καὶ Πομπηίου διοισομένων ἐς ἀλλήλους, ἀσυντάκτου μάλιστα καὶ χαλεπῆς ἐκ πολλοῦ γεγενημένης τῆς πολιτείας· αἵ τε γὰρ ἀρχαὶ κατὰ στάσιν ἢ δωροδοκίαν σπουδῇ τε ἀδίκῳ καὶ λίθοις ἢ ξίφεσι καθίσταντο, καὶ τὸ δεκάζειν ἢ δωροδοκεῖν ἀναισχύντως τότε μάλιστα ἐπλεόνασεν, ὅ τε δῆμος αὐτὸς ἔμμισθος ἐπὶ τὰς χειροτονίας ᾔει. ὤφθη δέ που καὶ μεσεγγύημα ταλάντων ὀκτακοσίων ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐπωνύμου γενόμενον ἀρχῆς. οἵ τε ἀνὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον ὕπατοι στρατεύειν μέν που καὶ πολεμεῖν ἀπεγίνωσκον, διακλειόμενοι τῇ δυναστείᾳ τῶνδε τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν· ὅσοι δʼ ἦσαν αὐτῶν ἀτοπώτεροι, κέρδος ἀντὶ τῶν στρατειῶν ἐτίθεντο τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὰς τῶν ἰδίων διαδόχων χειροτονίας. οἱ δʼ ἀγαθοὶ διὰ ταῦτα καὶ πάμπαν ἐξέλιπον τὸ ἄρχειν, ὥστε ποτὲ καὶ μῆνας ὀκτὼ τὴν πόλιν ἄναρχον ἐκ τῆς τοιᾶσδε ἀσυνταξίας γενέσθαι, Πομπηίου πάνθʼ ὑπερορῶντος ἐπίτηδες, ἵνα ἐν χρεία γένοιντο δικτάτορος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.3.19

About this time the daughter of Caesar, who was married to Pompey, died in childbirth, and fear fell upon all lest, with the termination of this marriage connection, Caesar and Pompey with their great armies should come into conflict with each other, especially as the commonwealth had been for a long time disorderly and unmanageable. The magistrates were chosen by means of money, and faction fights, with dishonest zeal, with the aid of stones and even swords. Bribery and corruption prevailed in the most scandalous manner. The people themselves went to the elections to be bought. A case was found where a deposit of 800 talents had been made to obtain the consulship. The consuls holding office yearly could not hope to lead armies or to command in war because they were shut out by the power of the triumvirate. The baser ones strove for gain, instead of military commands, at the expense of the public treasury or from the election of their own successors. For these reasons good men abstained from office altogether. The disorder was such that at one time the republic was without consuls for eight months, Pompey conniving at the state of affairs in order that there might be need of a dictator.

Edition note

B.C. 54

Edition note

Y.R. 701

2.3.20 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.3.20

καὶ πολλοὶ τοῦτο ἐς ἀλλήλους διελάλουν, ὅτι μόνον ἂν γένοιτο φάρμακον ἐπὶ τοῖς παροῦσι κακοῖς ἡ μόναρχος ἐξουσία, χρῆναι δʼ ἑλέσθαι δυνατὸν ὁμοῦ καὶ ἤπιον, ἐνσημαινόμενοι τὸν Πομπήιον, στρατιᾶς τε ἄρχοντα ἱκανῆς καὶ φιλόδημον εἶναι δοκοῦντα καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ἄγοντα διὰ τιμῆς, καὶ τὸν βίον ἐγκρατῆ καὶ σώφρονα, περί τε τὰς ἐντεύξεις εὐπρόσιτον ἢ ὄντα ἢ νομιζόμενον εἶναι. ὁ δὲ τὴν προσδοκίαν τήνδε λόγῳ μὲν ἐδυσχέραινεν, ἔργῳ δʼ ἐς αὐτὴν πάντα ἔπραττεν ἀφανῶς καὶ τὴν ἀσυνταξίαν τῆς πολιτείας καὶ ἀναρχίαν ἐπὶ τῇ ἀσυνταξίᾳ ἑκὼν ὑπερεώρα. Μίλωνός τε τὰ ἐς Κλώδιον ὑπηρετήσαντος αὐτῷ καὶ ἀρεσκομένου τῷ δήμῳ διὰ τὴν Κικέρωνος κάθοδον, ὑπατείαν ὡς ἐν καιρῷ παρὰ τήνδε τὴν ἀναρχίαν μετιόντος ἀποδιέτριβε τὰς χειροτονίας, μέχρι βαρυθυμῶν ὁ Μίλων, ὡς καὶ περὶ αὑτὸν ἀπίστου γιγνομένου τοῦ Πομπηίου, ἐς τὴν πατρίδα Λανούβιον ἐξῄει, ἣν Διομήδη φασὶν ἀλώμενον ἐξ Ἰλίου πρώτην ἐν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ πόλιν οἰκίσαι, καὶ εἰσὶν ἀπὸ Ῥώμης ἐς αὐτὴν στάδιοι πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.3.20

Many citizens began to talk to each other about this, saying that the only remedy for existing evils was the one-man power, but that there was need of a man who combined strength of character and mildness of temper, thereby indicating Pompey, who had a sufficient army under his command and who appeared to be both a friend of the people and a leader of the Senate by virtue of his rank, a man of temperance and self-control and easy of access, or at all events so considered. This expectation of a dictatorship Pompey discountenanced in words, but in fact he did everything secretly to promote it, and willingly overlooked the prevailing disorder and the interregnum consequent upon it. Milo, who had assisted him in his controversy with Clodius, and had acquired great popularity by the recall of Cicero, now sought the consulship, as he considered it a favorable time in view of the present interregnum; but Pompey kept postponing the comitia until Milo became disgusted, believing that Pompey was false to him, and withdrew to his native town of Lanuvium, which they say was the first city founded in Italy by Diomedes on his return from Troy, and which is situated about 150 stades from Rome.

Edition note

B.C. 53

Edition note

Y.R. 702

Edition note

B.C. 52

2.3.21 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.3.21

Κλωδίου δʼ ἐξ ἰδίων χωρίων ἐπανιόντος ἐπὶ ἵππου καὶ περὶ Βοΐλλας ἀπαντήσαντος αὐτῷ, οἱ μὲν κατὰ τὴν ἔχθραν ὑπείδοντο μόνον ἀλλήλους καὶ παρώδευσαν, θεράπων δὲ τοῦ Μίλωνος ἐπιδραμὼν τῷ Κλωδίῳ, εἴτε κεκελευσμένος εἴθʼ ὡς ἐχθρὸν δεσπότου κτείνων, ἐπάταξεν ἐς τὸ μετάφρενον ξιφιδίῳ. καὶ τὸν μὲν αἵματι ῥεόμενον ἐς τὸ πλησίον πανδοκεῖον ὁ ἱπποκόμος ἐσέφερεν, ὁ δὲ Μίλων μετὰ τῶν θεραπόντων ἐπιστὰς ἔτι ἔμπνουν ἢ καὶ νεκρὸν ἐπανεῖλεν, ὑποκρινόμενος μὲν οὐ βουλεῦσαι τὸν φόνον οὐδὲ προστάξαι· ὡς δὲ κινδυνεύσων ἐξ ἅπαντος, ἠξίου τὸ ἔργον οὐκ ἀτελὲς καταλιπεῖν. περιαγγελθέντος δʼ ἐς Ῥώμην τοῦ πάθους ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἐκπλαγεὶς ἐν ἀγορᾷ διενυκτέρευε, καὶ τὸ σῶμά τινες τοῦ Κλωδίου μεθʼ ἡμέραν προύθεσαν ἐπὶ τῶν ἐμβόλων· ἁρπάσαντες δʼ αὐτὸ τῶν τε δημάρχων ἔνιοι καὶ οἱ φίλοι τοῦ Κλωδίου καὶ πλῆθος ἄλλο σὺν ἐκείνοις, ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐκόμισαν, εἴτε ἐπὶ τιμῇ, βουλευτικοῦ γένους ὄντα, εἴτε ἐς ὄνειδος τῆς βουλῆς τοιάδε περιορώσης. καὶ τῶν παρόντων οἱ προπετέστεροι τὰ βάθρα καὶ τοὺς θρόνους τῶν βουλευτῶν συμφορήσαντες ἧψαν αὐτῷ πυράν, ὑφʼ ἧς τό τε βουλευτήριον καὶ πολλαὶ τῶν πλησίον οἰκίαι τῷ Κλωδίῳ συγκατεφλέγησαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.3.21

Clodius happened to be coming from his own country-seat on horseback and he met Milo at Bovillae. They merely exchanged hostile scowls and passed along; but one of Milo’s servants attacked Clodius, either because he was ordered to do so or because he wanted to kill his master’s enemy, and stabbed him through the back with a dagger. Clodius’ groom carried him bleeding into a neighboring inn. Milo followed with his servants and finished him, — whether he was still alive, or already dead, is not known, — for, although he claimed that he had neither advised nor ordered the killing, he was not willing to leave the deed unfinished because he knew that he would be accused in any event. When the news of this affair was circulated in Rome, the people were thunderstruck, and they passed the night in the forum. When daylight came, the corpse of Clodius was displayed on the rostra. Some of the tribunes and the friends of Clodius and a great crowd with them seized it and carried it to the senate-house, either to confer honor upon it, as he was of senatorial birth, or as an act of contumely to the Senate for conniving at such deeds. There the more reckless ones collected the benches and chairs of the senators and made a funeral pile for him, which they lighted and from which the senate-house and many buildings in the neighborhood caught fire and were consumed with the corpse of Clodius.

2.3.22 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.3.22

Μίλωνι δὲ θράσος τοσόνδε περιῆν, ὡς οὐ δεδιέναι περὶ τῷ φόνῳ μᾶλλον ἢ ἀγανακτεῖν ἐπὶ τῇ Κλωδίου περὶ τὴν ταφὴν τιμῇ. θεραπόντων οὖν καὶ ἀνδρῶν ἀγροίκων πλῆθος ἀθροίσας καὶ ἐς τὸν δῆμον περιπέμψας χρήματα τῶν τε δημάρχων Μᾶρκον Καίλιον πριάμενος ἐς τὴν πόλιν κατῄει θρασύτατα. καὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Καίλιος εὐθὺς ἐσιόντα εἷλκεν ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐπὶ τοὺς παρʼ αὐτοῦ δεδωροδοκηκότας ὥσπερ ἐπʼ ἐκκλησίαν, ὑποκρινόμενος μὲν ἀγανακτεῖν καὶ οὐ διδόναι τῆς δίκης ἀναβολήν, ἐλπίζων δέ, εἰ αὐτὸν οἱ παρόντες μεθεῖεν, ἐκλύσειν τὴν δίκην τὴν ἀληθεστέραν. καὶ Μίλων μὲν οὐ βουλεῦσαι τὸ ἔργον εἰπών ʽοὐ γὰρ ἂν μετὰ σκευῆς καὶ γυναικὸς ἐπὶ ταῦτα ὁρμῆσαἰ, τὸν λοιπὸν λόγον κατὰ τοῦ Κλωδίου διετίθετο ὡς θρασυτάτου δὴ καὶ φίλου θρασυτάτων, οἳ καὶ τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐπικατέπρησαν αὐτῷ ἔτι δʼ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος οἵ τε λοιποὶ δήμαρχοι καὶ τοῦ δήμου τὸ ἀδιάφθορον ὁπλισάμενοι ἐνέβαλον ἐς τὴν ἀγοράν. Καίλιος μὲν δὴ καὶ Μίλων δούλων ἐσθῆτας ὑποδύντες ἀπέδρασαν, πολὺς δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἐγίγνετο φόνος, οὐ τοὺς Μίλωνος ἔτι φίλους ἐρευνώντων, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἐντυγχάνοντα ἀναιρούντων, ἀστὸν ὁμοῦ καὶ ξένον καὶ μάλιστα ὅσοι ταῖς ἐσθῆσιν ἢ σφραγῖσιν ἀπὸ χρυσοῦ διέφερον. ὡς γὰρ ἐν ἀσυντάκτῳ πολιτείᾳ σὺν ὀργῇ καὶ προφάσει τοῦδε τοῦ θορύβου προσπεσόντος θεράποντές τε ὄντες οἵ πλείους καὶ ὡπλισμένοι κατὰ ἀνόπλων ἐς ἁρπαγὰς ἐτράποντο· ἔργον τε οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἀπῆν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπʼ οἰκίας ἐφέροντο καὶ περιιόντες ἠρεύνων ἔργῳ μὲν τὰ εὔληπτα σφίσιν ἅπαντα, λόγῳ δὲ τοὺς φίλους τοῦ Μίλωνος· πρόφασίς τε ἦν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας καὶ πυρὸς καὶ λίθων καὶ παντὸς ἔργου Μίλων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.3.22

Such was the hardihood of Milo that he was moved less by fear of punishment for the murder than by indignation at the honor bestowed upon Clodius at his funeral. He collected a crowd of slaves and rustics, and, after sending some money to be distributed among the people and buying Marcus Caelius, one of the tribunes, he came back to the city with the greatest boldness. Directly he entered, Caelius dragged him to the forum to be tried by those whom he had bribed, as though by an assembly of the people, pretending to be very indignant and not willing to grant any delay, but hoping that if those present should acquit him he would escape a more regular trial. Milo said that the deed was not premeditated, since one would not set out with such intentions encumbered with his luggage and his wife. The remainder of his speech was directed against Clodius as a desperado and a friend of desperadoes, who had set fire to the senate-house and burned it to ashes with his body. While he was still speaking the other tribunes, with the unbribed portion of the people, burst into the forum armed. Caelius and Milo escaped disguised as slaves, but there was a heavy slaughter of the others. Search was not made for the friends of Milo, but all who were met with, whether citizens or strangers, were killed, and especially those who wore fine clothes and gold rings. As the government was without order these ruffians, who were for the most part slaves and were armed men against unarmed, indulged their rage and, making an excuse of the tumult that had broken out, they turned to pillage. They abstained from no crime, but broke into houses, looking for any kind of portable property, but pretending to be searching for the friends of Milo. For several days Milo was their excuse for burning, stoning, and every sort of outrage.

2.3.23 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.3.23

ἡ βουλὴ δὲ συνῄει μετὰ δέους καὶ ἐς τὸν Πομπήιον ἀφεώρων ὡς αὐτίκα σφῶν ἐσόμενον δικτάτορα· χρῄζειν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐφαίνετο τὰ παρόντα τοιᾶσδε θεραπείας. Κάτωνος δʼ αὐτοὺς μεταδιδάξαντος ὕπατον εἵλοντο χωρὶς συνάρχου ὡς ἂν ἔχοι τὴν μὲν ἐξουσίαν δικτάτορος, ἄρχων μόνος, τὴν δʼ εὔθυναν ὑπάτου. καὶ πρῶτος ὑπάτων ὅδε ἔθνη τε δύο μέγιστα καὶ στρατιὰν ἔχων καὶ χρήματα καὶ τὴν τῆς πόλεως μοναρχίαν διὰ τὸ μόνος ὕπατος εἶναι Κάτωνα μὲν ἐψηφίσατο, ἵνα μὴ παρὼν ἐνοχλοίη, Κύπρον ἀφελέσθαι Πτολεμαίου βασιλέως, νενομοθετημένον ἤδη τοῦτο ὑπὸ Κλωδίου, ὅτι οἵ ποτε ἁλόντι ὑπὸ λῃστῶν ὁ Πτολεμαῖος ἐς λύτρα ὑπὸ σμικρολογίας δύο τάλαντα ἐπεπόμφει. Κάτων μὲν δὴ καθίστατο Κύπρον Πτολεμαίου τὰ χρήματα ῥίψαντος ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ ἑαυτὸν ἐξαγαγόντος, ἐπεὶ τῶν ἐψηφισμένων ἐπύθετο· ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος δίκας προυτίθει τῶν τε ἄλλων ἁμαρτημάτων καὶ μάλιστα δωροδοκίας καὶ δεκασμοῦ ʽἐδόκει γὰρ ἐντεῦθεν αὐτῷ νοσεῖν τὰ κοινὰ ἀρξάμενα ἐν τούτῳ καὶ τὴν ἴασιν ἕξειν ταχεῖαν̓, νόμῳ τε ὥριζεν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ τὸ πρῶτον ὑπατείας ἐς τὸ παρὸν εὐθύνειν τὸν ἐθέλοντα. καὶ ἦν ὁ χρόνος ὀλίγῳ μείων ἐτῶν εἴκοσιν, ἐν ᾧ καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ γεγένητο ὕπατος. τῶν οὖν φίλων τοῦ Καίσαρος ὑπονοούντων ἐς ὕβριν ἢ ἐς ἐπήρειαν αὐτὸν τοῦ Καίσαρος ὧδε πολὺ τοῦ χρόνου προλαβεῖν καὶ παραινούντων τὸ παρὸν διορθοῦσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ τὸ παρελθὸν ἐνοχλεῖν ἐπʼ ἀνδράσι τοσοῖσδε ἀξιολόγοις, ἐπονομαζόντων δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα, ὁ Πομπήιος ἀμφὶ μὲν τοῦ Καίσαρος ἠγανάκτει, ὡς ἀμείνονος ὄντος ὑποψίας, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ δευτέραν ὑπατείαν τῷ χρόνῳ περιλαμβάνεσθαι, πολὺ δὲ ἀναλαβεῖν ἔλεγεν ἐς ἀκριβῆ διόρθωσιν ἐπιτετριμμένης ἐκ πολλοῦ τῆς πολιτείας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.3.23

The Senate assembled in consternation and looked to Pompey, intending to make him dictator at once, for they considered this necessary as a cure for the present evils; but at the suggestion of Cato they appointed him consul without a colleague, so that by ruling alone he might have the power of a dictator with the responsibility of a consul. He was the first of consuls who had two of the greatest provinces, and an army, and the public money, and the one-man power in the city, by virtue of being sole consul. In order that Cato might not cause obstruction by his presence, it was decreed that he should go to Cyprus and take the island away from King Ptolemy—a law to that effect having been enacted by Clodius because once, when he was captured by pirates, the avaricious Ptolemy contributed only two talents for his ransom. When Ptolemy heard of the decree he threw his money into the sea and killed himself, and Cato settled the government of Cyprus. Pompey proposed the prosecution of offenders and especially of those guilty of bribery and corruption. He thought that the seat of the public disorder was there, and that by beginning there he should effect a speedy cure. He brought forward a law, that any citizen who chose to do so might call for an accounting from anybody who had held office from the time of his own first consulship to the present. This embraced a period of a little less than twenty years, during which Caesar also had been consul; wherefore Caesar’s friends suspected that he included so long a time in order to cast reproach and contumely on Caesar, and urged him to straighten out the present crookedness rather than stir up the past to the annoyance of so many distinguished men, among whom they named Caesar. Pompey pretended to be indignant at the mention of Caesar’s name, as though he were above suspicion, and said that his own second consulship was embraced in the period, and that he had reached back a considerable time in order to effect a complete cure of the evils from which the republic had been so long wasting away.

2.4.24 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.4.24

τοιαῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν ἐκύρου τὸν νόμον, καὶ πλῆθος ἦν αὐτίκα δικῶν ποικίλων. ἵνα τε μὴ δείσειαν οἱ δικασταί, αὐτὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπώπτευε στρατιὰν περιστησάμενος. καὶ πρῶτοι μὲν ἀπόντες ἑάλωσαν Μίλων τε ἐπὶ τῷ Κλωδίου φόνῳ καὶ Γαβίνιος παρανομίας ὁμοῦ καὶ ἀσεβείας, ὅτι χωρὶς ψηφίσματος ἐς Αἴγυπτον μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐσέβαλεν ἀπαγορευόντων τῶν Σιβυλλείων, Ὑψαῖος δὲ καὶ Μέμμιος καὶ Σέξστος καὶ ἕτεροι πλείονες ἐπὶ δωροδοκίαις ἢ πλήθους δεκασμῷ. Σκαῦρον δὲ τοῦ πλήθους παραιτουμένου ἐκήρυξεν ὁ Πομπήιος ὑπακοῦσαι τῇ δίκῃ· καὶ πάλιν τοῦ δήμου τοὺς κατηγόρους ἐνοχλοῦντος, σφαγή τις ἐκ τῶν Πομπηίου στρατιωτῶν ἐπιδραμόντων ἐγένετο, καὶ ὁ μὲν δῆμος κατεσιώπησεν, ὁ δὲ Σκαῦρος ἑάλω. καὶ πάντων φυγὴ κατέγνωστο, Γαβινίου δὲ καὶ δήμευσις ἦν ἐπὶ τῇ φυγῇ. καὶ τάδε ἡ βουλὴ λαμπρῶς ἐπαινοῦσα δύο τε ἄλλα τέλη καὶ χρόνον ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν τῶν ἐθνῶν ἕτερον τῷ Πομπηίῳ προσεψηφίσαντο. Μέμμιος δὲ ἁλοὺς ἐπὶ δεκασμῷ, τοῦ νόμου τοῦ Πομπηίου διδόντος αὐτῷ φήναντι ἕτερον ἀφεῖσθαι τῆς καταδίκης, τὸν πενθερὸν τοῦ Πομπηίου Λεύκιον Σκιπίωνα προεκαλέσατο ἐς ὁμοίαν δεκασμοῦ δίκην. καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε τοῦ Πομπηίου τὴν τῶν κρινομένων ἐσθῆτα μεταλαβόντος πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν δικαστῶν μετελάμβανον. ὀλοφυράμενος οὖν ὁ Μέμμιος τὴν πολιτείαν διέλυσε τὴν δίκην.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.4.24

After making this answer he passed his law, and straightway there ensued a great number and variety of prosecutions. In order that the jurors might act without fear Pompey stationed soldiers around them and superintended them in person. The first ones convicted were absentees: Milo for the murder of Clodius; Gabinius both for violation of law and for impiety, because he had invaded Egypt without a decree of the Senate and contrary to the Sibylline books; Hypsaeus, Memmius, Sextius, and many others for bribery and for corrupting the populace. The people interceded for Scaurus, but Pompey made proclamation that they should wait for the decision of the court. When the crowd again interrupted the accusers, Pompey’s soldiers made a charge and killed several. Then the people held their tongues and Scaurus was convicted. All of them were banished. Gabinius was fined in addition. The Senate praised Pompey highly for these proceedings, voted him two more legions, and extended the term of his provincial government. As Pompey’s law offered impunity to any one who should turn state’s evidence, Memmius, who had been convicted of bribery, called Lucius Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompey himself, to trial for like participation in bribery. Thereupon Pompey put on mourning and many of the jurors did the same. Memmius took pity on the republic and withdrew the accusation.

2.4.25 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.4.25

καὶ ὁ Πομπήιος ὡς ἤδη τὰ χρῄζοντα τῆς μοναρχίας διωρθωμένος τὸν Σκιπίωνα σύναρχον ἐς τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ ἔτους ἐποιεῖτο. καὶ μετὰ τοῦθʼ ἑτέρων ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν καθισταμένων οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐφεώρα καὶ ἐδυνάστευε, καὶ πάντʼ ἦν ἐν Ῥώμῃ τότε Πομπήιος· ἡ γὰρ εὔνοια τῆς βουλῆς μάλιστα ἐς αὐτὸν ἐποίει, ζήλῳ τε τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐς οὐδὲν αὐτῇ παρὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ὑπατείαν κεχρημένου καὶ ὅτι νοσοῦσαν ὁ Πομπήιος τὴν πολιτείαν ὀξέως ἀναλάβοι καὶ οὐδενὶ σφῶν παρὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν φορτικὸς ἢ ἐπαχθὴς γένοιτο. τῶν δὲ φυγάδων ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα ἰόντων ἀθρόων καὶ παραινούντων φυλάσσεσθαι τὸν Πομπήιον ὡς τὸν νόμον τοῦ δεκασμοῦ μάλιστα θέμενον ἐπʼ ἐκείνῳ, τούσδε μὲν ὁ Καῖσαρ παρηγόρει καὶ τὸν Πομπήιον εὐφήμει, τοὺς δὲ δημάρχους ἔπεισεν εἰσηγήσασθαι νόμον ἐξεῖναι Καίσαρι δευτέραν ὑπατείαν ἀπόντι μετιέναι. καὶ τοῦθʼ ὑπατεύοντος ἔτι τοῦ Πομπηίου καὶ οὐδὲν ἀντειπόντος ἐκεκύρωτο. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἀντιπράξειν τὴν βουλὴν ὑπονοῶν ἐδεδοίκει μὲν ὑπὸ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἰδιώτης γενέσθαι, ἐτέχναζε δὲ ἐπὶ δυνάμεως εἶναι, μέχρι ὕπατος ἀποδειχθείη, καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ᾔτει χρόνον ἄλλον ὀλίγον ἐς τὴν παροῦσάν οἱ τῆς Γαλατίας ἡγεμονίαν ἢ ἐς μέρος αὐτῆς ἐπιλαβεῖν. διακωλύσαντος δὲ Μαρκέλλου, ὃς ἐπὶ τῷ Πομπηίῳ ὕπατος ἦν, φασὶ τὸν Καίσαρα τῷ μηνύοντι ἀποκρίνασθαι, κόπτοντα τὴν λαβὴν τοῦ ξίφους· ἥδε μοι δώσει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.4.25

Pompey, as though he had completed the reforms that made the one-man power necessary, now made Scipio his colleague in the consulship for the remainder of the year. At the expiration of his term, however, although others were invested with the consulship, he was none the less the supervisor, and ruler, and all-in-all in Rome. He enjoyed the good-will of the Senate, particularly because they were jealous of Caesar, who did not consult the Senate during his consulship, and because Pompey had so speedily restored the sick commonwealth, and had not made himself troublesome or offensive to any of them during his term of office. The banished ones went to Caesar in crowds and advised him to beware of Pompey, saying that his law about bribery was especially directed against himself. Caesar cheered them up and spoke well of Pompey. He also induced the tribunes to bring in a law to enable himself to stand for the consulship a second time while absent, and this was enacted while Pompey was still consul and without opposition from him. Caesar suspected that the Senate would resist this project and feared lest he should be reduced to the condition of a private citizen and exposed to his enemies. So he tried to retain his power until he should be elected consul, and asked the Senate to grant him a little more time in his present command of Gaul, or of a part of it. Marcellus, who succeeded Pompey as consul, forbade it. They say that when this was announced to Caesar, he clapped his hand on his sword-hilt and exclaimed, This shall give it to me.

Edition note

Y.R. 703

Edition note

B.C. 51

Edition note

This is a highly improbable tale. Caesar was not in the least given to theatrical display. Plutarch (Life of Caesar, 29) says: It is said that one of Caesar’s centurions, who had been sent by him to Rome, standing before the senate-house one day, and being told that the Senate would not give a longer time in his government, clapped his hand on the hilt of his sword and said, But this shall give it.

2.4.26 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.4.26

πόλιν δὲ Νεόκωμον ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐς Λατίου δίκαιον ἐπὶ τῶν Ἄλπεων ᾠκίκει, ὧν ὅσοι κατʼ ἔτος ἦρχον, ἐγίγνοντο Ῥωμαίων πολῖται· τόδε γὰρ ἰσχύει τὸ Λάτιον. τῶν οὖν Νεοκώμων τινά, ἄρχοντά τε αὐτοῖς γενόμενον καὶ παρὰ τοῦτο Ῥωμαῖον εἶναι νομιζόμενον, ὁ Μάρκελλος ἐφʼ ὕβρει τοῦ Καίσαρος ἔξηνε ῥάβδοις ἐφʼ ὁτῳδή, οὐ πασχόντων τοῦτο Ῥωμαίων· καὶ τὸν νοῦν ὑπὸ ὀργῆς ἀνεκάλυπτε, τὰς πληγὰς εἶναι ξενίας σύμβολον. καὶ φέρειν αὐτὰς ἐκέλευε καὶ δεικνύναι τῷ Καίσαρι. οὕτω μὲν ὑβριστικῶς ὁ Μάρκελλος, εἰσηγεῖτο δὲ ἤδη καὶ διαδόχους αὐτῷ πέμπειν ἐπὶ τὰ ἔθνη, προαφαιρῶν τοῦ χρόνου· ἀλλὰ διεκώλυσεν ὁ Πομπήιος εὐπρεπείᾳ τε λόγου καὶ εὐνοίας ὑποκρίσει, μὴ δεῖν ἄνδρα λαμπρὸν καὶ ἐς πολλὰ χρήσιμον τῇ πατρίδι γενόμενον ὑβρίζειν βραχεῖ διαστήματι χρόνου, καὶ δῆλον ἐποίησεν, ὅτι χρὴ μετὰ τὸν χρόνον παραλύειν τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτίκα τὸν Καίσαρα. καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε οἱ μάλιστα ἐχθροὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐς τοὐπιὸν ᾑρέθησαν ὕπατοι, Αἰμίλιός τε Παῦλος καὶ Κλαύδιος Μάρκελλος, ἀνεψιὸς τοῦ προτέρου Μαρκέλλου, δήμαρχός τε Κουρίων, ἐχθρὸς ὢν καὶ ὅδε τῷ Καίσαρι καρτερὸς καὶ ἐς τὸν δῆμον εὐχαριτώτατος καὶ εἰπεῖν ἱκανώτατος. τούτων ὁ Καῖσαρ Κλαύδιον μὲν οὐκ ἴσχυσεν ὑπαγαγέσθαι χρήμασι, Παῦλον δὲ χιλίων καὶ πεντακοσίων ταλάντων ἐπρίατο μηδὲν αὑτῷ μήτε συμπράττειν μήτε ἐνοχλεῖν, Κουρίωνα δὲ καὶ συμπράττειν ἔτι πλειόνων, εἰδὼς ἐνοχλούμενον ὑπὸ χρεῶν πολλῶν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.4.26

Caesar built the town of Novum Comum at the foot of the Alps and gave it the Latin rights, which included a provision that those who had exercised the yearly chief magistracy should be Roman citizens. One of these men, who had held this office and was consequently considered a Roman citizen, was beaten with rods for some reason by order of Marcellus in defiance of Caesar—a punishment that was never inflicted on Roman citizens. Marcellus in his passion revealed his real intention that the blows should be the marks of the foreigner, and he told the man to carry his scars and show them to Caesar. So insulting was Marcellus. Moreover, he proposed to send successors to take command of Caesar’s provinces before his time had expired, but Pompey interfered, making a pretence of fairness and good-will, saying that they ought not to put an indignity on a distinguished man who had been so extremely useful to his country, merely on account of a short interval of time; but he made it plain that Caesar’s command must come to an end immediately on its expiration. For this reason the bitterest enemies of Caesar were chosen consuls for the ensuing year: Aemilius Paulus and Claudius Marcellus, cousin of the Marcellus before mentioned. Curio, who was also a bitter enemy of Caesar, but extremely popular with the masses and a most accomplished speaker, was chosen tribune. Caesar was not able to influence Claudius with money, but he bought the neutrality of Paulus for 1500 talents and the assistance of Curio with a still larger sum, because he knew that the latter was heavily burdened with debt. With the money thus obtained Paulus built and dedicated to the Roman people the Basilica that bears his name, a very beautiful structure.

Edition note

The modern Como. Strabo (v. I. 6) says that Pompeius Strabo, the father of Pompey the Great, restored Como, which was then a town of moderate size oppressed by the neighboring Rhetians; that Gains Scipio added about 3000 to its population, and that Caesar added 5000 more, the most distinguished of whom were 500 Greeks. To the latter, he continues, Caesar gave the right of citizenship and inscribed them among the colonists, but they did not live there permanently, although they gave the name to the settlement. All the inhabitants are called Neocomitae which, by interpretation, means the people of Novum Comum. So it appears that the place was recruited by Caesar, not originally founded by him.

Edition note

Y.R. 704

Edition note

B.C. 50

2.4.27 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.4.27

Παῦλος μὲν δὴ τὴν Παύλου λεγομένην βασιλικὴν ἀπὸ τῶνδε τῶν χρημάτων ἀνέθηκε Ῥωμαίοις, οἰκοδόμημα περικαλλές· ὁ δὲ Κουρίων, ἵνα μὴ ἄφνω μετατιθέμενος γίγνοιτο κατάφωρος, εἰσηγεῖτο βαρυτάτας ὁδῶν πολλῶν ἐπισκευάς τε καὶ κατασκευὰς καὶ αὑτὸν ἐπιστάτην αὐτῶν ἐπὶ πενταετὲς εἶναι, εἰδὼς μὲν οὐδὲν τούτων ἐσόμενον, ἐλπίζων δὲ τοὺς Πομπηίου φίλους ἀντιλέξειν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐς τὸν Πομπήιον ἕξειν τι τοῦτο πρόσκρουμα. καὶ γενομένων τῶνδε, ὡς προσεδόκησεν, ὁ μὲν εἶχε τὴν πρόφασιν τῆς διαφορᾶς, Κλαύδιος δʼ εἰσηγεῖτο πέμπειν Καίσαρι διαδόχους ἐπὶ τὰ ἔθνη· καὶ γὰρ ἔληγεν ὁ χρόνος. καὶ Παῦλος ἐσιώπα. Κουρίων δὲ νομιζόμενος ἀμφοτέροις διαφέρεσθαι, ἐπῄνει τὴν τοῦ Κλαυδίου γνώμην, ὡς δὲ ἐνδέον αὐτῇ προσετίθει τὸ καὶ Πομπήιον ὁμοίως Καίσαρι ἀποθεσθαι τὰ ἔθνη καὶ τὸν στρατόν· ὧδε γὰρ ἔσεσθαι τῇ πόλει καθαρὰν καὶ πανταχόθεν ἀδεῆ τὴν πολιτείαν. ἐνισταμένων δὲ πολλῶν ὡς οὐκ ἴσον διὰ τὸ μήπω τὸν χρόνον ἐξήκειν τῷ Πομπηίῳ, σαφέστερον ὁ Κουρίων ἤδη καὶ τραχύτερον ἀπεγύμνου μὴ χρῆναι μηδὲ Καίσαρι πέμπειν διαδόχους, εἰ μὴ καὶ Πομπηίῳ δοῖεν· ὄντων γὰρ αὐτῶν ἐς ἀλλήλους ὑπόπτων οὔπω τῇ πόλει τὴν εἰρήνην ἔσεσθαι βεβαίαν, εἰ μὴ πάντες ἰδιωτεύσειαν. ἔλεγε δὲ ταῦτʼ εἰδὼς οὐ μεθήσοντα τὴν ἀρχὴν τὸν Πομπήιον καὶ τὸν δῆμον ὁρῶν ἤδη τι προσκοπτόμενον αὐτῷ διὰ τὰς τοῦ δεκασμοῦ δίκας. εὐπρεποῦς δὲ τῆς γνώμης οὔσης ὁ δῆμος ἐπῄνει τὸν Κουρίωνα ὡς μόνον ἀξίως τῆς πόλεως τὴν πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους αἰρόμενον ἔχθραν, καί ποτε καὶ παρέπεμψαν αὐτὸν ἀνθοβολοῦντες ὥσπερ ἀθλητὴν μεγάλου καὶ δυσχεροῦς ἀγῶνος· οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐδόκει τότε εἶναι φοβερώτερον τῆς Πομπηίου διαφορᾶς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.4.27

Curio, in order that he might not be detected changing sides too suddenly, brought forward vast plans for repairing and building roads, of which he was to be superintendent for five years. He knew that he could not carry any such measure, but he hoped that Pompey’s friends would oppose him so that he might have that as an excuse for opposing Pompey. Things turned out as he had anticipated, so that he had a pretext for disagreement. Claudius proposed the sending of successors to take command of Caesar’s provinces, as his term was now expiring. Paulus was silent. Curio, who was thought to differ from both, praised the motion of Claudius, but added that Pompey ought to resign his provinces and army just like Caesar, for in this way he said the commonwealth would be made free and be relieved from fear in all directions. Many opposed this as unjust, because Pompey’s term had not yet expired. Then Curio came out more openly and decidedly against appointing successors to Caesar unless Pompey also should lay down his command; for since they were both suspicious of each other, he contended that there could be no lasting peace to the commonwealth unless both were reduced to the character of private citizens. He said this because he knew that Pompey would not give up his command and because he saw that the people were incensed against Pompey on account of his prosecutions for bribery. As Curio’s position was plausible, the plebeians praised him as the only one who was willing to incur the enmity of both Pompey and Caesar in order to fulfil worthily his duties as a citizen; and once they escorted him home like an athlete, scattering flowers, as though he had won the prize in some great and difficult contest, for nothing was considered more perilous then than to have a difference with Pompey.

2.4.28 · Appian

Original

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ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος νοσηλευόμενος περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐπέστελλε τῇ βουλῇ σὺν τέχνῃ, τά τε ἔργα τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐπαινῶν καὶ τὰ ἴδια ἐξ ἀρχῆς καταλέγων ὅτι τε τῆς τρίτης ὑπατείας καὶ ἐθνῶν τῶν ἐπʼ αὐτῇ καὶ στρατοῦ δοθέντος οὐ μετιών, ἀλλʼ ἐς θεραπείαν τῆς πόλεως ἐπικληθεὶς ἀξιωθείη· ἃ δὲ ἄκων ἔφη λαβεῖν, ἑκὼν ἀποθήσομαι τοῖς ἀπολαβεῖν θέλουσιν, οὐκ ἀναμένων τοὺς χρόνους τοὺς ὡρισμένους. ἡ μὲν δὴ τέχνη τῶν γεγραμμένων εἶχεν εὐπρέπειάν τε τῷ Πομπηίῳ καὶ ἐρέθισμα κατὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος, οὐκ ἀποδιδόντος τὴν ἀρχὴν οὐδʼ ἐν τῷ νεμομισμένῳ χρόνῳ· ἀφικόμενος δʼ ἄλλα τε τούτοις ὅμοια ἔλεγε καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τότε ὑπισχνεῖτο ἀποθήσεσθαι. ὡς δὲ δὴ φίλος καὶ κηδεστὴς γενόμενος Καίσαρι, κἀκεῖνον ἔλεγε μάλα χαίροντα ἀποθήσεσθαι· χρόνιόν τε γὰρ αὐτῷ τὴν στρατείαν καὶ ἐπίπονον κατὰ ἐθνῶν μαχιμωτάτων γεγονέναι καὶ πολλὰ τῇ πατρίδι προσλαβόντα ἐπὶ τιμὰς καὶ θυσίας ἥξειν καὶ ἀναπαύσεις. ἔλεγε δὲ ταῦθʼ ὡς Καίσαρι μὲν αὐτίκα δοθησομένων διαδόχων, αὐτὸς δʼ ἐσόμενος ἐν ὑποσχέσει μόνῃ. Κουρίων δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ σόφισμα διελέγχων οὐχ ὑπισχνεῖσθαι δεῖν ἔφη μᾶλλον ἢ αὐτίκα ἀποθέσθαι οὐδʼ ἐξοπλίζειν Καίσαρα τῆς στρατιᾶς, πρὶν καὶ αὐτὸν ἰδιωτεῦσαι· οὔτε γὰρ ἐς τὴν ἰδίαν ἔχθραν ἐκείνῳ λυσιτελεῖν οὔτε Ῥωμαίοις, ὑφʼ ἑνὶ τηλικαύτην ἀρχὴν γενέσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ τὸν ἕτερον αὐτῶν ἔχειν ἐπὶ τὸν ἕτερον, εἴ τι τὴν πόλιν καταβιάζοιτο. οὐδέν τε ἐπικρύπτων ἔτι ἀφειδῶς ἐς τὸν Πομπήιον ἐβλασφήμει ὡς τυραννίδος ἐφιέμενον καί, εἰ μὴ νῦν σὺν φόβῳ τῷ Καίσαρος ἀποθοῖτο τὴν ἀρχήν, οὔποτε μεθήσοντα. ἠξίου δʼ, ἂν ἀπειθῶσιν, ἄμφω ψηφίζεσθαι πολεμίους καὶ στρατὸν ἀγείρειν ἐπʼ αὐτούς· ᾧ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα ἔλαθεν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἐωνημένος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.4.28

Pompey, while lying sick in Italy, wrote an artful letter to the Senate, praising Caesar’s exploits and also recounting his own from the beginning, saying that he had been invested with a third consulship, and with provinces and an army afterward, which he had not solicited, but had been called to serve the public weal. He added that the powers which he had accepted unwillingly he would gladly yield to those who wished to take them back, and would not wait the time fixed for their expiration. The artfulness of this communication consisted in showing the fairness of Pompey and in exciting prejudice against Caesar, as though the latter was not willing to give up his command even at the appointed time. When Pompey came back to the city, he spoke to the senators in the same way and then, also, promised to lay down his command. As a friend and marriage connection of Caesar he said that the latter would very cheerfully do the same, for his had been a long and laborious contest against very warlike peoples; he had added much to the Roman power and now he would come back to his honors and his sacrificings and take his rest. He said these things in order that successors to Caesar might be sent at once, while he (Pompey) should merely stand on his promise. Curio exposed his artifice, saying that promises were not sufficient, and insisting that Pompey should lay down his command now and that Caesar should not be disarmed until Pompey himself had returned to private life. On account of private enmity, he said, it would not be advisable either for Caesar or for the Romans that such great authority should be held by one man. Rather should each of them have power against the other in case one should attempt violence against the commonwealth. Throwing off all disguise, he denounced Pompey unsparingly as one aiming at supreme power, and said that unless he would lay down his command now, when he had the fear of Caesar before his eyes, he would never lay it down at all. He moved that, unless they both obeyed, both should be voted public enemies and military forces be levied against them. In this way he concealed the fact that he had been bought by Caesar.

Edition note

Cicero makes mention of this illness of Pompey in the Tusculan Disputations (i. 35).

Edition note

θυσίας, sacrificings. This refers, says Combes-Dounous, to Caesar’s duties as Pontifex Maximus, a life office, to which he had been chosen in his younger days.

2.4.29 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.4.29

Πομπήιος δʼ αὐτῷ χαλεψάμενός τε καὶ ἀπειλήσας εὐθὺς ἐς τὰ προάστεια ἀγανακτῶν ὑπεξῄει. καὶ ἡ βουλὴ ὑπόπτως μὲν εἶχεν ἤδη πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, δημοτικώτερον δʼ ὅμως ἡγοῦντο Πομπήιον καὶ τῷ Καίσαρι ἐδυσχέραινον τῆς παρὰ τὴν ὑπατείαν ὑπεροψίας σφῶν· οἱ δὲ καὶ τῷ ὄντι οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἡγοῦντο διαλύειν τὴν ὑπὸ τῷ Πομπηίῳ δύναμιν, μέχρι πρότερον ἐκεῖνον ἀποθέσθαι, ἔξω τε τῆς πόλεως ὄντα καὶ μεγαλοπραγμονέστερον. τὸ δʼ αὐτὸ καὶ ὁ Κουρίων ἀνέστρεφεν, ὡς δέον ὑπάρχειν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τὸν Πομπήιον Καίσαρα, ἢ ὁμοῦ πάντας καταλύειν. οὐ πείθων δὲ διέλυε τὴν βουλὴν ἐπὶ ἀτελέσι πᾶσι· δύναται δὲ τοῦθʼ ὁ δήμαρχος· ὅτε δὴ καὶ μάλιστα τῷ Πομπηίῳ μετεμέλησε τὴν δημαρχίαν, ἐς ἀσθενέστατον ὑπὸ Σύλλα καθῃρημένην, ἀναγαγόντι αὖθις ἐπὶ τὸ ἀρχαῖον. διαλυόμενοι δὲ ὅμως τοσόνδε μόνον ἐψηφίσαντο, Καίσαρα καὶ Πομπήιον τέλος ἓν στρατιωτῶν ἐς Συρίαν ἑκάτερον πέμψαι φυλακῆς οὕνεκα διὰ τὴν Κράσσου συμφοράν. καὶ τεχνάζων ὁ Πομπήιος ἀπῄτει τὸ τέλος, ὃ ἔναγχος ἐπὶ συμφορᾷ στρατηγῶν δύο Καίσαρος, Τιτυρίου τε καὶ Κόττα, Καίσαρι κεχρήκει. ὁ δʼ αὐτό, τιμήσας ἕκαστον ἄνδρα δραχμαῖς πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίαις, ἀπέπεμπεν ἐς Ῥώμην καὶ συνέπεμπεν ἄλλο παρʼ ἑαυτοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.4.29

Pompey was angry with him and threatened him and at once withdrew indignantly to his country-seat. The Senate now had suspicions of both, but it considered Pompey the better republican of the two, and it hated Caesar because he had not shown it proper respect during his consulship. Some of the senators really thought that it would not be safe to the commonwealth to deprive Pompey of his power until after Caesar should lay down his, since the latter was outside of the city and was the man of more towering designs. Curio held the contrary opinion, that they had need of Caesar against the power of Pompey, or otherwise that both armies should be disbanded at the same time. As the Senate would not agree with him he dismissed it, leaving the whole business still unfinished. He had the power to do so as tribune. Thus Pompey had occasion to regret that he had restored the tribunician power to its pristine vigor after it had been reduced to extreme feebleness by Sulla. Nevertheless, one decree was voted before the session was ended, and that was that Caesar and Pompey should each send one legion of soldiers to Syria to defend the province on account of the disaster to Crassus. Pompey artfully recalled. the legion that he had lately lent to Caesar on account of the disaster to Caesar’s two generals, Titurius and Cotta. Caesar awarded to each soldier 250 drachmas and sent the legion to Rome together with another of his own. As the expected danger did not show itself in Syria, these legions were sent into winter quarters at Capua.

2.4.30 · Appian

Original

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οὐδενὸς δὲ δεινοῦ περὶ Συρίαν φανέντος τάδε μὲν ἐχείμαζεν ἐν Καπύῃ· οἱ δʼ ἐπʼ αὐτὰ πεμφθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ Πομπηίου πρὸς Καίσαρα ἄλλα τε πολλὰ δυσχερῆ κατὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος διεθρόουν καὶ ἰσχυρίζοντο τῷ Πομπηίῳ τὴν στρατιὰν Καίσαρος, τετρυμένην τε πόνῳ καὶ χρόνῳ καὶ τὰ οἴκοι ποθοῦσαν, μεταθήσεσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν, ὅτε τὰ Ἄλπεια διέλθοιεν. καὶ οἱ μὲν οὕτως ἔλεγον, εἴθʼ ὑπὸ ἀγνοίας εἴτε διεφθαρμένοι, Καίσαρι δʼ ἔρρωτο πᾶς ἀνὴρ εἰς προθυμίαν καὶ πόνους ὑπό τε ἔθους τῶν στρατειῶν καὶ ὑπὸ κερδῶν, ὅσα πόλεμος τοῖς νικῶσιν ἐργάζεται καὶ ὅσα παρὰ Καίσαρος ἄλλα ἐλάμβανον· ἐδίδου γὰρ ἀφειδῶς, θεραπεύων εἰς ἃ ἐβούλευεν· οἱ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ συνιέντες αὐτῶν ὅμως ὑπέμενον. ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος τοῖς ἠγγελμένοις πίσυνος οὔτε στρατιὰν οὔτε παρασκευὴν ὡς ἐς τοσοῦτον ἔργον ἤγειρεν. ἡ βουλὴ δὲ γνώμην ἕκαστον ᾔτει· καὶ ὁ Κλαύδιος πανούργως διῄρει καὶ ἐπυνθάνετο αὐτῶν παρὰ μέρος, εἰ δοκεῖ Καίσαρι πέμπειν διαδόχους καὶ εἰ Πομπήιον τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀφαιρεῖσθαι. οἱ δὲ τοῦτο μὲν ἀνένευον οἱ πλείους, Καίσαρι δʼ ἐπεψήφιζον τοὺς διαδόχους. ἐπανερομένου δὲ τοῦ Κουρίωνος, εἰ ἀμφοτέρους δοκεῖ τὰ ἐν χερσὶν ἀποθέσθαι, δύο μὲν καὶ εἴκοσιν ἀνδράσιν ἀπήρεσκε, τριακόσιοι δὲ καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ἐς τὸ συμφέρον ἀπὸ τῆς ἔριδος ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ Κουρίωνος γνώμην ἀπέκλινον, ὅτε δὴ καὶ ὁ Κλαύδιος τὴν βουλὴν διέλυσε βοῶν· νικᾶτε δεσπότην ἔχειν Καίσαρα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.4.30

The persons who had been sent by Pompey to Caesar to bring these legions spread many reports derogatory to Caesar and repeated them to Pompey. They said that Caesar’s army was wasted by protracted service, that the soldiers longed for their homes and would change to the side of Pompey as soon as they should cross the Alps. They spoke in this way either from ignorance or because they were corrupted. In fact, every soldier was strongly attached to Caesar and labored zealously for him, under the force of discipline and the influence of the gain which war usually brings to victors and which they received from Caesar also; for he gave with ar lavish hand in order to mould them to his designs. They knew what his designs were, but they stood by him nevertheless. Pompey believed what was reported to him and collected neither soldiers nor apparatus suitable for so great a contest. In the Senate the opinion of each member was asked and Claudius craftily divided the question and took the votes separately, thus: Shall successors be sent to Caesar? and again, Shall Pompey be deprived of his command? The majority voted against the latter proposition, and it was decreed that successors to Caesar should be sent. Then Curio put the question whether both should lay down their commands, and 22 senators voted in the negative while 370 went back to the opinion of Curio in order to avoid civil discord. Then Claudius dismissed the Senate, exclaiming, Enjoy your victory and have Caesar for a master.

Edition note

A parallel passage in Plutarch says that when some were saying that if Caesar should turn his forces against the city, they could not see what power would be able to resist him, Pompey smiled, and with great unconcern bade them take no care of that, for, he said, whenever I stamp upon the ground in any part of Italy there will rise up forces enough both horse and foot. (Life of Pompey, 57.)

Edition note

Mendelssohn marks the text at this place turbata.

2.4.31 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.4.31

λόγου δʼ ἄφνω ψευδοῦς ἐμπεσόντος, ὅτι τὰς Ἄλπεις ὁ Καῖσαρ ὑπερελθὼν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐλαύνοι, θόρυβός τε πολὺς ἦν καὶ φόβος ἁπάντων, καὶ ὁ Κλαύδιος εἰσηγεῖτο τὴν ἐν Καπύῃ στρατιὰν ἀπαντᾶν ὡς πολεμίῳ Καίσαρι. ἐνισταμένου δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ ψευδέσι τοῦ Κουρίωνος εἶπεν· εἰ κωλύομαι ψήφῳ κοινῇ τὰ συμφέροντα διοικεῖν κατʼ ἐμαυτὸν ὡς ὕπατος διοικήσω. καὶ τάδε εἰπὼν ἐξέδραμε τῆς βουλῆς ἐς τὰ προάστεια μετὰ τοῦ συνάρχου ξίφος τε ὀρέγων τῷ Πομπηίῳ κελεύω σοι, ἔφη, κἀγὼ καὶ ὅδε χωρεῖν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος· καὶ στρατιὰν ἐς τοῦτό σοι δίδομεν, ἥ τε νῦν ἀμφὶ Καπύην ἢ τὴν ἄλλην Ἰταλίαν ἐστὶ καὶ ὅσην αὐτὸς ἐθέλοις ἄλλην καταλέγειν. ὁ δʼ ὑπήκουε μὲν ὡς κελευόμενος πρὸς ὑπάτων, ἐπετίθει δʼ ὅμως· εἰ μή τι κρεῖσσον, ἀπατῶν ἢ τεχνάζων καὶ τότε ἐς εὐπρέπειαν. Κουρίωνι δʼ οὐκ ἦν μὲν ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν ἐξουσία τις ʽοὐδὲ γὰρ προϊέναι τῶν τειχῶν τοῖς δημάρχοις ἐφίεταἰ, ὠλοφύρετο δʼ ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τὰ γιγνόμενα καὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους ἠξίου κηρύσσειν μηδένα πω καταλέγοντι πείθεσθαι Πομπηίῳ. οὐδὲν δὲ ἀνύων, ἐπεί οἱ καὶ ὁ τῆς δημαρχίας χρόνος ἔληγε, δείσας ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ ἀπογνοὺς ἔτι δύνασθαι βοηθεῖν τῷ Καίσαρι, κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐχώρει πρὸς αὐτόν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.4.31

Suddenly a false rumor came that Caesar had crossed the Alps and was marching on the city, whereupon there was a great tumult and consternation on all sides. Claudius moved that the army at Capua be turned against Caesar as a public enemy. When Curio opposed him on the ground that the rumor was false he exclaimed, If I am prevented by the vote of the Senate from taking steps for the public safety, I will take such steps on my own responsibility as consul. After saying this he darted out of the Senate and proceeded to the suburbs with his colleague, where he presented a sword to Pompey, and said, I and my colleague command you to march against Caesar in behalf of your country, and we give you for this purpose the army now at Capua, or in any other part of Italy, and whatever additional forces you yourself choose to levy. Pompey promised to obey the orders of the consuls, but he added, unless we can do better, thus dealing in trickery and still making a pretence of fairness. Curio had no power outside of the city (for it was not permitted to the tribunes to go beyond the walls), but he publicly deplored the state of affairs and demanded that the consuls should make proclamation that nobody need obey the conscription ordered by Pompey. As he could accomplish nothing, and as his term of office as tribune was about expiring, and he feared for his safety and despaired of being able to render any further assistance to Caesar, he hastily departed to join the latter.

2.5.32 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.5.32

ὁ δʼ ἄρτι τὸν ὠκεανὸν ἐκ Βρεττανῶν διεπεπλεύκει καὶ ἀπὸ Κελτῶν τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ῥῆνον τὰ ὄρη τὰ Ἄλπεια διελθὼν σὺν πεντακισχιλίοις πεζοῖς καὶ ἱππεῦσι τριακοσίοις κατέβαινεν ἐπὶ Ῥαβέννης, ἣ συναφής τε ἦν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ τῆς Καίσαρος ἀρχῆς τελευταία. φιλοφρονησάμενος δὲ τὸν Κουρίωνα καὶ χάριν ὑπὲρ τῶν γεγονότων ὁμολογήσας ἐσκόπει περὶ τῶν παρόντων. Κουρίωνι μὲν δὴ συγκαλεῖν ἐδόκει τὸν στρατὸν ἅπαντα ἤδη καὶ ἄγειν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης, Καίσαρι δʼ ἔτι πειρᾶσθαι διαλύσεων. τοὺς οὖν φίλους ἐκέλευεν ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ συμβῆναι, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα αὐτὸν ἔθνη καὶ στρατόπεδα ἀποθήσεσθαι, μόνα δʼ ἕξειν δύο τέλη καὶ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα μετὰ τῆς ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων Γαλατίας, ἕως ὕπατος ἀποδειχθείη. καὶ Πομπηίῳ μὲν ἀρκεῖν ἐδόκει, κατακωλυόντων δὲ τῶν ὑπάτων ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπέστελλε τῇ βουλῇ, καὶ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ὁ Κουρίων, τρισὶν ἡμέραις τριακοσίους ἐπὶ δισχιλίοις σταδίους διαδραμών, ἐπέδωκε τοῖς νέοις ὑπάτοις ἐσιοῦσιν ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον τῇ νουμηνίᾳ τοῦ ἔτους. περιεῖχε δʼ ἡ γραφὴ κατάλογόν τε σεμνὸν ὧν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπεπράχει, καὶ πρόκλησιν, ὅτι θέλοι Πομπηίῳ συναποθέσθαι, ἄρχοντος δʼ ἔτι ἐκείνου οὔτε ἀποθήσεσθαι καὶ τιμωρὸς αὐτίκα τῇ τε πατρίδι καὶ ἑαυτῷ κατὰ τάχος ἀφίξεσθαι. ἐφʼ ᾧ δὴ σφόδρα πάντες ἀνέκραγον, ὡς ἐπὶ πολέμου καταγγελίᾳ, διάδοχον εἶναι Λεύκιον Δομίτιον. καὶ ὁ Δομίτιος εὐθὺς ἐξῄει μετὰ τετρακισχιλίων ἐκ καταλόγου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.5.32

Caesar had lately recrossed the straits from Britain and, after traversing the Gallic country along the Rhine, had passed the Alps with 5000 foot and 300 horse and arrived at Ravenna, which was contiguous to Italy and the last town in his government. After embracing Curio and returning thanks for what he had done for him, he looked over the present situation. Curio advised him to bring his whole army together now and lead it to Rome, but Caesar thought it best still to try and come to terms. So he directed his friends to make an agreement in his behalf, that he should deliver up all his provinces and soldiers, except that he should retain two legions and Illyria with Cisalpine Gaul until he should be chosen consul. This was satisfactory to Pompey, but the consuls refused. Caesar then wrote a letter to the Senate, which Curio carried a distance of 1300 stades in three days and delivered to the newly elected consuls as they entered the senate-house on the first of the calends of January. The letter embraced a calm recital of all that Caesar had done from the beginning of his career and a proposal that he would lay down his command at the same time with Pompey, but that if Pompey should retain his command he would not lay down his own, but would come quickly and avenge his country’s wrongs and his own. When this letter was read, as it was considered a declaration of war, a vehement shout was raised on all sides that Lucius Domitius be appointed as Caesar’s successor. Domitius took the field immediately with 4000 of the new levies.

Edition note

About 150 English miles. The Vatican codex says 1300 stades; all the others say 3300 (378 miles), which is quite incredible.

Edition note

Y.R. 705

Edition note

Literally: On the day of the new moon of the year.

Edition note

B.C. 49

2.5.33 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.5.33

Ἀντωνίου δὲ καὶ Κασσίου δημαρχούντοιν μετὰ Κουρίωνα καὶ τὴν Κουρίωνος γνώμην ἐπαινούντοιν, ἡ βουλὴ φιλονικότερον ἔτι τὴν Πομπηίου στρατιὰν φύλακα σφῶν ἡγοῦντο εἶναι, τὴν δὲ Καίσαρος πολεμίαν. καὶ οἱ ὕπατοι, Μάρκελλός τε καὶ Λέντλος, ἐκέλευον τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐκστῆναι τοῦ συνεδρίου, μή τι καὶ δημαρχοῦντες ὅμως πάθοιεν ἀτοπώτερον. ἔνθα δὴ μέγα βοήσας ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἀνά τε ἔδραμε τῆς ἕδρας σὺν ὀργῇ καὶ περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπεθείαζεν αὐτοῖς, ὡς ἱερὰ καὶ ἄσυλος οὖσα ὑβρίζοιτο, καὶ περὶ σφῶν, ὅτι γνώμην ἐσφέροντες, ἣν δοκοῦσι συνοίσειν, ἐξαλαύνοιντο σὺν ὕβρει, μήτε τινὰ σφαγὴν μήτε μύσος ἐργασάμενοι. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν ἐξέτρεχεν ὥσπερ ἔνθους, πολέμους καὶ σφαγὰς καὶ προγραφὰς καὶ φυγὰς καὶ δημεύσεις καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα αὐτοῖς ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι, προθεσπίζων ἀράς τε βαρείας τοῖς τούτων αἰτίοις ἐπαρώμενος. συνεξέθεον δʼ αὐτῷ Κουρίων τε καὶ Κάσσιος· καὶ γάρ τις ἤδη στρατὸς ἑωρᾶτο ἐκ Πομπηίου περιιστάμενος τὸ βουλευτήριον. οἵδε μὲν δὴ τάχει πολλῷ πρὸς Καίσαρα, νυκτὸς αὐτίκα, λαθόντες ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ ὀχήματος μισθωτοῦ, θεραπόντων ἐσθῆτας ἐνδύντες. καὶ αὐτοὺς ἔτι ὧδε ἔχοντας ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπεδείκνυ τῷ στρατῷ καὶ ἠρέθιζε λέγων, ὅτι καὶ σφᾶς τοσάδε ἐργασαμένους ἡγοῦνται πολεμίους καὶ τοιούσδε ἄνδρας ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν τι φθεγξαμένους οὕτως ἐξελαύνουσιν αἰσχρῶς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.5.33

Since Antony and Cassius, who succeeded Curio as tribunes, agreed with the latter in opinion, the Senate became more bitter than ever and declared Pompey’s army the protector of Rome, and that of Caesar a public enemy. The consuls, Marcellus and Lentulus, ordered Antony and his friends out of the Senate lest they should suffer some harm, although they were tribunes. Then Antony sprang from his chair in anger and with a loud voice called gods and men to witness the indignity put upon the sacred and inviolable office of tribune, saying that while they (the tribunes) were expressing the opinion which they deemed conducive to the public interest, they were driven out with contumely though they had wrought no murder or other outrage. Having spoken thus he rushed out like one possessed, predicting war, slaughter, proscription, banishment, confiscation, and various other impending evils, and invoking direful curses on the authors of them. Curio and Cassius rushed out with him, for a detachment of Pompey’s army was already observed standing around the senate-house. The tribunes made their way to Caesar the next night with the utmost speed, concealing themselves in a hired carriage, and disguised as slaves. Caesar showed them in this condition to his army, whom he excited by saying that his soldiers, after all their great deeds, had been stigmatized as public enemies and that distinguished men like these, who had dared to speak out for them, had been thus driven with ignominy from the city.

Edition note

This speech is reported by Caesar himself at considerable length in his Commentaries on the Civil War (i. 7). It was made to the thirteenth legion, the only one present. The soldiers cried out that they were ready to defend their general and the tribunes from all harm.

2.5.34 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.5.34

ὁ μὲν δὴ πόλεμος ἑκατέρωθεν ἀνέῳκτο καὶ κεκήρυκτο ἤδη σαφῶς, ἡ δὲ βουλὴ νομίζουσα Καίσαρι τὸν στρατὸν ἀπὸ Κελτῶν σὺν χρόνῳ παρέσεσθαι καὶ οὔποτε αὐτὸν ὁρμήσειν ἐπὶ τηλικοῦτον ἔργον σὺν ὀλίγοις προσέτασσε Πομπηίῳ τρισκαίδεκα μυριάδας Ἰταλῶν ἀγείρειν, καὶ μάλιστα αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐστρατευμένους ὡς ἐμπειροπολέμους, ξενολογεῖν δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῶν περιοίκων ἐθνῶν ὅσα ἄλκιμα. χρήματα δʼ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον αὐτῷ τά τε κοινὰ πάντα αὐτίκα ἐψηφίζοντο καὶ τὰ ἰδιωτικὰ σφῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς κοινοῖς, εἰ δεήσειεν, εἶναι στρατιωτικά· ἔς τε τὰς πόλεις ἐφ ἕτερα περιέπεμπον σύν τε ὀργῇ καὶ φιλονικίᾳ, σπουδῆς οὐδὲν ἀπολείποντες ὀξυτάτης. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ μὲν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ στρατὸν περιεπεπόμφει, χαίρων δʼ ἀεὶ ταχυεργίας τε ἐκπλήξει καὶ φόβῳ τόλμης μᾶλλον ἢ παρασκευῆς δυνάμει, μετὰ τῶν πεντακισχιλίων ἔγνω προεπιχειρεῖν τοσῷδε πολέμῳ καὶ φθάσαι τὰ εὔκαιρα τῆς Ἰταλίας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.5.34

The war had now been begun on both sides and already openly declared. The Senate, thinking that Caesar’s army would be slow in arriving from Gaul and that he would not rush into so great an adventure with a small force, directed Pompey to assemble 130,000 Italian soldiers, chiefly veterans who had had experience in war, and to recruit as many able-bodied men as possible from the neighboring provinces. They voted him for the war all the money in the public treasury at once, and their own private fortunes in addition if they should be needed for the pay of the soldiers. With the fury of party rage they levied additional contributions on the allied cities, which they collected with the greatest possible haste. Caesar had sent messengers to bring his own army, but as he was accustomed to rely upon the terror caused by the celerity and audacity of his movements, rather than on the magnitude of his preparations, he decided to take the aggressive in this great war with his 5000 men and to anticipate the enemy by seizing the advantageous positions in Italy.

2.5.35 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.5.35

τοὺς οὖν λοχαγοὺς αὐτῶν σὺν ὀλίγοις τοῖς μάλιστα εὐτολμοτάτοις, εἰρηνικῶς ἐσταλμένοις, προύπεμπεν ἐσελθεῖν ἐς Ἀρίμινον καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἄφνω καταλαβεῖν· ἡ δʼ ἐστὶν Ἰταλίας πρώτη μετὰ τὴν Γαλατίαν. αὐτὸς δὲ περὶ ἑσπέραν, ὡς δὴ τὸ σῶμα ἐνοχλούμενος, ὑπεχώρησε τοῦ συμποσίου, τοὺς φίλους ἀπολιπὼν ἔτι ἑστιᾶσθαι καὶ ζεύγους ἐπιβὰς ἤλαυνεν ἐς τὸ Ἀρίμινον, ἑπομένων οἱ τῶν ἱππέων ἐκ διαστήματος. δρόμῳ δʼ ἐλθὼν ἐπὶ τὸν Ῥουβίκωνα ποταμόν, ὃς ὁρίζει τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ἔστη τοῦ δρόμου καὶ ἐς τὸ ῥεῦμα ἀφορῶν περιεφέρετο τῇ γνώμῃ, λογιζόμενος ἕκαστα τῶν ἐσομένων κακῶν, εἰ τόνδε τὸν ποταμὸν σὺν ὅπλοις περάσειε. καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας εἶπεν ἀνενεγκών· ἡ μὲν ἐπίσχεσις, ὦ φίλοι, τῆσδε τῆς διαβάσεως ἐμοὶ κακῶν ἄρξει, ἡ δὲ διάβασις πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις. καὶ εἰπὼν οἷά τις ἔνθους ἐπέρα σὺν ὁρμῇ, τὸ κοινὸν τόδε ἐπειπών· ὁ κύβος ἀνερρίφθω. δρόμῳ δʼ ἐντεῦθεν ἐπιὼν Ἀρίμινόν τε αἱρεῖ περὶ ἕω καὶ ἐς τὸ πρόσθεν ἐχώρει, φρούρια τοῖς ἐπικαίροις ἐφιστὰς καὶ τὰ ἐν ποσὶν ἢ βίᾳ χειρούμενος ἢ φιλανθρωπίᾳ. φυγαί τε καὶ μεταναστάσεις ἦσαν ἐκ πάντων χωρίων ὡς ἐν ἐκπλήξει καὶ δρόμος ἀσύντακτος μετʼ οἰμωγῆς, τό τε ἀκριβὲς οὐκ εἰδότες καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα νομίζοντες μετʼ ἀπείρου στρατοῦ κατὰ κράτος ἐλαύνειν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.5.35

Accordingly, he sent forward some centurions with a few of his bravest troops in peaceful garb to go inside the walls of Ariminum and take it by surprise. This was the first town in Italy after leaving Cisalpine Gaul. Toward evening Caesar himself rose from a banquet on a plea of indisposition, leaving some friends who were still feasting. He mounted his chariot and drove toward Ariminum, his cavalry following at a short distance. When his course brought him to the river Rubicon, which forms the boundary line of Italy, he stopped and, while gazing at the stream, revolved in his mind the evils that might result from his crossing it with arms. Recovering himself he said to those who were present, My friends, stopping here will be the beginning of sorrows for me; crossing over will be such for all mankind. Thereupon, he crossed with a rush like one inspired, uttering the common phrase, Let the die be cast. Then he resumed his hasty journey and took possession of Ariminum about daybreak, advanced beyond it, stationed guards at the commanding positions, and, either by force or by kindness, mastered all whom he fell in with. As is usual in cases of panic, there was flight and migration from all the country-side in disorder and tears, the people having no exact knowledge, but thinking that Caesar had arrived with an army of boundless strength.

Edition note

The Rubicon, says Duruy, is probably the Fiumicino di Savignano, a reddish torrent twelve miles north of Ariminum, formed by the confluence of three brooks from the Apennines. Duruy doubts the whole story of Caesar’s hesitation at the Rubicon, but Plutarch (Life of Caesar, 32) says that Asinius Pollio was present; and there is reason to believe that both Plutarch and Appian drew from Pollio’s history.

2.5.36 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.5.36

ὧν οἱ ὕπατοι πυνθανόμενοι τὸν Πομπήιον οὐκ εἴων ἐπὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γνώμης ἐμπειροπολέμως εὐσταθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐξώτρυνον ἐκπηδᾶν ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ στρατολογεῖν ὡς τῆς πόλεως καταληφθησομένης αὐτίκα. ἥ τε ἄλλη βουλή, παρὰ δόξαν αὐτοῖς ὀξείας τῆς ἐσβολῆς τοῦ Καίσαρος γενομένης, ἐδεδοίκεσαν ἔτι ὄντες ἀπαράσκευοι καὶ σὺν ἐκπλήξει μετενόουν οὐ δεξάμενοι τὰς Καίσαρος προκλήσεις, τότε νομίζοντες εἶναι δικαίας, ὅτε σφᾶς ὁ φόβος ἐς τὸ εὔβουλον ἀπὸ τοῦ φιλονίκου μετέφερε. τέρατά τε αὐτοῖς ἐπέπιπτε πολλὰ καὶ σημεῖα οὐράνια· αἷμά τε γὰρ ἔδοξεν ὁ θεὸς ὗσαι καὶ ξόανα ἱδρῶσαι καὶ κεραυνοὶ πεσεῖν ἐπὶ νεὼς πολλοὺς καὶ ἡμίονος τεκεῖν· ἄλλα τε πολλὰ δυσχερῆ προεσήμαινε τὴν ἐς ἀεὶ τῆς πολειτείας ἀναίρεσίν τε καὶ μεταβολήν. εὐχαὶ δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ φοβεροῖς προυγράφοντο, καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἐν μνήμῃ τῶν Μαρίου καὶ Σύλλα κακῶν γιγνόμενος ἐκεκράγει Καίσαρα καὶ Πομπήιον ἀποθέσθαι τὰς δυναστείας ὡς ἐν τῷδε μόνῳ τοῦ πολέμου λυθησομένου, Κικέρων δὲ καὶ πέμπειν ἐς Καίσαρα διαλλακτάς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.5.36

When the consuls learned the facts they did not allow Pompey to act according to his own judgment, experienced as he was in military affairs, but urged him to traverse Italy and raise troops, as though the city were on the point of being captured. The Senate also was alarmed at Caesar’s unexpectedly swift advance, for which it was still unprepared, and in its panic repented that it had not accepted Caesar’s proposals, which it considered just at last, after fear had turned it from party rage to the counsels of prudence. Many portents and signs in the sky took place. It rained blood. Sweat issued from the statues of the gods. Lightning struck several temples. A mule gave birth to a colt. There were many other prodigies which betokened an overturn and change in the form of government for all time. Prayers were offered up in public as was customary in times of danger, and the people who remembered the evil times of Marius and Sulla, clamored that both Caesar and Pompey ought to lay down their commands as the only means of averting war. Cicero proposed to send messengers to Caesar in order to come to an arrangement.

Edition note

This was a favorite prodigy among the Romans. It was observed when Sulla was advancing, after his war against Mithridates (i. 83 supra). Cicero alludes to the subject in his treatise on Divination (ii. 22).

Edition note

Plutarch (Life of Pompey, 59) says that Cicero, who had lately returned from Cilicia, labored to bring about a reconciliation, proposing that Caesar should leave his province of Gaul and disband his army, reserving two legions only, together with the government of Illyricum, and be nominated for a second consulship. Caesar’s friends afterward reduced his claims to one legion, but even that was rejected.

2.5.37 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.5.37

ἀντιπραττόντων δʼ ἐς ἅπαντα τῶν ὑπάτων, Φαώνιος μὲν Πομπήιον ἐπισκώπτων τοῦ ποτὲ λεχθέντος ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, παρεκάλει τὴν γῆν πατάξαι τῷ ποδὶ καὶ τὰ στρατόπεδα ἐξ αὐτῆς ἀναγαγεῖν· ὁ δὲ ἕξετε, εἶπεν, ἂν ἐπακολουθῆτέ μοι καὶ μὴ δεινὸν ἡγῆσθε τὴν Ῥώμην ἀπολιπεῖν, καὶ εἰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐπὶ τῇ Ῥώμῃ δεήσειεν. οὐ γὰρ τὰ χωρία καὶ τὰ οἰκήματα τὴν δύναμιν ἢ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν εἶναι τοῖς ἀνδράσιν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἄνδρας, ὅπῃ ποτʼ ἂν ὦσιν, ἔχειν ταῦτα σὺν ἑαυτοῖς· ἀμυνομένους δʼ ἀναλήψεσθαι καὶ τὰ οἰκήματα. ὁ μὲν δὴ τοσάδε εἰπὼν καὶ ἀπειλήσας τοῖς ἐπιμένουσιν, εἰ φειδοῖ χωρίων ἢ κατασκευῆς ἀπολελείψονται τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἀγώνων, ἐξῄει τῆς τε βουλῆς καὶ τῆς πόλεως αὐτίκα ἐς τὴν ἐν Καπύῃ στρατιάν, καὶ οἱ ὕπατοι συνείποντο αὐτῷ· τοὺς ἄλλους δʼ ἀπορία τε ἐς πολὺ κατεῖχε, καὶ διενυκτέρευον ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ μετʼ ἀλλήλων. ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ τὸ πλέον ὅμως ἐξῄει καὶ ἐδίωκε τὸν Πομπήιον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.5.37

As the consuls opposed all accommodation Favonius, in ridicule of Pompey for something he had said a little before, advised him to stamp on the ground with his foot and raise armies in that way. You can have them, replied Pompey, if you will follow me and not consider it such a terrible thing to leave Rome, and Italy also if need be. Places and houses are not strength and freedom to men; but men, wherever they may be, have these qualities within themselves, and by defending themselves shall recover their homes. After saying this and after threatening those who should remain behind and desert their country’s cause in order to save their fields and their goods, he left the Senate and the city immediately to take command of the army at Capua, and the consuls followed him. The other senators remained undecided a long time and passed the night together in the senate-house. At daybreak, however, most of them departed and hastened after Pompey.

2.6.38 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.6.38

ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐν Κορφινίῳ Λεύκιον Δομίτιον τὸν ἐπιπεμφθέντα οἱ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἶναι διάδοχον καταλαβών, οὐ πάντας ἀμφʼ αὑτὸν ἔχοντα τοὺς τετρακισχιλίους, ἐπολιόρκει· καὶ οἱ τὸ Κορφίνιον οἰκοῦντες φεύγοντα τὸν Δομίτιον ἀμφὶ τὰς πύλας καταλαβόντες τῷ Καίσαρι προσήγαγον. ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν στρατιὰν αὐτοῦ προστιθεμένην οἱ προθύμως ἐδέχετο ἐς ἐρέθισμα τῶν ἄλλων, Δομίτιον δʼ αὐτὸν ἀπαθῆ μετὰ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ χρημάτων μεθῆκεν ὅποι βούλοιτο ἀπιέναι, ἐλπίσας μὲν ἴσως διὰ τὴν εὐποιίαν παραμενεῖν, οὐ κωλύσας δʼ ἐς Πομπήιον ἰόντα. γιγνομένων δὲ τούτων οὕτως ὀξέως, ὁ Πομπήιος ἐς Νουκερίαν ἐκ Καπύης καὶ ἐκ Νουκερίας ἐς Βρεντέσιον ἠπείγετο, ὡς τὸν Ἰόνιον διαβαλῶν ἐς Ἤπειρον καὶ τοῦ πολέμου τὴν παρασκευὴν συστήσων ἐν αὐτῇ. ἔθνεσί τε πᾶσι καὶ βασιλεῦσι καὶ πόλεσι καὶ στρατηγοῖς καὶ δυνάσταις ἔγραφε κατὰ σπουδήν, ὅ τι δύναιτο ἕκαστος, ἐς τὸν πόλεμον συμφέρειν. καὶ τάδε μὲν ἀθρόως ἐγίνετο, ὁ δʼ ἴδιος αὐτοῦ Πομπηίου στρατὸς ἦν ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ καὶ παρασκευῆς εἶχεν ὡς ὁρμήσων, ὅπῃ ποτʼ ἂν αἱ χρεῖαι καλῶσιν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.6.38

At Corfinium Caesar came up with and besieged Lucius Domitius, who had been sent to be his successor in the command of Gaul but who did not have all of his 4000 men with him. The inhabitants of Corfinium captured him at the gates, as he was trying to escape, and brought him to Caesar. The latter received the soldiers of Domitius, who offered themselves to him, with kindness, in order to encourage others to join him, and he allowed Domitius to go unharmed wherever he liked, and to take his money with him. He hoped perhaps that Domitius would stay with him on account of this beneficence, but he did not prevent him from joining Pompey. While these transactions were taking place so swiftly, Pompey hastened from Capua to Luceria and thence to Brundusium in order to cross the Adriatic to Epirus and complete his preparations for war there. He wrote letters to all the provinces and the commanders thereof, to princes, kings, and cities to send aid for carrying on the war with the greatest possible speed, and this they did zealously. Pompey’s own army was in Spain ready to move wherever it might be needed. Pompey gave some of the legions he already had in Italy to the consuls to be moved from Brundusium to Epirus.

Edition note

If we may believe Lucan, says Combes-Dounous, the soldiers of Domitius themselves delivered him to Caesar: Ecce nefas belli, reseratis agmina portis Captivum traxere ducem. (Pharsalia, ii. 506.) There is better authority for this statement than Lucan. Caesar affirms it in his detailed account of the military operations around Corfinium. (Civil War, i. 23.)

Edition note

Caesar says that he allowed Domitius to take this money although he knew that it had been given to him by Pompey for the pay of his troops. (Ibid.)

2.6.39 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.6.39

αὐτὸς δʼ ὁ Πομπήιος τῶν ἀμφʼ αὑτὸν ἤδη τελῶν τὰ μὲν ἔδωκε τοῖς ὑπάτοις προαπάγειν ἐς Ἤπειρον ἐκ Βρεντεσίου, καὶ διέπλευσαν οἵδε αὐτίκα ἀσφαλῶς ἐς Δυρράχιον· ἣν Ἐπίδαμνόν τινες εἶναι νομίζουσι διὰ τοιάνδε ἄγνοιαν. βασιλεὺς τῶν τῇδε βαρβάρων, Ἐπίδαμνος, πόλιν ᾤκισεν ἐπὶ θαλάσσης καὶ ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ προσεῖπεν Ἐπίδαμνον. τούτου θυγατριδοῦς Δύρραχος, νομιζόμενος εἶναι Ποσειδῶνος, ἐπίνειον ᾤκισε τῇ πόλει καὶ Δυρράχιον ὠνόμασε. πολεμουμένῳ δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν τῷδε τῷ Δυρράχῳ συνεμάχησεν ὁ Ἡρακλῆς ἐπὶ μέρει τῆς γῆς, ἐξ Ἐρυθείας ἐπανιών· ὅθεν οἱ Δυρράχιοι τὸν Ἡρακλέα, ὡς μερίτην τῆς γῆς, οἰκιστὴν σφῶν τίθενται, οὐκ ἀρνούμενοι μὲν οὐδὲ τὸν Δύρραχον, φιλοτιμούμενοι δʼ ὑπὲρ σφῶν ἐς τὸν Ἡρακλέα μᾶλλον ὡς ἐς θεόν. φασὶ δʼ ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τῇδε Δυρράχου παῖδα Ἰόνιον ὑφʼ Ἡρακλέους ἐξ ἀγνοίας ἀποθανεῖν καὶ τὸν Ἡρακλέα τὸ σῶμα θάψαντα ἐμβαλεῖν ἐς τὸ πέλαγος, ἵνα ἐπώνυμον αὐτοῦ γένοιτο. χρόνῳ δὲ τῆς τε χώρας καὶ πόλεως κατασχεῖν Βρίγας ἐκ Φρυγῶν ἐπανελθόντας καὶ Ταυλαντίους ἐπʼ ἐκείνοις, Ἰλλυρικὸν ἔθνος, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς Ταυλαντίοις ἕτερον γένος Ἱλλυριῶν Λιβυρνούς, οἳ τὰ περίοικα νηυσὶ ταχείαις ἐληίζοντο· καὶ Λιβυρνίδας ἐντεῦθεν ἡγοῦνται Ῥωμαῖοι τὰς ναῦς τὰς ταχείας, ὧν ἄρα πρώτων ἐς πεῖραν ἦλθον. οἱ δʼ ἐκ τῶν Λιβυρνῶν ἐξελαθέντες ἀπὸ τοῦ Δυρραχίου Κερκυραίους ἐπαγόμενοι θαλασσοκρατοῦντας ἐξέβαλον τοὺς Λιβυρνούς· καὶ αὐτοῖς οἱ Κερκυραῖοι σφετέρους ἐγκατέμιξαν οἰκήτορας, ὄθεν Ἑλληνικὸν εἶναι δοκεῖ τὸ ἐπίνειον. τὴν δʼ ἐπίκλησιν ὡς οὐκ αἶσιον ἐναλλάξαντες οἱ Κερκυραῖοι καὶ τήνδε ἀπὸ τῆς ἄνω πόλεως Ἐπίδαμνον ἐκάλουν, καὶ Θουκυδίδης οὕτως ὠνόμαζεν· ἐκνικᾷ δʼ ὅμως τὸ ὄνομα, καὶ Δυρράχιον κληίζεται.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.6.39

The consuls crossed safely to Dyrrachium, which some persons, by reason of the following error, consider the same as Epidamnus. A barbarian king of the region, Epidamnus by name, built a city on the sea-coast and named it after himself. Dyrrachus, the son of his daughter and of Neptune (as is supposed), added a dockyard to it which he named Dyrrachium. When the brothers of this Dyrrachus made war against him, Hercules, who was returning from Erythea, formed an alliance with him for a part of his territory; wherefore the Dyrrachians claim Hercules as their founder because he had a share of their land, not that they repudiate Dyrrachus, but because they pride themselves on Hercules even more as a god. In the battle which took place it is said that Hercules killed Ionius, the son of Dyrrachus, by mistake, and that after performing the funeral rites he threw the body into the sea in order that it might bear his name. At a later period the Briges, returning from Phrygia, took possession of the city and the surrounding country. They were supplanted by the Taulantii, an Illyrian tribe, who were displaced in their turn by the Liburnians, another Illyrian tribe, who were in the habit of making piratical expeditions against their neighbors, with very swift ships. Hence the Romans call swift ships liburnicae, because these were the first ones they came in conflict with. The people who had been expelled from Dyrrachium by the Liburnians procured the aid of the Corcyreans, who then ruled the sea, and drove out the Liburnians. The Corcyreans mingled their own colonists with them and thus it came to be considered a Greek port; but the Corcyreans changed its name, because they considered it unpropitious, and called it Epidamnus from the town just above it, and Thucydides gives it that name also. Nevertheless, the former name prevailed finally and it is now called Dyrrachium.

Edition note

The modern Durazzo.

Edition note

The Ionian sea of the Greeks was the southern part of the Adriatic lying between Greece and Italy. Strabo (v. I, 8) says that the Adriatic took its name from the town of Atria in Venetia. In another place (vii. 5, 10), he says: The Ionian and the Adriatic have a common mouth, but there is this difference, that the first part of this sea was called the Ionian, and the interior portion, as far as the northern extremity, the Adriatic, but now the whole is called by the latter name. Theopompus says that the former of these names was derived from a man who ruled this region and was a native of Issa, and that the latter was derived from the river Adria. This river is the modern Tartaro.

2.6.40 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.6.40

οἱ μὲν δὴ μετὰ τῶν ὑπάτων διεπεπλεύκεσαν ἐς τὸ Δυρράχιον, ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος τὸν ὑπόλοιπον στρατὸν ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον ἀγαγὼν τάς τε ναῦς ἀνέμενεν ἐπανελθεῖν, αἳ τοὺς ὑπάτους διέφερον, καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα ἐπελθόντα ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἠμύνετο τήν τε πόλιν διετάφρευε, μέχρι καταπλεύσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ στόλου περὶ δείλην ἑσπέραν ἀπέπλευσε, τοὺς εὐτολμοτάτους ἐπὶ τῶν τειχῶν ὑπολιπών· οἳ καὶ αὐτοὶ νυκτὸς ἐρχομένης ἐξέπλεον οὐρίῳ πνεύματι. καὶ Πομπήιος μὲν ὧδε μετὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ παντὸς ἐς Ἤπειρον ἐκλιπὼν τὴν Ἰταλίαν διεπέρα· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἠπόρει μέν, ὅπῃ τραπείη καὶ ὅθεν ἄρξαιτο τοῦ πολέμου, τὴν ὁρμὴν πανταχόθεν οὖσαν ἐς τὸν Πομπήιον ὁρῶν, δείσας δὲ τοῦ Πομπηίου τὸν ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ στρατόν, πολύν τε ὄντα καὶ χρόνῳ γεγυμνασμένον, μή οἱ διώκοντι τὸν Πομπήιον κατόπιν ἐπιγένοιτο, τόνδε μὲν αὐτὸς ἔγνω προκαθελεῖν ἐς Ἰβηρίαν ἐλάσας, τὴν δὲ δύναμιν ἐς πέντʼ ἐπιδιῄρει. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐν τῷ Βρεντεσίῳ, τοὺς δʼ ἐν Ὑδροῦντι κατέλιπε, τοὺς δʼ ἐν Τάραντι, φύλακας εἶναι τῆς Ἰταλίας. ἑτέρους δʼ ἔπεμπεν ἅμα Κοΐντῳ Οὐαλερίῳ, Σαρδὼ τὴν νῆσον καταλαβεῖν πυροφοροῦσαν· καὶ κατέλαβον. Ἀσίνιός τε Πολλίων ἐς Σικελίαν πεμφθείς, ἧς ἡγεῖτο Κάτων, πυνθανομένῳ τῷ Κάτωνι, πότερα τῆς βουλῆς ἢ τοῦ δήμου δόγμα φέρων ἐς ἀλλοτρίαν ἀρχὴν ἐμβάλλοι, ὧδε ἀπεκρίνατο· ὁ τῆς Ἰταλίας κρατῶν ἐπὶ ταῦτά με ἔπεμψε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.6.40

A portion of Pompey’s forces had crossed to Dyrrachium with the consuls. Pompey led the remainder to Brundusium, where he awaited the return of the ships that had carried the others over. Here Caesar advanced against him, and he defended himself by walls and dug trenches in the city until his fleet came back. Then he took his departure in the early evening, leaving the bravest of his troops on the walls. These also sailed away after nightfall, with a favorable wind. Thus Pompey and his whole army abandoned Italy and passed over to Epirus. Caesar, seeing the general drift of public opinion toward Pompey, was at a loss which way to turn or from what point to begin the war. As he had apprehensions of Pompey’s army in Spain, which was large and well disciplined by long service (lest while he was pursuing Pompey it should fall upon his rear), he decided to march to Spain and destroy that army first. He now divided his forces into five parts, one of which he left at Brundusium, another at Hydrus, and another at Tarentum to guard Italy. Another he sent under command of Quintus Valerius to take possession of the grain-producing island of Sardinia, which he did. He sent Asinius Pollio to Sicily, which was then under the command of Cato. When Cato asked him whether he had brought the order of the Senate, or that of the people, to take possession of a government that had been assigned to another, Pollio replied, The master of Italy has sent me on this business. Cato answered that in order to spare the lives of those under his command he would not make resistance there. He then sailed away to Corcyra and from Corcyra to Pompey.

Edition note

Caesar says that Pompey, either alarmed at Caesar’s works, or because he had decided from the beginning to leave Italy, began to prepare for his departure as soon as his ships should return, and in order the more effectually to delay Caesar’s onset, lest the soldiers should break in while he was on the point of embarking, he blocked up the gates, built walls in the streets and avenues, dug ditches across the ways and drove sharpened stakes and branches of trees in them. (Civil War, i. 27.)

Edition note

The modern Otranto.

Edition note

Asinius Pollio wrote a history of the civil wars from the year 60 to the battle of Philippi, which is lost. It is the subject of eulogy in one of the Odes of Horace (Lib. ii. Carm. I). Mendelssohn and G. Thouret are of the opinion that both Appian and Plutarch drew from some Greek author who drew from Pollio. Appian refers to Pollio’s history in Sec. 82 infra.

2.6.41 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.6.41

καὶ Κάτων μὲν τοσόνδε ἀποκρινάμενος, ὅτι φειδοῖ τῶν ὑπηκόων οὐκ ἐνταῦθα αὐτὸν ἀμυνεῖται, διέπλευσεν ἐς Κέρκυραν καὶ ἐκ Κερκύρας ἐς Πομπήιον· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐς Ῥώμην ἐπειχθεὶς τόν τε δῆμον, ἐκ μνήμης τῶν ἐπὶ Σύλλα καὶ Μαρίου κακῶν πεφρικότα, ἐλπίσι καὶ ὑποσχέσεσι πολλαῖς ἀνελάμβανε καὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐνσημαινόμενος φιλανθρωπίαν εἶπεν, ὅτι καὶ Λεύκιον Δομίτιον ἑλὼν ἀπαθῆ μεθείη μετὰ τῶν χρημάτων· τὰ δὲ κλεῖθρα τῶν δημοσίων ταμιείων ἐξέκοπτε καὶ τῶν δημάρχων ἑνὶ Μετέλλῳ κωλύοντι θάνατον ἠπείλει. τῶν τε ἀψαύστων ἐκίνει χρημάτων, ἅ φασιν ἐπὶ Κελτοῖς πάλαι σὺν ἀρᾷ δημοσίᾳ τεθῆναι, μὴ σαλεύειν ἐς μηδέν, εἰ μὴ Κελτικὸς πόλεμος ἐπίοι. ὁ δὲ ἔφη Κελτοὺς αὐτὸς ἐς τὸ ἀσφαλέστατον ἑλὼν λελυκέναι τῇ πόλει τὴν ἀράν. Λέπιδον δὲ Αἰμίλιον ἐφίστη τῇ πόλει καὶ τὸν δήμαρχον Μᾶρκον Ἀντώνιον τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ τῷ περὶ αὐτὴν στρατῷ. ἔς τε τὰ ἔξω Κουρίωνα μὲν ἀντὶ Κάτωνος ἡρεῖτο ἡγεῖσθαι Σικελίας, Κόιντον δὲ Σαρδοῦς, καὶ ἐς τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα Γάιον Ἀντώνιον ἔπεμπε καὶ τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων Γαλατίαν ἐπέτρεπε Λικινίῳ Κράσσῳ. ἐκέλευσε δὲ καὶ νεῶν στόλους δύο γίγνεσθαι κατὰ σπουδήν, ἀμφί τε τὸν Ἰόνιον καὶ περὶ τὴν Τυρρηνίαν· καὶ ναυάρχους αὐτοῖς ἔτι γιγνομένοις ἐπέστησεν Ὁρτήσιόν τε καὶ Δολοβέλλαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.6.41

Caesar hastened to Rome. He found the people shuddering with recollection of the horrors of Marius and Sulla and he cheered them with the prospect and promise of clemency. In proof of his kindness to his enemies, he said that he had taken Lucius Domitius prisoner and allowed him to go away unharmed with his money. Nevertheless, he broke the bolts of the public treasury, and when Metellus, one of the tribunes, tried to prevent him from entering, threatened him with death. He took away money hitherto untouched, which, they say, had been deposited there long ago, at the time of the Gallic invasion, with a public curse upon anybody who should take it out except in case of a war with the Gauls. Caesar said that he had subjugated the Gauls completely and thus released the commonwealth from the curse. He then placed Aemilius Lepidus in charge of the city, and the tribune, Mark Antony, in charge of Italy and of the army guarding it. Outside of Italy he chose Curio to take command of Sicily in place of Cato, and Quintus Valerius for Sardinia. He sent Gaius Antonius to Illyria and intrusted Cisalpine Gaul to Licinius Crassus. He ordered the building of two fleets with all speed, one in the Adriatic and the other in the Tyrrhenian sea, and appointed Hortensius and Dolabella their admirals while they were still under construction.

Edition note

The preceding section says that Asinius Pollio was sent to take command of Sicily. Caesar himself says (i. 30) that he sent Curio to Sicily with three legions and ordered him, when he had recovered that island, to transport his army immediately to Africa. He adds that Cato was energetically preparing for war by land and sea, but that when he was advised of Curio’s approach he fled from his province.

2.6.42 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.6.42

οὕτω κρατυνάμενος ὁ Καῖσαρ ἄβατον Πομπηίῳ γενέσθαι τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐς Ἰβηρίαν ᾔει, ἔνθα Πετρηίῳ καὶ Ἀφρανίῳ τοῖς Πομπηίου στρατηγοῖς συμβαλὼν ἧττον αὐτῶν ἐφέρετο τά γε πρῶτα, μετὰ δὲ ἀγχωμάλως ἀλλήλοις ἐπολέμουν ἀμφὶ πόλιν Ἰλέρτην. καὶ στρατοπεδεύων ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ κρημνῶν ἐσιτολόγει διὰ γεφύρας τοῦ Σικόριος ποταμοῦ. χειμάρρου δʼ ἄφνω τὴν γέφυραν καταβαλόντος, ἀνδρῶν τε πλῆθος ἀποληφθὲν ἐν τῇ περαίᾳ διέφθειραν οἱ περὶ τὸν Πετρήιον, καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτὸς ἐμόχθει μετὰ τοῦ ἄλλου στρατοῦ πάνυ καρτερῶς ὑπό τε δυσχωρίας καὶ ὑπὸ λιμοῦ καὶ χειμῶνος ἤδη καὶ πολεμίων· οὐδέν τε ἀλλʼ ἢ πολιορκίας ἔργον ἦν, μέχρι θέρους ἐπελθόντος ὁ μὲν Ἀφράνιος καὶ ὁ Πετρήιος ἐς τὴν ἐντὸς Ἰβηρίαν ἐχώρουν ἕτερον στρατὸν ἀθροίσοντες. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀεὶ προλαμβάνων διετάφρευε τὰς παρόδους καὶ ἐκώλυεν ἐς τὸ πρόσθεν ἰέναι καί τι καὶ μέρος αὐτῶν, προπεμπόμενον ἐς στρατοπέδου κατάληψιν, ἐκυκλώσατο. οἱ δὲ ἐπέθεσαν ταῖς κεφαλαῖς τὰς ἀσπίδας, ὅπερ ἐστὶ σύμβολον ἑαυτοὺς παραδιδόντων. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ οὔτε συνέλαβεν οὔτε κατηκόντισεν, ἀλλὰ μεθῆκεν ἀπαθεῖς ἐς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀφράνιον ἀπιέναι, δημοκοπῶν ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους πανταχοῦ. ὅθεν ἐν ταῖς στρατοπεδείαις ἐπιμιξίαι τε εἰς ἀλλήλους ἐγίγνοντο συνεχεῖς καὶ λόγοι περὶ συμβάσεων κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.6.42

Having prevailed so far as to make Italy inaccessible to Pompey, Caesar went to Spain, where he encountered Petreius and Afranius, Pompey’s lieutenants, and was worsted by them at first and afterward had an indecisive engagement with them near the town of Ilerda. He pitched his camp on some high ground and obtained his supplies by means of a bridge across the river Sicoris. Suddenly a freshet of melting snow carried away his bridge and cut off a great number of his men on the opposite side. These were destroyed by the forces of Petreius. Caesar himself, with the rest of his army, suffered very severely from the difficulty of the place, from hunger, from the weather, and from the enemy, his situation being in no wise different from that of a siege. Finally, on the approach of summer, Afranius and Petreius withdrew to the interior of Spain to recruit more soldiers, but Caesar continually anticipated them, blocked their passage, and prevented their advance. He also surrounded one of their divisions that had been sent forward to capture his camp. They raised their shields over their heads in token of surrender, but Caesar neither captured nor slaughtered them, but allowed them to go back to Afranius unharmed, after his usual manner of winning the favor of his enemies. Whence it came to pass that there was continual intercourse between the camps and talk of reconciliation among the rank and file.

Edition note

The modern Lerida.

Edition note

The modern Segre.

2.6.43 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.6.43

ἤδη δὲ καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων Ἀφρανίῳ μὲν καὶ ἑτέροις ἐδόκει τῆς Ἰβηρίας ἐκστῆναι Καίσαρι καὶ ἀπαθεῖς ἐς Πομπήιον ἀπιέναι, Πετρήιος δὲ ἀντέλεγε καὶ περιθέων ἀνὰ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἔκτεινεν, ὅσους εὑρίσκοι κατὰ τὴν ἐπιμιξίαν τῶν Καίσαρος, τῶν τε ἰδίων ἡγεμόνων ἐνιστάμενόν τινα αὐτοχειρὶ διεχρήσατο· ἐξ ὧν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀχθόμενοι τῷ σκυθρωπῷ τοῦ Πετρηίου, ἐς τὸ φιλάνθρωπον τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐτρέποντο ταῖς γνώμαις. ἐπεὶ δέ που καὶ τὴν ὑδρείαν αὐτῶν προύλαβεν ὁ Καῖσαρ, ἐν ἀμηχάνῳ γενόμενος ὁ Πετρήιος ἐς λόγους τῷ Καίσαρι συνῄει μετὰ Ἀφρανίου, ἐφορώντων αὐτοὺς τῶν στρατῶν ἑκατέρωθεν. καὶ συνέβησαν ὁ μὲν ἐκστῆναι τῆς Ἰβηρίας τῷ Καίσαρι, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ αὐτοὺς ἀπαθεῖς ἐπὶ τὸν Οὐᾶρον ποταμὸν διαγαγεῖν καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦδε χωροῦντας ἐς Πομπήιον ἐᾶν. γενόμενος δʼ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τοῦδε τοῦ ποταμοῦ συνήγαγεν αὐτῶν ἐς ἐπήκοον, ὅσοι ἦσαν ἔκ τε Ῥώμης καὶ Ἰταλίας, καὶ ἐδημηγόρησεν ὧδε· ὑμῶν, ὦ πολέμιοι ʽτῷδε γὰρ ἔτι τῷ ῥήματι χρώμενος ἐναργεστέραν ὑμῖν τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ γνώμην ποιήσὠ, οὔτε τοὺς προπεμφθέντας ἐς τὴν κατάληψιν τοῦ στρατοπέδου, οἳ σφᾶς ἐμοὶ παρέδοσαν, διέφθειρα οὔτε τὸν ἄλλον ὑμῶν στρατόν, λαβὼν τὰ ὑδρεύματα, Πετρηίου ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν τοὺς ὑπὲρ τὸν Σίκοριν ποταμὸν ἀποληφθέντας προανελόντος. εἰ δή τις ἔστι μοι παρʼ ὑμῶν ὑπὲρ τούτων χάρις, φράζετε αὐτὰ τοῖς Πομπηίου στρατιώταις ἅπασι. τοσάδε εἰπὼν τοὺς μὲν ἀπέλυεν ἀπαθεῖς, αὐτὸς δὲ τῆς Ἰβηρίας ἀπέφαινεν ἡγεῖσθαι Κάσσιον Κόιντον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.6.43

To Afranius and some of the other officers it now seemed best to abandon Spain to Caesar, provided they could go unharmed to Pompey. Petreius opposed this and ran through the camp killing those of Caesar’s men whom he found holding communication with his own. He even slew with his own hand one of his officers who tried to restrain him. Moved by these acts of severity on the part of Petreius, the minds of the soldiers were still more attracted to the clemency of Caesar. Soon afterward Caesar managed to cut off the enemy’s access to water, and Petreius was compelled by necessity to come with Afranius to a conference with Caesar between the two armies. Here it was agreed that they should abandon Spain to Caesar, and that he should conduct them unharmed to the other side of the river Varus and allow them to proceed thence to Pompey. Arrived at this stream, Caesar called a meeting of all those who were from Rome or Italy and addressed them as follows: My enemies (for by still using this term I shall make my meaning clearer to you), I did not destroy those of you who surrendered to me when you had been sent to seize my camp, nor the rest of your army when I had cut you off from water, although Petreius had previously slaughtered those of my men who were intercepted on the other side of the river Sicoris. If there is any gratitude among you for these favors tell them to all of Pompey’s soldiers. After speaking thus he dismissed them uninjured, and he appointed Quintus Cassius governor of Spain. So much for the operations of Caesar.

Edition note

The modern Var. It rises in the Maritime Alps and empties into the Mediterranean near Nice.

Edition note

This is a very meagre account of the Ilerda campaign. That of Plutarch is still more so. A detailed narrative of it is given by Caesar himself (i. 37-87), showing how he manœuvred the enemy into a surrender without coming to a general engagement.

2.7.44 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.7.44

καὶ τάδε μὲν ἦν ἀμφὶ τὸν Καίσαρα· Λιβύης δὲ Οὐᾶρος Ἄττιος ἐστρατήγει τῷ Πομπηίῳ, καὶ Ἰόβας ὁ τῶν Μαυρουσίων Νομάδων βασιλεὺς τῷ Οὐάρῳ συνεμάχει, Κουρίων δʼ ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος αὐτοῖς ἐκ Σικελίας ἐπέπλει δύο τέλεσι στρατοῦ καὶ ναυσὶ δυώδεκα μακραῖς καὶ ὁλκάσι πολλαῖς. Ἰτύκῃ δὲ προσσχὼν ἐν μέν τινι βραχείᾳ περὶ αὐτὴν ἱππομαχίᾳ τρέπεταί τινας τῶν Νομάδων ἱππέας καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἔτι οὔσης αὐτοκράτωρ ὑπέστη προσαγορευθῆναι. ἔστι δὲ τιμὴ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς τόδε τὸ προσαγόρευμα παρὰ τῶν στρατῶν, καθάπερ αὐτοῖς ἐπιμαρτυρούντων ἀξίως σφῶν αὐτοκράτορας εἶναι· καὶ τήνδε τὴν τιμὴν οἱ στρατηγοὶ πάλαι μὲν ἐπὶ πᾶσι τοῖς μεγίστοις ἔργοις προσίεντο, νῦν δʼ ὅρον εἶναι τῇδε τῇ εὐφημίᾳ πυνθάνομαι τὸ μυρίους πεσεῖν. ἔτι δὲ τοῦ Κουρίωνος ἐπὶ πλέοντος ἐκ Σικελίας, οἱ ἐν τῇ Λιβύῃ. νομίσαντες αὐτὸν διὰ δοξοκοπίαν ἀμφὶ τὸν χάρακα τὸν Σκιπίωνος κατὰ δόξαν τῆς ἐκείνου μεγαλουργίας στρατοπεδεύσειν, τὸ ὕδωρ ἐφάρμαξαν. καὶ ἐλπίδος οὐ διήμαρτον· ὅ τε γὰρ Κουρίων ἐστάθμευσεν ἐνταῦθα, καὶ ὁ στρατὸς εὐθὺς ἐνόσει, πιοῦσί τε τὸ βλέμμα ἀμαυρὸν ἦν ὥσπερ ἐν ὁμίχλῃ, καὶ ὕπνος ἐπεγίγνετο σὺν κάρῳ, μετὰ δʼ αὐτὸν ἔμετοι τροφῆς ποικίλοι καὶ σπασμὸς ὅλου τοῦ σώματος. ὧν δὴ χάριν ὁ Κουρίων παρʼ αὐτὴν Ἰτύκην μετεστρατοπέδευε, διʼ ἕλους ἰσχυροῦ τε καὶ μακροῦ τὸν στρατόν, ἀσθενῆ διὰ τὴν ἀρρωστίαν γεγονότα, ἄγων. ὡς δέ σφισιν ἡ νίκη Καίσαρος ἡ περὶ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν ἀπηγγέλθη, ἀνεθάρρησάν τε καὶ παρετάξαντο παρὰ τὴν θάλασσαν ἐν βραχεῖ χωρίῳ. μάχης δὲ καρτερᾶς γενομένης Κουρίωνος μὲν εἷς ἀνὴρ ἔπεσεν, Οὐάρου δὲ ἑξακόσιοι, καὶ κατετρώθησαν ἔτι πλείονες.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.7.44

Attius Varus commanded the Pompeian forces in Africa, and Juba, king of the Mauritanian Numidians, was in alliance with him. Curio sailed from Sicily against them in behalf of Caesar with two legions, twelve war vessels, and a number of ships of burden. He landed at Utica and put to flight a body of Numidian horse in a small cavalry engagement near that place, and allowed himself to be saluted as Imperator by the soldiers with their arms still in their hands. This title is an honor conferred upon generals by their soldiers, who thus testify that they consider them worthy to be their commanders. In the olden time the generals accepted this honor only for the greatest exploits. At present I understand that the distinction is limited to cases where at least 10,000 of the enemy have been killed. While Curio was crossing from Sicily the inhabitants of Africa thinking that, in emulation of the glory of Scipio, he would establish his quarters near the camp of the latter, poisoned the water in the neighborhood. Their expectation was fulfilled. Curio encamped there and his army immediately fell sick. When they drank the water their eyesight became dim as in a mist, and sleep with torpor ensued, and after that frequent vomiting and spasms of the whole body. For this reason Curio changed his camp to the neighborhood of Utica itself, leading his enfeebled army through an extensive marshy region. But when they received the news of Caesar’s victory in Spain they took courage and put themselves in order of battle in a narrow space along the seashore. Here a severe battle was fought in which Curio lost only one man, while Varus lost 600 killed, besides a still larger number wounded.

Edition note

This story, with its incredible disproportion of loss, is related also by Caesar (ii. 35), who tells us that Varus had the advantage of position.

2.7.45 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.7.45

Ἰόβα δʼ ἐπιόντος δόξα ψευδὴς προεπήδησεν, ἀμφὶ τὸν Βαγράδαν ποταμὸν οὐ πολὺ διεστῶτα ὑπεστροφέναι τὸν Ἰόβαν, πορθουμένης αὐτῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ τῶν γειτόνων, Σαβούρραν στρατηγὸν σὺν ὀλίγοις ἐπὶ τοῦ ποταμοῦ καταλιπόντα. καὶ τῷδε τῷ λόγῳ πίσυνος ὁ Κουρίων θέρους θερμοῦ περὶ τρίτην ὥραν ἡμέρας ἦγε τὸ κράτιστον τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐπὶ τὸν Σαβούρραν, ὁδὸν ψαμμώδη καὶ ἄνυδρον· εἰ γάρ τι καὶ νᾶμα χειμέριον ἦν, ἐξήραντο ὑπὸ τῆς φλογὸς τοῦ ἡλίου, καὶ ὁ ποταμὸς ὑπό τε Σαβούρρα καὶ ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ παρόντος κατείχετο τοῦ βασιλέως. σφαλεὶς οὖν τῆς ἐλπίδος ὁ Κουρίων ἐς λόφους ἀνέδραμεν ὑπό τε καμάτου καὶ πνίγους καὶ δίψης ἐνοχλούμενος. ὡς δὲ αὐτὸν κατεῖδον οὕτως ἔχοντα οἱ πολέμιοι, τὸν ποταμὸν ἐπέρων ἐς μάχην ἐσκευασμένοι· καὶ ὁ Κουρίων κατέβαινεν ἀφρόνως μάλα καὶ καταφρονητικῶς, ἀσθενῆ τὸν στρατὸν ἄγων. κυκλωσαμένων δʼ αὐτὸν τῶν Νομάδων ἱππέων ἐπὶ μέν τινα χρόνον ὑπεχώρει καὶ ἐς βραχὺ συνεστέλλετο, ἐνοχλούμενος δὲ ἀνέφευγεν αὖθις ἐς τοὺς λόφους. Ἀσίνιος μὲν δὴ Πολλίων ἀρχομένου τοῦ κακοῦ διέφυγεν ἐπὶ τὸ ἐν Ἰτύκῃ στρατόπεδον σὺν ὀλίγοις, μή τις ἐξ Οὐάρου γένοιτο πρὸς τὴν δόξαν τῆς ἐνταῦθα κακοπραγίας ἐπίθεσις· Κουρίων δὲ φιλοκινδύνως μαχόμενος σὺν ἅπασι τοῖς παροῦσιν ἔπεσεν, ὡς ἐπὶ τῷ Πολλίωνι μηδένα ἄλλον ἐπανελθεῖν ἐς Ἰτύκην.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.7.45

Meantime, while Juba was advancing a false report preceded him, that he had turned back at the river Bagradas, which was not far distant, because his kingdom had been invaded by his neighbors, and that he had left Saburra, his general, with a small force at the river. Curio believed this report and about the third hour of a hot summer day led the greater part of his army against Saburra by a sandy road destitute of water; for even if there were any streams there in winter they were now dried up by the heat of the sun. He found the river in possession of Saburra and of the king himself. Disappointed in his expectation Curio retreated to some hills, oppressed by fatigue, heat, and thirst. When the enemy beheld him in this condition they crossed the river prepared for fight. Curio despised the danger and very imprudently led his enfeebled army down to the plain, where he was surrounded by the Numidian horse. Here for some time he sustained the attack by retiring slowly and drawing his men together into a small space, but being much distressed he retreated again to the hills. Asinius Pollio, at the beginning of the trouble, had retreated with a small force to the camp at Utica lest Varus should make an attack upon it as soon as he should hear the news of the disaster at the river. Curio perished fighting bravely, together with all his men, not one returning to Utica after Pollio. Such was the result of the battle at the river Bagradas. Curio’s head was cut off and carried to Juba.

2.7.46 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.7.46

τοιοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ τέλος τῆς ἀμφὶ τὸν Βαγράδαν ποταμὸν μάχης ἐγένετο, καὶ ἡ κεφαλὴ τοῦ Κουρίωνος ἀποτμηθεῖσα ἐς Ἰόβαν ἐφέρετο· ἐν δὲ τῷ περὶ τὴν Ἰτύκην στρατοπέδῳ τοῦ κακοῦ φανεροῦ γενομένου, Φλάμμας μὲν ὁ ναύαρχος αὐτίκα ἔφευγεν αὐτῷ στόλῳ, πρίν τινα τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ἀναλαβεῖν, Ἀσίνιος δʼ ἐς τοὺς παρορμοῦντας ἐμπόρους ἀκατίῳ διαπλεύσας ἐδεῖτο αὐτῶν ἐπιπλεῦσαί τε καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἀναλαβεῖν. καί τινες ἐς τοῦτο νυκτὸς ἐπέπλευσαν, ἀθρόων δʼ ἐσβαινόντων ἐκείνων τά τε σκάφη κατεδύετο, καὶ τῶν ἀναχθέντων οἱ ἔμποροι τοὺς πολλοὺς χρήματα φέροντας ἕνεκα τῶν χρημάτων ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν ἐρρίπτουν. καὶ τάδε μὲν ἦν ἀμφὶ τοὺς ἀναχθέντας, ἕτερα δʼ ἐν τῇ γῇ, νυκτὸς ἔτι, περὶ τοὺς ὑπολειφθέντας ἐγίγνετο ὅμοια. καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν οἱ μὲν τῷ Οὐάρῳ σφᾶς παρέδοσαν, ὁ δὲ Ἰόβας ἐπελθὼν περιέστησεν αὐτοὺς περὶ τὸ τεῖχος καὶ ὡς λείψανα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ νίκης κατηκόντισεν, οὐδέν τι φροντίσας οὐδὲ Οὐάρου παρακαλοῦντος. οὕτω μὲν δὴ τὰ σὺν Κουρίωνι ἐς Αιβύην ἐπιπλεύσαντα Ῥωμαίων δύο τέλη διώλετο ἅπαντα καὶ ὅσοι μετʼ αὐτῶν ἦσαν ἱππέες τε καὶ ψιλοὶ καὶ ὑπηρέται τοῦ στρατοῦ· Ἰόβας δʼ ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα ἀνέστρεφε, μέγιστον ἔργον τόδε Πομπηίῳ καταλογιζόμενος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.7.46

As soon as the news of this disaster reached the camp at Utica, Flamma, the admiral, fled, fleet and all, not taking a single one of the land forces on board, but Pollio rowed out in a small boat to the merchant ships that were lying at anchor near by and besought them to come to the shore and take the army on board. Some of them did so by night. The soldiers came aboard in such crowds that some of the small boats were sunk. Of those who were carried out to sea, and who had money with them, many were thrown overboard by the merchants for the sake of the money. So much for those who put to sea, but similar calamities, while it was still night, befell those who remained on shore. At daybreak they surrendered themselves to Varus, but Juba came up and, having collected them under the walls, put them all to the sword, claiming that they were the remainder of his victory, and paying no attention to the remonstrances of even Varus. Thus the two Roman legions that sailed to Africa with Curio were totally destroyed, together with the cavalry, the light-armed troops, and the servants belonging to the army. Juba, after vaunting his great exploit to Pompey, returned home.

2.7.47 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.7.47

καὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ἡμερῶν Ἀντώνιός τε περὶ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα ἡττᾶτο ὑπὸ Ὀκταουίου κατὰ Δολοβέλλα Πομπηίῳ στρατηγοῦντος, καὶ στρατιὰ Καίσαρος ἄλλη περὶ Πλακεντίαν στασιάσασα τῶν ἀρχόντων κατεβόησεν, ὡς ἔν τε τῇ στρατείᾳ βραδύνοντες καὶ τὰς πέντε μνᾶς οὐ λαβόντες, ἥν τινα δωρεὰν αὐτοῖς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἔτι περὶ Βρεντέσιον ὑπέσχητο. ὧν ὁ Καῖσαρ πυθόμενος ἐκ Μασσαλίας ἐς Πλακεντίαν ἠπείγετο συντόμως καὶ ἐς ἔτι στασιάζοντας ἐπελθὼν ἔλεγεν ὧδε· τάχει μὲν ὅσῳ περὶ ἕκαστα χρῶμαι, σύνιστέ μοι· βραδύνει δʼ ὁ πόλεμος οὐ διʼ ἡμᾶς, ἀλλὰ διὰ τοὺς πολεμίους ὑποφεύγοντας ἡμᾶς. ὑμεῖς δʼ ἔν τε Γαλατίᾳ πολλὰ τῆς ἐμῆς ἀρχῆς ὀνάμενοι καὶ ἐς τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον ὅλον, οὐκ ἐς μέρος αὐτοῦ μοι συνομόσαντες ἐν μέσοις ἔργοις ἡμᾶς ἀπολείπετε καὶ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἐπανίστασθε καὶ προστάττειν ἀξιοῦτε, παρʼ ὧν χρὴ προστάγματα λαμβάνειν. μαρτυράμενος οὖν ἐμαυτὸν τῆς ἐς ὑμᾶς μέχρι δεῦρο φιλοτιμίας χρήσομαι τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ καὶ τοῦ ἐνάτου τέλους, ἐπειδὴ μάλιστα τῆς στάσεως κατῆρξε, τὸ δέκατον διακληρώσω θανεῖν. θρήνου δὲ ἀθρόως ἐξ ἅπαντος τοῦ τέλους γενομένου, οἱ μὲν ἄρχοντες αὐτοῦ προσπεσόντες ἱκέτευον, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ μόλις τε καὶ κατʼ ὀλίγον ἐνδιδοὺς ἐς τοσοῦτον ὅμως ὑφῆκεν, ὡς ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι μόνους, οἳ κατάρξαι μάλιστα ἐδόκουν, διακληρῶσαι καὶ δυώδεκα αὐτῶν τοὺς λαχόντας ἀνελεῖν. τῶν δὲ δυώδεκα τῶνδε ἐφάνη τις οὐδʼ ἐπιδημῶν, ὅτε ἡ στάσις ἐγίγνετο· καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ τὸν ἐμφήναντα λοχαγὸν ἔκτεινεν ἀντʼ αὐτοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.7.47

About this time [Gaius] Antonius was defeated in Illyria by Pompey’s lieutenant, Octavius, and another army of Caesar mutinied at Placentia, crying out against their officers for prolonging the war and not paying them the five minae that Caesar had promised them as a donative while they were still at Brundusium. When Caesar heard of this he flew from Massilia to Placentia and coming before the soldiers, who were still in a state of mutiny, addressed them as follows: You know what kind of speed I use in everything I undertake. This war is not prolonged by us, but by the enemy, who have fled from us. You reaped great advantages from my command in Gaul, and you took an oath to me for the whole of this war and not for a part only; and now you abandon us in the midst of our labors, you revolt against your officers, you propose to give orders to those from whom you are bound to receive orders. Being myself the witness of my liberality to you heretofore I shall now execute the law of our country by decimating the ninth legion, where this mutiny began. Straightway a cry went up from the whole legion, and the officers threw themselves at Caesar’s feet in supplication. Caesar yielded little by little and so far remitted the punishment as to designate 120 only (who seemed to have been the leaders of the revolt), and chose twelve of these by lot to be put to death. One of the twelve proved that he was absent when the conspiracy was formed, and Caesar put to death in his stead the centurion who had accused him.

Edition note

The silver mina was equal to about $18 of our money.

Edition note

The Greek text in several old MSS. at this place reads Πετρηίῳ νόμῳ which supposes a Petreian law totally unknown in Roman history. Casaubon was the first to perceive that it ought to read πατρίῳ νόμῳ instead of πετρηίῳ. Tollius sustained the correction of Casaubon and the MS. of the library of Augsburg and that of Venice, verified by Schweighäuser, have confirmed it. (Combes-Dounous.) The phrase occurs again in Sec. 63 infra.

2.7.48 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.7.48

ἡ μὲν δὴ περὶ Πλακεντίαν στάσις οὕτως ἐλέλυτο, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐς Ῥώμην παρῆλθε, καὶ αὐτὸν ὁ δῆμος πεφρικὼς ᾑρεῖτο δικτάτορα, οὔτε τι τῆς βουλῆς ψηφιζομένης οὔτε προχειροτονοῦντος ἄρχοντος. ὁ δέ, εἴτε παραιτησάμενος τὴν ἀρχὴν ὡς ἐπίφθονον εἴτε οὐ χρῄζων, ἄρξας ἐπὶ ἕνδεκα μόνας ἡμέρας ʽὧδε γάρ τισι δοκεἶ ὑπάτους ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἀπέφηνεν ἑαυτόν τε καὶ Πούπλιον Ἰσαυρικόν. ἡγεμόνας τε ἐς τὰ ἔθνη περιέπεμπεν ἢ ἐνήλλαττεν, ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ καταλέγων. ἐς μὲν Ἰβηρίαν Μᾶρκον Λέπιδον, ἐς δὲ Σικελίαν Αὖλον Ἀλβῖνον, ἐς δὲ Σαρδὼ Σέξστον Πεδουκαῖον, ἐς δὲ τὴν νεόληπτον Γαλατίαν Δέκμον Βροῦτον. τῷ δὲ δήμῳ λιμώττοντι σῖτον ἐπέδωκε καὶ τοὺς φυγάδας δεομένῳ καταγαγεῖν συνεχώρησε, χωρὶς Μίλωνος. αἰτοῦσι δʼ αὐτοῖς καὶ χρεῶν ἀποκοπὰς διά τε πολέμους καὶ στάσεις καὶ τὴν ἐκ τῶνδε τοῖς πιπρασκομένοις ἐποῦσαν εὐωνίαν, τὰς μὲν ἀποκοπὰς οὐκ ἔδωκε, τιμητὰς δὲ τῶν ὠνίων ἀπέφηνεν, ὧν ἔδει τοὺς χρήστας τοῖς δανείσασιν ἀντὶ τῶν χρημάτων διδόναι. καὶ τάδε πράξας περὶ χειμερίους τροπὰς περιέπεμπε τὸν στρατὸν ἀπαντᾶν ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον αὐτός τε ἐξῄει Δεκεμβρίου μηνὸς Ῥωμαίοις ὄντος, οὐκ ἀναμείνας οὐδὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἕνεκα τὴν νουμηνίαν τοῦ ἔτους πλησιάζουσαν. ὁ δὲ δῆμος εἵπετο παρακαλῶν συμβῆναι Πομπηίῳ· οὐ γὰρ ἄδηλον ἦν ἐς μοναρχίαν τὸν νικῶντα τρέψεσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.7.48

After thus quelling the mutiny at Placentia Caesar proceeded to Rome, where the trembling people chose him dictator without any decree of the Senate and without the intervention of a magistrate. But he, either deprecating the office as likely to prove invidious or not desiring it, after holding it only eleven days (as some say) designated himself and Publius Isauricus as consuls. He appointed or changed the governors of provinces according to his own pleasure. He assigned Marcus Lepidus to Spain, Aulus Albinius to Sicily, Sextus Peducaeus to Sardinia, and Decimus Brutus to the newly acquired Gaul. He distributed corn to the suffering people and at their petition he allowed the return of all exiles except Milo. When he was asked to decree an abolition of debts, on the ground that the wars and seditions had caused a fall of prices, he refused it, but appointed appraisers of vendible goods which debtors might give to their creditors instead of money. When this had been done, about the winter solstice, he sent for his whole army to rendezvous at Brundusium and he himself took his departure in the month of December, according to the Roman calendar, not waiting for the beginning of his consulship on the calends of the new year, which was close at hand. The people followed him to the city gates, urging him to come to an arrangement with Pompey, for it was evident that whichever of them should conquer would wield sovereign power. Caesar departed on his journey and travelled with all possible speed.

Edition note

Caesar says that while he was at Massilia he learned that a law had been passed for creating a dictator and that he had been named for that office by Marcus Lepidus, the praetor.

Edition note

Caesar’s account of this matter is as follows: Since credit was at a low ebb in the whole of Italy and debts could not be paid in money, Caesar decided that arbiters should be appointed to appraise the property and possessions of the debtors at their value before the war and hand them over to the creditors. (Civil War, iii. I.)

2.8.49 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.8.49

καὶ ὁ μὲν ὥδευεν οὐδὲν ἐλλείπων δυνατῆς ἐπείξεως, ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος πάντα τὸν χρόνον τόνδε ναῦς ἐποιεῖτο καὶ στρατὸν αἰεὶ πλείονα καὶ χρήματα συνῆγε καὶ τὰς ἐν τῷ Ἰονίῳ Καίσαρος τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς ἑλὼν ἐφύλασσεν αὐτοῦ τὸν διάπλουν τόν τε στρατὸν ἐγύμναζε, συντρέχων καὶ συνιππεύων καὶ παντὸς ἐξάρχων πόνου παρʼ ἡλικίαν· ὅθεν αὐτῷ ῥᾳδίως εὔνοιά τε ἦν, καὶ συνέθεον ἐπὶ τὰ γυμνάσια Πομπηίου πάντες ὡς ἐπὶ θέαν. ἦν δʼ ἐς τότε Καίσαρι μὲν δέκα τέλη πεζῶν καὶ Κελτῶν ἱππέες μύριοι, Πομπηίῳ δὲ πέντε μὲν ἐξ Ἰταλίας, μεθʼ ὧν τὸν Ἰόνιον διεπεπλεύκει, καὶ τούτοις ὅσοι συνετάσσοντο ἱππέες, ἐκ δὲ Παρθυαίων δύο, τῶν σὺν Κράσσῳ πεπολεμηκότων τὰ ὑπόλοιπα, […: gap in edition] καί τι μέρος ἄλλο τῶν ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἐσβαλόντων μετὰ Γαβινίου, σύμπαντα ἀνδρῶν Ἰταλῶν ἕνδεκα τέλη καὶ ἱππέες ἀμφὶ τοὺς ἑπτακισχιλίους. σύμμαχοι δʼ ἐξ Ἰωνίας τε καὶ Μακεδονίας καὶ Πελοποννήσου καὶ Βοιωτίας τοξόται τε Κρῆτες καὶ σφενδονῆται Θρᾷκες καὶ ὅσοι περὶ τὸν Πόντον βέλεσι χρῶνται, ἱππέες τέ τινες Κελτῶν καὶ ἐκ Γαλατίας ἕτεροι τῆς ἑῴας Κομμαγηνοί τε ὑπʼ Ἀντιόχου πεμφθέντες καὶ Κίλικες καὶ Καππαδόκαι καὶ ἐκ τῆς βραχυτέρας Ἀρμενίας τινὲς καὶ Παμφύλιοι καὶ Πισίδαι. ὧν οὐχ ἅπασιν ἐς μάχας, ἀλλʼ ἐς φρούρια καὶ ταφρείας καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τοῦ Ἰταλικοῦ στρατοῦ χρῆσθαι διενοεῖτο, ἵνα μηδένα τῶν Ἰταλῶν τοῦ πολέμου περισπῴη. καὶ τάδε μὲν ἦν αὐτῷ τὰ πεζά, νῆες δὲ μακραὶ μὲν ἐντελεῖς τοῖς πληρώμασιν ἑξακόσιαι, καὶ τούτων ἐς ἑκατὸν Ῥωμαίων ἐπιβατῶν, αἳ καὶ μάλιστα προύχειν ἐδόκουν, πολὺ δὲ ὁλκάδων καὶ σκευοφόρων ἄλλο πλῆθος. ναύαρχοί τε πολλοὶ κατὰ μέρη, καὶ ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς Μᾶρκος Βύβλος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.8.49

In the meantime Pompey was using all diligence to build ships and collect additional forces of men and money. He captured forty of Caesar’s ships in the Adriatic and guarded against his crossing. He disciplined his army and took part in the exercises of both infantry and cavalry, and was foremost in everything, notwithstanding his age. In this way he readily gained the good-will of his soldiers; and the people flocked to see Pompey’s military drills as to a spectacle. Caesar at that time had ten legions of infantry and 10,000 Gallic horse. Pompey had five legions from Italy, with which he had crossed the Adriatic, and the cavalry belonging to them; also the two surviving legions that had served with Crassus in the Parthian war and a certain part of those who had made the incursion into Egypt with Gabinius, making altogether eleven legions of Italian troops and about 7000 horse. He had auxiliaries also from Ionia, Macedonia, Peloponnesus, and Bœotia, Cretan archers, Thracian slingers, and Pontic javelin-throwers. He had also some Gallic horse and others from Galatia in the east, together with Commageneans sent by Antiochus, Cilicians, Cappadocians, some from Lesser Armenia, also Pamphylians and Pisidians. Pompey did not intend to use all these for fighting. Some were employed in garrison duty, in building fortifications, and in other service for the Italian soldiers, so that none of the latter should be kept away from the battles. Such were Pompey’s land forces. He had 600 war-ships perfectly equipped, of which about 100 were manned by Romans and were understood to be much superior to the rest. He also had a great number of transports and ships of burthen. There were numerous naval commanders for the different divisions, and Marcus Bibulus had the chief command over all.

2.8.50 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.8.50

ὡς δέ οἱ πάντα ἦν ἕτοιμα, συναγαγὼν ὅσοι τε ἦσαν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν καλουμένων ἱππέων καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἅπαντα ἐς ἐπήκοον, ἔλεξεν ὧδε· καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι τὴν πόλιν ἐξέλιπον, ὦ ἄνδρες, ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας τοῖς ἐπιοῦσι πολεμοῦντες, οὐ τὰ οἰκήματα πόλιν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἄνδρας εἶναι νομίζοντες· καὶ τόδε πράξαντες ὀξέως αὐτὴν ἀνέλαβόν τε καὶ εὐκλεεστέραν ἀπέφηναν· καὶ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν οἱ πρόγονοι Κελτῶν ἐπιόντων ἐξέλιπον τὸ ἄστυ, καὶ αὐτὸ ἀνεσώσατο ἐξ Ἀρδεατῶν Κάμιλλος ὁρμώμενος. πάντες τε οἱ εὖ φρονοῦντες τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, ὅπῃ ποτʼ ἂν ὦσιν, ἡγοῦνται πατρίδα. ὃ καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐνθυμούμενοι δεῦρο διεπλεύσαμεν, οὐ τὴν πατρίδα ἐκλιπόντες, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς παρασκευασόμενοί τε καλῶς ἐνθάδε καὶ ἀμυνούμενοι τὸν ἐκ πολλοῦ μὲν ἐπιβουλεύοντα αὐτῇ, διὰ δὲ τοὺς δωροδοκοῦντας τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἄφνω καταλαβόντα. ὃν ὑμεῖς μὲν ἐψηφίσασθε εἶναι πολέμιον, ὁ δὲ καὶ νῦν ἡγεμόνας ἐς τὰ ἔθνη τὰ ὑμέτερα περιπέμπει καὶ τῇ πόλει τινὰς ἐφίστησι καὶ ἑτέρους ἀνὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν· τοσῇδε τόλμῃ τὸν δῆμον ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. καὶ εἰ τάδε πολεμῶν ἔτι καὶ δεδιὼς καὶ δίκην σὺν θεῷ δώσων ἐξεργάζεται, τί χρὴ νικήσαντα προσδοκᾶν ἐκλείψειν ὠμότητος ἢ βίας; καὶ τάδε πράττοντι κατὰ τῆς πατρίδος σύνεισίν τινες ἐωνημένοι χρημάτων ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἀπὸ τῆς ὑμετέρας Γαλατίας πεπόρισται, δουλεύειν ἀντὶ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἰσονομίας αἱρούμενοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.8.50

When all was in readiness Pompey called the senators, the knights, and the whole army to an assembly and addressed them as follows: Fellow-soldiers, the Athenians, too, abandoned their city for the sake of liberty when they were fighting against invasion, because they believed that it was not houses that made a city, but men; and after they had done so they presently recovered it and made it more renowned than even before. So, too, our own ancestors abandoned the city when the Gauls invaded it, and Camillus hasted from Ardea and recovered it. All men of sound mind think that their country is wherever they can preserve their liberty. Because we were thus minded we sailed hither, not as deserters of our native land, but in order to prepare ourselves to defend it gloriously against one who has long conspired against it, and, by means of bribe-takers, has at last seized Italy by a sudden invasion, and whom you have decreed a public enemy. He now sends governors to take charge of your provinces. He appoints others over the city and still others throughout Italy. With such audacity has he deprived the people of their own government. If he does these things while the war is still raging and while he is apprehensive of the result and when we intend, with a god’s help, to bring him to punishment, what cruelty, what violence is he likely to abstain from if he wins the victory? And while he is doing these things against the fatherland certain men, who have been bought with money that he obtained from our province of Gaul, coöperate with him, choosing to be his slaves instead of his equals.

2.8.51 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.8.51

ἐγὼ δʼ οὐκ ἐξέλιπον οὐδʼ ἂν ἐκλίποιμι τὸν μεθʼ ὑμῶν καὶ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἀγῶνα, ἀλλὰ καὶ στρατιώτην ἐμαυτὸν ὑμῖν καὶ στρατηγὸν ἐπιδίδωμι καί, εἴ τις ἔστι μοι πολέμων ἐμπειρία καὶ τύχη ἀηττήτῳ μέχρι νῦν γενομένῳ, καὶ τάδε μοι πάντα τοὺς θεοὺς ἐς τὰ παρόντα συνενεγκεῖν εὔχομαι καὶ γενέσθαι τῇ πατρίδι κινδυνευούσῃ καθὰ καὶ περικτωμένῃ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν αἴσιος. θαρρεῖν δὲ χρὴ τοῖς τε θεοῖς καὶ αὐτῷ τῷ λογισμῷ τοῦ πολέμου, καλὴν καὶ δικαίαν ἔχοντι φιλοτιμίαν ὑπὲρ πατρίου πολιτείας, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ, τῷ πλήθει τῆς παρασκευῆς τῷ τε νῦν ὄντι ἡμῖν κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν καὶ τῷ γιγνομένῳ τε ἀεὶ καὶ προσεσομένῳ μᾶλλον, ἐπειδὰν τῶν ἔργων ἁψώμεθα. ὅσα γὰρ εἰπεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἕω καὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον πόντον ἔθνη, πάντα, ἑλληνικά τε καὶ βάρβαρα, ἡμῖν σύνεστι· καὶ βασιλέες, ὅσοι Ῥωμαίοις ἢ ἐμοὶ φίλοι, στρατιὰν καὶ βέλη καὶ ἀγορὰν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην παρασκευὴν χορηγοῦσιν. ἴτε οὖν ἐπὶ τὸ ἔργον ἀξίως τῆς τε πατρίδος καὶ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν καὶ ἐμοῦ, καὶ τῆς Καίσαρος ὕβρεως μνημονεύοντες καὶ ὀξέως ἐς τὰ παραγγελλόμενα χωροῦντες.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.8.51

I have not failed and I never will fail to fight with you and for you. I give you my services both as soldier and as general. If I have had any experience in war, if it has been my good fortune to remain unvanquished to this day, I pray the gods to continue all these blessings in our present need and that I may become a man of destiny for my country in her perils as I was in extending her dominion. Surely we may trust in the gods and in the righteousness of the war, which has for its noble and just object the defence of our country’s constitution. In addition to this we may rely upon the magnitude of the preparations which we behold on land and sea, which are all the time growing and will be augmented still more as soon as we come into action. We may say that all the nations of the East and around the Euxine Sea, both Greek and barbarian, stand with us, and the kings, who are friends of the Roman people or of myself, are supplying us soldiers, arms, provisions, and other implements of war. Come to your task then with a spirit worthy of your country, of yourselves, and of me, mindful of the wrongs you have received from Caesar, and ready to obey my orders promptly.

2.8.52 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.8.52

ὁ μὲν ὧδε εἶπεν, ὁ δὲ στρατὸς ἅπας καὶ ὅσοι ἦσαν ἀμφʼ αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς, πολὺ καὶ γνωριμώτατον πλῆθος, εὐφήμουν ὁμοῦ καὶ ἐκέλευον ἄγειν, ἐφʼ ὅ τι χρῄζοι. ὁ δέ ʽἡγεῖτο γάρ, δυσχεροῦς ἔτι τῆς ὥρας οὔσης καὶ τῆς θαλάσσης ἀλιμένου, μετὰ χειμῶνα ἐπιπλευσεῖσθαι τὸν Καίσαρα ὕπατόν τε ὄντα τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐν τοσῷδε διαθήσεσθαἰ τοῖς μὲν ναυάρχοις προσέταττεν ἐπιτηρεῖν τὴν θάλασσαν, τὸν δὲ στρατὸν ἐς χειμασίαν ἐπιδιῄρει καὶ περιέπεμπεν ἔς τε Θεσσαλίαν καὶ Μακεδονίαν. καὶ Πομπήιος μὲν οὕτω τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀμελῶς ἐτεκμαίρετο, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ, ὥς μοι προείρητο, περὶ χειμερίους τροπὰς ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον ἠπείγετο, νομίζων τῷ ἀδοκήτῳ μάλιστα ἐκπλήξειν τοὺς πολεμίους. οὔτε δὲ ἀγορὰν οὔτε παρασκευὴν οὔτε τὸν στρατὸν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πάντα ἠθροισμένον ἐν τῷ Βρεντεσίῳ καταλαβών, τοὺς παρόντας ὅμως ἐς ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγὼν ἔλεγεν·

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.8.52

When Pompey had thus spoken the whole army, including the senators and a great many of the nobility who were with him, applauded him vociferously and told him to lead them wherever he would. Pompey thought that as the weather was bad and the sea boisterous Caesar would not attempt to cross till the end of winter, but would be occupied in the meantime with his duties as consul. So he ordered his naval officers to keep watch of the sea, and then divided his army and sent it into winter quarters in Thessaly and Macedonia. So heedlessly did Pompey form his judgment of what was about to take place. Caesar, as I have already said, hastened to Brundusium about the winter solstice, intending to strike terror into his enemies by taking them by surprise. Although he found neither provisions, nor apparatus, nor his whole army collected at Brundusium, he, nevertheless, called those who were present to an assembly and addressed them as follows:—

2.8.53 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.8.53

οὔτε τῆς ὥρας τὸ χειμέριον, ὦ ἄνδρες, οἳ περὶ τῶν μεγίστων ἐμοὶ συναίρεσθε, οὔθʼ ἡ τῶν ἄλλων βραδυτὴς ἢ ἔνδεια τῆς πρεπούσης παρασκευῆς ἐφέξει με τῆς ὁρμῆς· ἀντὶ γὰρ πάντων ἡγοῦμαί μοι συνοίσειν τὴν ταχυεργίαν. καὶ πρώτους ἡμᾶς, οἳ πρῶτοι συνεδράμομεν ἀλλήλοις, ἀξιῶ θεράποντας μὲν ἐνταῦθα καὶ ὑποζύγια καὶ παρασκευὴν καὶ πάνθʼ ὑπολιπέσθαι, ἵνα ἡμᾶς αἱ παροῦσαι νῆες ὑποδέξωνται, μόνους δʼ εὐθὺς ἐμβάντας περᾶν, ἵνα τοὺς ἐχθροὺς διαλάθοιμεν, τῷ μὲν χειμῶνι τύχην ἀγαθὴν ἀντιθέντες, τῇ δʼ ὀλιγότητι τόλμαν, τῇ δʼ ἀπορίᾳ τὴν τῶν ἐχθρῶν εὐπορίαν, ἧς ἔστιν ἡμῖν εὐθὺς ἐπιβαίνουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν κρατεῖν, ἢν εἰδῶμεν, ὅτι μὴ κρατήσασιν οὐδέν ἐστιν ἴδιον. ἴωμεν οὖν ἐπὶ θεράποντάς τε καὶ σκεύη καὶ ἀγορὰν τὴν ἐκείνων, ἕως χειμάζουσιν ἐν ὑποστέγοις. ἴωμεν, ἕως Πομπήιος ἡγεῖται κἀμὲ χειμάζειν ἢ περὶ πομπὰς καὶ θυσίας ὑπατικὰς εἶναι. εἰδόσι δʼ ὑμῖν ἐκφέρω δυνατώτατον ἐν πολέμοις ἔργον εἶναι τὸ ἀδόκητον· φιλότιμον δὲ καὶ πρώτιστον δόξαν ἀπενέγκασθαι τῶν ἐσομένων καὶ τοῖς αὐτίκα διωξομένοις ἡμᾶς ἀσφαλῆ τὰ ἐκεῖ προετοιμάσαι. ἐγὼ μὲν δὴ καὶ τόνδε τὸν καιρὸν πλεῖν ἂν ἢ λέγειν μᾶλλον ἐβουλόμην, ἵνα με Πομπήιος ἴδῃ, νομίζων ἔτι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐν Ῥώμῃ διατίθεσθαι· τὸ δὲ ὑμέτερον εὐπειθὲς εἰδὼς ὅμως ἀναμένω τὴν ἀπόκρισιν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.8.53

Fellow-soldiers,—you who are joined with me in the greatest of undertakings,—neither the winter weather, nor the delay of our comrades, nor the want of suitable preparation shall check my onset. I consider rapidity of movement the best substitute for all these things. I think that we who are first at the rendezvous should leave behind us here our servants, our pack-animals, and all our apparatus in order that the ships which are here may take us on board and carry us over at once without the enemy’s knowledge. Let us oppose our good fortune to the winter weather, our courage to the smallness of our numbers, and to our want of supplies the abundance of the enemy, which will be ours to take as soon as we touch the land, if we realize that nothing is ours unless we conquer. Let us go then and possess ourselves of their servants, their apparatus, their provisions, while they are spending the winter under cover. Let us go while Pompey thinks that I am spending my time in winter quarters also, or in processions and sacrifices appertaining to my consulship. It is needless to tell you that the most potent thing in war is the unexpected. It will be glorious for us to carry off the first honors of the coming conflict and to prepare a safe pathway yonder for those who will immediately follow us. For my part I would rather now be sailing than talking, so that I may come in Pompey’s sight while he thinks me engaged in my official duties at Rome. Although I am certain that you agree with me I await your response.

Edition note

Caesar’s account of his own speech is much briefer, viz: When Caesar arrived at Brundusium he addressed his soldiers saying that since they were almost at the end of their labors and perils they should be content to leave their slaves and impedimenta in Italy and embark themselves in the ships in light order so that a greater number of troops could be transported, and that they might expect everything from victory and his liberality. (iii. 6.)

2.8.54 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.8.54

ἀναβοήσαντος δὲ σὺν ὁρμῇ τοῦ στρατοῦ παντὸς ἄγειν σφᾶς, εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἦγεν ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος, πέντε πεζῶν τέλη καὶ ἱππέας λογάδας ἑξακοσίους. καὶ ἐπʼ ἀγκυρῶν ἀπεσάλευε κλυδωνίου διαταράσσοντος. χειμέριοι δʼ ἦσαν τροπαί, καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα ἄκοντα καὶ ἀσχάλλοντα κατεκώλυε, μέχρι καὶ τὴν πρώτην τοῦ ἔτους ἡμέραν ἐν Βρεντεσίῳ διατρῖψαι. καὶ δύο τελῶν ἄλλων ἐπελθόντων, ὁ δὲ καὶ τάδε προσλαβὼν ἀνήγετο χειμῶνος ἐπὶ ὁλκάδων· αἳ γὰρ ἦσαν αὐτῷ νῆες ὀλίγαι μακραί, Σαρδὼ καὶ Σικελίαν ἐφρούρουν. ὑπὸ δὲ χειμώνων ἐς τὰ Κεραύνια ὅρη περιαχθεὶς τὰ μὲν πλοῖα εὐθὺς ἐς Βρεντέσιον ἐπὶ τὴν ἄλλην στρατιὰν περιέπεμπεν, αὐτὸς δʼ ᾔει νυκτὸς ἐπὶ πόλιν Ὤρικον διὰ τραχείας ἀτραποῦ καὶ στενῆς, ἐς μέρη πολλὰ διασπώμενος ὑπὸ τῆς δυσχωρίας, ὡς εὐεπιχείρητος ἄν, εἴ τις ᾔσθετο, γενέσθαι. περὶ δὲ τὴν ἕω μόλις αὐτῷ συνῄει τὸ πλῆθος, καὶ ὁ φρούραρχος ὁ τῆς Ὠρίκου, τῶν ἔνδον αὐτῷ προειπόντων οὐ κωλύσειν ἐπιόντα Ῥωμαίων ὕπατον, τάς τε κλεῖς παρέδωκε τῷ Καίσαρι καὶ παρʼ αὐτῷ κατέμεινε τιμῆς ἀξιούμενος. Λουκρήτιος δὲ καὶ Μινούκιος ἐπὶ θάτερα τῆς Ὠρίκου ναυσὶν ὀκτωκαίδεκα μακραῖς Πομπηίῳ σῖτον ἐν πλοίοις φυλάσσοντες τά τε πλοῖα κατέδυσαν, ἵνα μὴ ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτὰ λάβοι, καὶ ἐς Δυρράχιον διέφυγον. ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Ὠρίκου Καῖσαρ ἐς Ἀπολλωνίαν ἠπείγετο· καὶ τῶν Ἀπολλωνιατῶν αὐτὸν δεχομένων, Σταβέριος ὁ φρούραρχος ἐξέλιπε τὴν πόλιν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.8.54

The whole army cried out with enthusiasm that he should lead on. Caesar at once led, from the platform to the seashore, five legions of foot-soldiers and 600 chosen horse, but as a storm came up he was obliged to cast anchor. It was now the winter solstice and the wind kept him back, against his will, and held him in Brundusium, to his great disappointment, until the first day of the new year. In the meantime two more legions arrived and Caesar embarked these also and started in the winter time on merchant ships, for he had only a few war-ships and these were guarding Sardinia and Sicily. The ships were driven by the winds to the Ceraunian Mountains and Caesar sent them back immediately to bring the rest of the army. He then marched by night against the town of Oricum by a rough and narrow path, with his force divided in several parts on account of the difficulties of the road, so that if his army had been anticipated he might have been easily beaten. With much trouble he got his detachments together about daylight and the commander of the garrison of Oricum, having been forbidden by the townsmen to oppose the entrance of a Roman consul, delivered the keys of the place to Caesar and remained with him in a position of honor. Lucretius and Minucius, who were on the other side of Oricum with eighteen war-ships guarding merchant ships loaded with corn for Pompey, sunk the latter to prevent them from falling into Caesar’s hands, and fled to Dyrrachium. From Oricum Caesar hastened to Apollonia, the inhabitants of which received him. Straberius, the commander of the garrison, abandoned the city.

Edition note

Y.R. 706

Edition note

Caesar says that he sailed on the fourth day of January.

Edition note

B.C. 48

Edition note

Caesar tells of another effort which he made for peace by sending Vibullius Rufus to Pompey with a proposal that both should disband their armies within three days. Pompey refused to discuss the proposal, saying: Of what use to me is life or citizenship if I shall seem to owe them to the benefaction of Caesar, a belief which will never be erased if it is supposed that I am thus brought back to Italy from which I departed. (iii. 10-18.)

Edition note

The modern Pollina. It was situated on the southern border of Illyria. The Egnatian Way, the Roman military road to Macedonia and the East, ran from Apollonia and Dyrrachium to Thessalonica. (Strabo, vii. 7, 4.)

2.8.55 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.8.55

καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἁλίσας τον ἑαυτοῦ στρατὸν ἀνέμνησεν, ὅτι διὰ τὴν ταχυεργίαν τοῦ τε χειμῶνος σὺν τῇ τύχῃ περιγένοιντο καὶ θαλάσσης τοσῆσδε χωρὶς νεῶν κρατήσειαν Ὤρικόν τε καὶ Ἀπολλωνίαν ἀμαχεὶ λάβοιεν καὶ τὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἔχοιεν, καθάπερ εἶπεν, ἀγνοοῦντος ἔτι Πομπηίου. εἰ δὲ καὶ Δυρράχιον, ἔφη, τὸ ταμιεῖον τῆς Πομπηίου παρασκευῆς προλάβοιμεν, ἔσται πάντα ἡμῖν, ἃ ἐκείνοις διʼ ὅλου θέρους πεπονημένοις. τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν ἦγε συντόμως ἐπὶ τὸ Δυρράχιον αὐτοὺς ὁδὸν μακράν, οὔτε ἡμέρας οὔτε νυκτὸς ἀναπαύων. Πομπήιος δὲ προμαθὼν ἀντιπαρώδευεν ἐκ Μακεδονίας, σὺν ἐπείξει καὶ ὅδε πολλῇ, κόπτων τε τὴν ὕλην, ἣν παρώδευεν, ἵνα Καίσαρι δύσβατος εἴη, καὶ ποταμῶν γεφύρας διαιρῶν καὶ ἀγορὰν τὴν ἐν μέσῳ πᾶσαν ἐμπιπράς, ἐν μεγίστῳ, καθάπερ ἦν, καὶ ὅδε τιθέμενος τὴν ἑαυτοῦ παρασκευὴν διαφυλάξαι. κονιορτὸν δʼ ἢ πῦρ ἢ καπνὸν εἴ ποτε μακρόθεν ἴδοιεν αὐτῶν ἑκάτεροι, νομίζοντες εἶναι τὰ ἀλλήλων ἐφιλονίκουν ὡς ἐν ἀγῶνι δρόμου. καὶ οὔτε τροφῇ καιρὸν ἐδίδοσαν οὔτε ὕπνῳ· ἔπειξις δʼ ἦν καὶ σπουδὴ καὶ βοαὶ τῶν ἀγόντων αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ λαμπτῆρσι, καὶ θόρυβος ἐκ τοῦδε πολὺς καὶ φόβος, ὡς τῶν πολεμίων αἰεὶ πλησιαζόντων. ὑπὸ δὲ καμάτου τινὲς ἀπερρίπτουν, ἃ ἔφερον, ἢ ἐν φάραγξι διαλαθόντες ὑπελείποντο, τὴν αὐτίκα ἀνάπαυσιν τοῦ παρὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν φόβου διαλλασσόμενοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.8.55

Caesar assembled his army and congratulated them on the success they had achieved by their rapid movement in mid-winter, on conquering such a sea without war-ships, on taking Oricum and Apollonia without a fight, and on capturing the enemy’s supplies, as he had predicted, without Pompey’s knowledge. If we can anticipate him in reaching Dyrrachium, his military arsenal, he added, we shall be in possession of all the things they have collected by the labors of a whole summer. After speaking thus he led his soldiers directly toward Dyrrachium over a long road, not stopping day or night. Pompey, being advised beforehand, marched toward the same place from Macedonia with extreme haste also, cutting down trees along the road, in order to obstruct Caesar’s passage, destroying bridges, and setting fire to all the supplies he met with, considering it of the greatest importance (as it was) to defend his own arsenal. If either of them saw any dust, or fire, or smoke at a distance they thought it was caused by the other, and they strove like athletes in a race. They did not allow themselves time for food or sleep. All was haste and eagerness mingled with the shouts of guides who carried torches, causing tumult and fear as when hostile armies are ever drawing nearer and nearer to each other. Some of the soldiers from fatigue threw away their loads. Others hid themselves in ravines and were left behind, exchanging their fear of the enemy for a moment’s rest.

Edition note

Caesar says that Pompey was at Candavia. This was the name of a mountain range also. It was situated on the Egnatian Way in Illyria and was nearer to Dyrrachium than Apollonia was. Caesar’s course took him northwardly to a junction with the main road about midway between Candavia and Dyrrachium. Pompey going westward passed this junction first and had Caesar in his rear.

2.8.56 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.8.56

τοιαῦτα δὲ ἑκατέρων κακοπαθούντων προύλαβεν ὅμως ὁ Πομπήιος τὸ Δυρράχιον καὶ παρʼ αὐτὸ ἐστρατοπέδευσεν. ναῦς τε ἐπιπέμψας Ὤρικον αὖθις εἷλε καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἀκριβεστέραις φρουραῖς ἐφύλασσεν. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ τοῦ Πομπηίου τὸν Ἄλωρα ποταμὸν ἐν μέσῳ θέμενος ἐστρατοπέδευσε. καὶ τὸν ποταμὸν διαβαίνοντες ἱππομάχουν ἀλλήλοις ἀνὰ μέρη, ἀθρόοις δὲ τοῖς στρατοῖς οὐ συνεπλέκοντο, Πομπήιος μὲν ἔτι γυμνάζων τοὺς νεοστρατεύτους, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ τοὺς ἐκ Βρεντεσίου περιμένων. νομίσας δʼ ἔαρος μὲν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ ὁλκάδων διαπλέοντας οὐ λήσειν τὰς τοῦ Πομπηίου τριήρεις θαμινὰ ἐς φυλακὴν ἀναπλεούσας, χειμῶνος δʼ εἰ παραβάλλοιντο, ναυλοχούντων ἐς νήσους τῶν πολεμίων, λαθεῖν ἂν αὐτοὺς ἴσως ἢ καὶ βιάσασθαι μεγέθει τε νεῶν καὶ πνεύματι, μετεπέμπετο κατὰ σπουδήν. οὐκ ἀναγομένων δʼ ἐκείνων αὐτὸς ἔκρινεν ἐπὶ τὴν στρατιὰν διαπλεῦσαι λαθών, ὡς οὔ τινος αὐτὴν ἄλλου ῥᾳδίως ἐπαξομένου. καὶ τὸ βούλευμα ἐπικρύψας ἔπεμπε τρεῖς θεράποντας ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν ἀπὸ δυώδεκα σταδίων ὄντα, οἳ κελήτιον ὀξὺ καὶ κυβερνήτην τὸν ἄριστον ὡς δή τινι πεμπομένῳ πρὸς Καίσαρος ἔμελλον ἑτοιμάσειν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.8.56

In the midst of such vicissitudes on either side Pompey arrived first at Dyrrachium and encamped near it. He sent a fleet and retook Oricum and kept the strictest watch on the sea. Caesar pitched his camp so that the river Alor ran between himself and Pompey. By crossing the stream they had occasional cavalry skirmishes with each other. The armies did not come to a general engagement, however, for Pompey was still exercising his new levies and Caesar waited for the forces left at Brundusium. The latter apprehended that if these should sail in merchant ships in the spring they would not escape Pompey’s triremes, which would be patrolling the sea, as guard ships, in great numbers, but if they should cross in winter while the enemy were lying inside among the islands they might perhaps be unnoticed, or might force their way by the strength of the wind and the size of their ships. So he sent orders to them to hasten. As they did not come he decided to cross over secretly to that army, because no one else could bring them so easily. He concealed his intention and sent three servants to the river, a distance of twelve stades, to procure a fast-sailing vessel and a first rate pilot as for a messenger sent by Caesar.

Edition note

Caesar and all other authorities say the river Apsus.

2.9.57 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.9.57

αὐτὸς δʼ ἀπὸ διαίτης ὑπεχώρησε μὲν ὡς κάμνων τῷ σώματι, τοὺς φίλους ἔτι ἑστιᾶσθαι κελεύσας, ἐπιθέμενος δʼ ἐσθῆτα ἰδιώτου καὶ ὀχήματος εὐθὺς ἐπιβὰς ἐξήλασεν ἐπὶ τὴν ναῦν ὡς ὅδε ὢν ὁ πρὸς τοῦ Καίσαρος ἀπεσταλμένος· τά τε λοιπὰ διὰ τῶν θεραπόντων προσέτασσεν, ἐγκεκαλυμμένος τε καὶ ἐν νυκτὶ μάλιστα ἀγνοούμενος. χειμερίου δὲ τοῦ πνεύματος ὄντος θαρρεῖν ἐκέλευον οἱ θεράποντες τὸν κυβερνήτην ὡς τῷδε μάλιστα λησόμενοι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐγγὺς ὄντας. τὸν μὲν δὴ ποταμὸν ὁ κυβερνήτης εἰρεσίᾳ βιαζόμενος ἔπλει· ὡς δʼ ἐπὶ τὰς ἐκβολὰς ἀφίκετο καὶ ἡ θάλασσα σὺν κλυδωνίῳ καὶ πνεύματι τὸ ῥεῦμα ἀνέκοπτεν, ὁ μὲν ἐπισπερχόντων αὐτὸν τῶν θεραπόντων ἐβιάζετο καὶ ὡς ἐς οὐδὲν προκόπτων ἀπέκαμνε καὶ ἀπεγίνωσκεν, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἀποκαλυψάμενος ἐνεβόησεν αὐτῷ· θαρρῶν ἴθι πρὸς τὸν κλύδωνα· Καίσαρα φέρεις καὶ τὴν Καίσαρος τύχην. ἐκπλαγέντων δὲ τῶν ἐρετῶν καὶ τοῦ κυβερνήτου προθυμία τε πᾶσιν ἐνίπιπτε καὶ ἡ ναῦς ὑπὸ βίας ἐξέπιπτε τοῦ ποταμοῦ. τὸ πνεῦμα δʼ αὐτὴν καὶ τὸ κῦμα μετέωρον ἐς τὰς ὄχθας διερρίπτει, μέχρι πλησιαζούσης ἡμέρας οἱ μὲν ἐδεδοίκεσαν ὡς ἐν φωτὶ κατάδηλοι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐσόμενοι, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ, τῷ δαιμονίῳ χαλεψάμενος ὡς φθονερῷ, ἐφῆκε τὴν ναῦν ἐπανιέναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.9.57

Then he rose from supper pretending to be fatigued and told his friends to remain at the table. He put on the clothing of a private person, stepped into a chariot, and drove away to the ship, pretending to be the one sent by Caesar. He gave the rest of his orders through his servants and remained concealed by the darkness of the night and unrecognized. As there was a severe wind blowing the servants told the pilot to be of good courage and seize this opportunity to avoid the enemy who were in the neighborhood. The pilot made his way down the river by rowing. When they came toward the mouth they found it broken into surf by the wind and the sea. The pilot at the instigation of the servants put forth all his efforts, but as he could make no progress he became fatigued and gave it up. Then Caesar threw off his disguise and called out to him, Brave the tempest with a stout heart, you carry Caesar and Caesar’s fortunes. Both the rowers and the pilot were astounded and all took fresh courage and gained the mouth of the river, but the wind and waves cast the ship high on the bank. As the dawn was near and they feared lest the enemy should discover them in the daylight, Caesar, after accusing his evil genius for its invidiousness, allowed the ship to return, and it sailed up the river with a strong wind.

Edition note

This incident is related by Plutarch, Florus, Valerius Maximus, and Suetonius, but not by Caesar himself.

2.9.58 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.9.58

ἡ μὲν δὴ πνεύματι ταχεῖ τὸν ποταμὸν ἀνέπλει, Καίσαρα δʼ οἱ μὲν ἐθαύμαζον τῆς εὐτολμίας, οἱ δʼ ἐπεμέμφοντο ὡς στρατιώτῃ πρέπον ἔργον εἰργασμένον, οὐ στρατηγῷ. ὁ δʼ οὐκέτι λήσεσθαι προσδοκῶν Ποστούμιον ἀνθʼ ἑαυτοῦ προσέταξε διαπλεῦσαί τε καὶ φράσαι Γαβινίῳ τὸν στρατὸν εὐθὺς ἄγειν διὰ θαλάσσης· ἂν δʼ ἀπειθῇ ταῦτα π·ροστάσσειν Ἀντωνίῳ καὶ τρίτῳ μετὰ τὸν Ἀντώνιον Καληνῷ. εἰ δʼ οἱ τρεῖς ἀποκνοῖεν, ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς τὸν στρατὸν αὐτὸν ἐγέγραπτο ἄλλη, τὸν βουλόμενον αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς ἕπεσθαι τῷ Ποστουμίῳ καὶ καταίρειν ἀναχθέντας ἐς χωρίον, ἐς ὅ τι ὁ ἄνεμος ἐκφέρῃ, μηδὲν τῶν νεῶν φειδομένους· οὐ γὰρ νεῶν χρῄζειν Καίσαρα, ἀλλὰ ἀνδρῶν. οὕτω μὲν ἀντὶ λογισμῶν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπεποίθει τῇ τύχῃ. τάδε οὖν ὁ Πομπήιος προλαβεῖν ἐπειγόμενος ἐς μάχην διεσκευασμένος ἐπῄει. καὶ δύο αὐτοῦ στρατιωτῶν ἐν μέσῳ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐρευνωμένων, ᾗ μάλιστα εἴη διαβατός, τῶν τις Καίσαρος εἷς ἐπιδραμὼν τοὺς δύο ἀνεῖλε. καὶ ὁ Πομπήιος ἀνεζεύξεν, οὐκ αἴσιον τὸ συμβὰν ἡγούμενος. αἰτίαν δʼ εἶχε παρὰ πᾶσι καιρὸν ἄριστον ἐκλιπεῖν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.9.58

Some of Caesar’s friends were astonished at this act of bravery; others blamed him, saying that it was a deed becoming a soldier but not a general. As Caesar saw that he could not conceal a second attempt he ordered Postumius to sail to Brundusium in his place and tell Gabinius to cross over with the army immediately, and if he did not obey, to give the same order to Antony, and if he failed then to give it to Calenus. Another letter was written to the whole army in case all three should hesitate, saying, that every one who was willing to do so should follow Postumius on shipboard and sail to any place where the wind might carry them, and not to mind what happened to the ships, because Caesar did not want ships but men. Thus did Caesar put his trust in fortune rather than in prudence. Pompey, in order to anticipate Caesar’s reënforcements, made haste and led his army forward prepared for battle. While two of his soldiers were searching in midstream for the best place to cross the river, one of Caesar’s men attacked and killed them both, whereupon Pompey drew back, as he considered this event inauspicious. All of his friends blamed him for missing this capital opportunity.

Edition note

Caesar’s account of this matter is as follows: As these things made Caesar anxious he wrote more imperatively to his forces at Brundusium that they should not omit the opportunity of the first favorable wind for sailing, and that they should direct their course either to the shore of Apollonia, or to that of the Labeates, because there they might beach their ships. These places were not frequented by the enemy’s blockading fleet because they dared not venture very far from their harbors. (iii. 25.)

2.9.59 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.9.59

Ποστούμιον δὲ διαπλεύσαντος ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον, ὁ μὲν Γαβίνιος οὐχ ὑποστὰς τὸ πρόσταγμα ἦγε τοὺς βουλομένους διὰ τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος, οὐδαμοῦ διαναπαύων· καὶ ἀνῃρέθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν σχεδὸν ἅπαντες, καὶ ὁ Καίσαρ ἤνεγκεν ὑπʼ ἀσχολίας. ὁ δʼ Ἀντώνιος τοὺς ἑτέρους ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐπιβήσας Ἀπολλωνίαν μὲν παρέπλευσεν, ἱστίοις μεστοῖς ἐπιπνέοντος ἀνέμου· χαλάσαντος δὲ τοῦ πνεύματος περὶ μεσημβρίαν εἴκοσι τοῦ Πομπηίου νῆες, ἐπʼ ἔρευναν τῆς θαλάσσης ἀναχθεῖσαι, καθορῶσι τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ ἐδίωκον. τοῖς δὲ ὡς ἐν γαλήνῃ δέος ἦν πολύ, μὴ σφᾶς ἀνατρήσειαν ἢ καταδύσειαν αἱ μακραὶ τοῖς ἐμβόλοις· καὶ τὰ εἰκότα παρεσκεύαζοντο, σφενδόναι τε ἠφίεντο ἤδη καὶ βέλη. καὶ ὁ ἄνεμος ἄφνω μείζων ἢ πρότερον ἐπέρραξεν. αἱ μὲν δὴ μεγάλοις αὖθις ἱστίοις ἐξ ἀέλπτου τὸ πνεῦμα ἐδέχοντο καὶ διέπλεον ἀδεῶς· αἱ δʼ ἀπελείποντο, ῥοθίῳ καὶ πνεύματι καὶ θαλάσσῃ κοίλῃ κακοπαθοῦσαι. καὶ μόλις ἐς ἀλίμενα καὶ πετρώδη διερρίφησαν, δύο τινὰς ἐς τέλμα τῶν Καίσαρος κατενεχθείσας ἑλοῦσαι. Ἀντώνιος δὲ ταῖς λοιπαῖς ἐς τὸ καλούμενον Νυμφαῖον κατήχθη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.9.59

When Postumius arrived at Brundusium Gabinius did not obey the order, but led those who were willing to go with him by way of Illyria by forced marches. Almost all of them were destroyed by the Illyrians and Caesar was obliged to endure the outrage on account of his preoccupation. Antony embarked the remainder of the army and sailed for Apollonia with a favorable wind. About noon the wind failed and twenty of Pompey’s ships, that had put out to search the sea, discovered and pursued them. There was great fear on Caesar’s vessels lest in this calm the warships of the enemy should ram them with their prows and sink them. They prepared themselves for battle and began to discharge stones and darts, when suddenly the wind sprang up stronger than before, filled their great sails unexpectedly, and enabled them to complete their voyage without fear. The pursuers were left behind and they suffered severely from the wind and waves in the narrow sea and were scattered along a harborless and rocky coast. With difficulty they captured two of Caesar’s ships that ran on a shoal. Antony brought the remainder to the port of Nymphaeum.

Edition note

This adventure is described in similar terms but at greater length by Caesar, who says that the pursuing ships, sixteen in number, were driven upon the shore and wrecked, without a single exception, and that their crews were either killed by being dashed on the rocks or captured by his own men. The survivors, who were Rhodians, were all sent home unharmed. The loss of two of Antony’s fleet is described differently. These two became separated from the main body, lost their way and came to anchor in front of Lissus three miles south of Nymphaeum. Here they were attacked by another detachment of Pompey’s naval force. One of them, containing 220 new recruits, surrendered on the promise of safety, but they were all put to the sword as soon as they reached land. The other containing 200 veterans was beached and the occupants reached the shore where they defeated a detachment of Pompey’s horse and made their way to Caesar. (iii. 26-28.)

2.9.60 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.9.60

καὶ τῷ Καίσαρι σύμπας ὁ στρατὸς ἤδη παρῆν, παρῆν δὲ καὶ Πομπηίῳ. καὶ ἀντεστρατοπέδευον ἀλλήλοις ἐπὶ λόφων ἐν φρουρίοις πολλοῖς, πεῖραί τε ἦσαν περὶ ἕκαστον φρούριον πυκναὶ περιταφρευόντων καὶ περιτειχιζόντων ἀλλήλους καὶ γιγνομένων ὁμοῦ καὶ ποιούντων ἐν ἀπόροις. ἐν δὲ ταῖσδε ταῖς πείραις περί τι φρούριον ἡττωμένου τοῦ Καίσαρος στρατοῦ λοχαγός, ᾧ Σκεῦας ὄνομα ἦν, πολλὰ καὶ λαμπρὰ δρῶν ἐς τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν ἐτρώθη βέλει καὶ προπηδήσας κατέσεισεν ὡς εἰπεῖν τι βουλόμενος. σιωπῆς δʼ αὐτῷ γενομένης, Πομπηίου λοχαγὸν ἐπὶ ἀνδρίᾳ γνώριμον ἐκάλει· σῷζε τὸν ὅμοιον σεαυτῷ, σῷζε τὸν φίλον καὶ πέμπε μοι τοὺς χειραγωγήσοντας, ἐπεὶ τέτρωμαι. προσδραμόντων δʼ ὡς αὐτομολοῦντι δύο ἀνδρῶν, τὸν μὲν ἔφθασε κτείνας, τοῦ δὲ τὸν ὦμον ἀπέκοψε. καὶ ὁ μὲν τάδε ἔπρασσεν ἀπογιγνώσκων ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοῦ φρουρίου. τοῖς δʼ ἄλλοις αἰδὼς ἐπὶ τῷ συμβεβηκότι καὶ ὁρμὴ προσέπιπτε, καὶ τὸ φρούριον περιεσώθη, πολλὰ καὶ τοῦ φρουράρχου Μινουκίου παθόντος, ᾧ γέ φασι τὴν μὲν ἀσπίδα ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσιν ἀναδέξασθαι βέλη, τὸ δὲ σῶμα ἓξ τραύματα καὶ τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν ὁμοίως ἐκκοπῆναι. τούτους μὲν δὴ Καῖσαρ ἀριστείοις πολλοῖς ἐτίμησεν, αὐτὸς δʼ, ἐκ Δυρραχίου τινὸς αὐτῷ πρασσομένης προδοσίας, ἧκε μέν, ὡς συνέκειτο, νυκτὸς σὺν ὀλίγοις ἐπὶ πύλας καὶ ἱερὸν Ἀρτέμιδος […: gap in edition] τοῦ δʼ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος ἄλλην στρατιὰν ἐκ Συρίας ἦγε Πομπηίῳ Σκιπίων ὁ κηδεστής· καὶ αὐτῷ Γάιος Καλουίσιος περὶ Μακεδονίαν συμβαλὼν ἡττᾶτο, καὶ τέλος ἓν αὐτοῦ κατεκόπη χωρὶς ὀκτακοσίων ἀνδρῶν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.9.60

Now Caesar had his whole army together and so had Pompey his. They encamped opposite each other on hills in numerous redoubts. There were frequent collisions around each of these redoubts while they were making lines of circumvallation and trying to cut off each other’s supplies. In one of these fights in front of a redoubt Caesar’s men were worsted, and a centurion, of the name of Scaeva, while performing many deeds of valor, was wounded in the eye with a dart. He advanced in front of his men beckoning with his hand as though he wished to say something. When silence was obtained he called out to one of Pompey’s centurions, who was likewise distinguished for bravery, Save one of your equals, save your friend, send somebody to lead me by the hand, for I am wounded. Two soldiers advanced to him thinking that he was a deserter. One of these he killed before the stratagem was discovered and he cut off the shoulder of the other. This he did because he despaired of saving himself and his redoubt. His men, moved by shame at this act of self-devotion, rushed forward and saved the redoubt. Minucius, the commander of the post, also suffered severely. It is said that he received 120 missiles on his shield, was wounded six times, and, like Scaeva, lost an eye. Caesar honored them both with many military gifts. A certain man of Dyrrachium having offered to betray the town to him, Caesar went by agreement with a small force by night to the gates at the temple of Artemis. . . . The same winter Pompey’s father-in-law (Scipio) advanced with another army from Syria. Caesar’s general, Gaius Calvisius, had an engagement with him in Macedonia, was beaten, and lost a whole legion except 800 men.

Edition note

Caesar says that it was the shield of Scaeva that was pierced in 120 places and that Caesar rewarded him with a large sum of money and promoted him to be the first centurion instead of the eighth.

Edition note

There is a lacuna in the text at this place but it is filled by Dio Cassius (xli. 50), who relates the same event thus: Caesar, having attempted to corrupt the defenders, advanced by night to Dyrrachium itself by a narrow passage between a marsh and the sea, expecting that it would be betrayed. There he was attacked by a large force in front and by another in the rear. The latter were conveyed in ships and fell upon him unexpectedly. He lost many of his men and narrowly escaped himself.

2.9.61 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.9.61

Καίσαρι μὲν δὴ οὐδὲν ἦν ἐκ θαλάσσης διὰ Πομπήιον ναυκρατοῦντα· ἐλίμαινεν οὖν ὁ στρατὸς αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν πόαν ἠρτοποίουν, αὐτόμολοί τἐ Πομπηίῳ τοιούσδε ἄρτους προσήνεγκαν ὡς εὐφρανοῦντες ἰδόντα. ὁ δὲ οὐχ ἥσθη, ἀλλʼ εἶπεν, οἵοις θηρίοις μαχόμεθα. ὁ μὲν δὴ Καῖσαρ ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης τὸν στρατὸν ἅπαντα συνῆγεν ὡς καὶ ἄκοντα Πομπήιον βιασόμενος ἐς μάχην· ὁ δὲ αὐτοῦ τὰ πολλὰ τῶν φρουρίων ἐκ τοῦδε κεκενωμένα προσλαβὼν ἡσύχαζε. καὶ τῷδε μάλιστα ἀνιαθεὶς ὁ Καίσαρ ἐπετόλμησεν ἔργῳ δυο χερεῖ τε καὶ παραλόγῳ, πάντα Πομπήιου τὰ στρατόπεδα ἑνὶ τείχει περιλαβὼν ἐκ θαλάσσης ἐς θάλασσαν ἀποτειχίσαι, ὡς μεγάλην, εἰ καὶ διαμάρτοι, δόξαν οἰσόμενος ἐπὶ τῷ τολμήματι· στάδιοι γὰρ ἦσαν διακόσιοι καὶ χίλιοι. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐνεχείρει τοσῷδε ἔργῳ, Πομπήιος δʼ αὐτὸν ἀνταπετάφρευε καὶ ἀντῳκοδόμει· καὶ μάταια τὰ ἔργα ἀλλήλοις ἐποίουν. γίγνεται δʼ αὐτοῖς ἀγὼν εἷς μέγας ἐν ᾧ Πομπήιος τρέπεταί τε τοὺς Καίσαρος πάνυ λαμπρῶς καὶ ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐδίωκε φεύγοντας σημεῖά τε πολλὰ εἷλεν αὐτῶν, καὶ τὸν αἰετόν, ὃ δὴ κυριώτατόν ἐστι Ῥωμαίοις, μόλις ἔφθασεν ὁ φέρων ὑπὲρ τὸ χαράκωμα τοῖς ἔνδον ῥῖψαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.9.61

As Caesar could obtain no supplies by sea, on account of Pompey’s naval superiority, his army began to suffer from hunger and was compelled to make bread from herbs. When deserters brought loaves of this kind to Pompey, thinking that he would be gladdened by the spectacle, he was not at all pleased, but said, What kind of wild beasts are we fighting with? Then Caesar, compelled by necessity, drew his whole army together in order to force Pompey to fight even against his will. The latter occupied a number of the redoubts that Caesar had vacated and remained quiet. Caesar was greatly vexed at this and ventured upon an extremely difficult and chimerical task; that is, to carry a line of circumvallation around the whole of Pompey’s positions from sea to sea, thinking that even if he should fail he would acquire great renown from the boldness of the enterprise. The circuit was 1200 stades. So, great was the work that Caesar undertook. Pompey built a line of countervallation. Thus they parried each other’s efforts. Nevertheless, they fought one great battle in which Pompey defeated Caesar in the most brilliant manner and pursued his men in headlong flight to his camp and took many of his standards. The eagle (the standard held in highest honor by the Romans) was saved with difficulty, the bearer having just time to throw it over the palisade to those within.

Edition note

Both Plutarch and Caesar say roots. Those who were away from the fortifications, says the latter, found a kind of root which is called chara, which, mixed with milk, greatly relieved their want of food. They fashioned it into the similitude of bread, and they had abundance of it. (iii. 48.)

Edition note

Caesar says that his reasons for this were threefold: to prevent Pompey from interfering with his foragers, to prevent Pompey himself from foraging, and to destroy his prestige by showing him to the world besieged, and as one who dared not fight in the open. (iii. 43.)

Edition note

The text here is probably corrupt. The distance mentioned is equal to 133 miles. Caesar (iii. 63) says that it was 17 miles; Florus (iv. 2) says 16 miles.

2.9.62 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.9.62

γενομένης δὲ τῆς τροπῆς λαμπρᾶς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἑτέρωθεν ἦγεν ἄλλον στρατόν, οὕτω δή τι καὶ τοῦτον περίφοβον, ὡς Πομπηίου μακρόθεν ἐπιφανέντος μήτε στῆναι περὶ τὰς πύλας ὄντας ἤδη μήτε ἐσελθεῖν ἐν κόσμῳ μήτε πεισθῆναι τοῖς προστάγμασιν, ἀλλὰ φεύγειν ἕκαστον, ὅπῃ τύχοιεν, ἀμεταστρεπτὶ χωρὶς αἰδοῦς καὶ παραγγέλματος καὶ λογισμοῦ. Καίσαρος δʼ αὐτοὺς περιθέοντός τε καὶ σὺν ὀνείδει μακρὰν ἔτι τὸν Πομπήιον ὄντα ἐπεδεικνύοντος, καὶ ἐφορῶντος τὰ σημεῖα ἀπερρίπτουν καὶ ἔφευγον, οἱ δὲ μόλις ὑπʼ αἰδοῦς κατέκυπτον ἐς τὴν γῆν ἄπρακτοι· τοσοῦτος αὐτοῖς τάραχος ἐνεπεπτώκει. εἷς δὲ καὶ στρέψας τὸ σημεῖον ἀνέτεινε τὸν οὐρίαχον ἐς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα. καὶ τόνδε μὲν οἱ Καίσαρος ὑπασπισταὶ κατέκοπτον, οἱ δʼ ἐσελθόντες οὐδʼ ἐπὶ τὰς φυλακὰς ἀπήντων, ἀλλὰ μεθειμένα πάντα ἦν καὶ τὸ χαράκωμα ἀφύλακτον, ὥστε αὐτὸ δοκεῖ συνεσπεσὼν ἂν τότε ὁ Πομπήιος ἑλεῖν κατὰ κράτος καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἑνὶ τῷδε ἔργῳ πάντα ἐξεργάσασθαι, εἰ μὴ Λαβιηνὸς αὐτόν, θεοῦ παράγοντος, ἐπὶ τοὺς φεύγοντας ἔπειθε τραπῆναι· καὶ αὐτὸς ἅμα ὤκνησεν, ἢ τὴν ἀφυλαξίαν τοῦ χαρακώματος ὡς ἐνέδραν ὑφορώμενος ἢ ὡς ἤδη κεκριμένου τοῦ πολέμου καταφρονήσας. ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς ἔξω τραπεὶς ἑτέρους τε ἔκτεινε πολλοὺς καὶ σημεῖα τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ἔλαβεν ἐν ταῖς δύο μάχαις ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσιν καὶ δεύτερον τόνδε καιρὸν ἐντελοῦς ἔργου μεθῆκεν. ὃ καὶ τὸν Καίσαρά φασιν εἰπεῖν, ὅτι σήμερον ἂν ὁ πόλεμος ἐξείργαστο τοῖς πολεμίοις, εἰ τὸν νικᾶν ἐπιστάμενον εἶχον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.9.62

While this remarkable defeat was in progress Caesar brought up other troops from another quarter, but these also fell into a panic even when they beheld Pompey still far distant. Although they were already close to the gates they would neither make a stand, nor enter in good order, nor obey the commands given to them, but all fled pell-mell without shame, without orders, without reason. Caesar ran among them and with reproaches showed them that Pompey was still far distant, yet under his very eye some threw down their standards and fled, while others bent their gaze upon the ground in shame and did nothing; so great consternation had befallen them. One of the standard bearers, with his standard reversed, dared to thrust the end of it at Caesar himself, but the attendants of the latter cut him down. When the soldiers entered the camp they did not station any guards. All precautions were neglected and the fortification was left unprotected, so that it is probable that Pompey might then have captured it and brought the war to an end by that one engagement had not Labienus, misled by a god, persuaded him to pursue the fugitives instead. Moreover Pompey himself hesitated, either because he suspected a stratagem when he saw the gates unguarded or because he considered the war already decided by this battle. So he turned against those outside of the camp and made a heavy slaughter and took twenty-eight standards in the two engagements of this day, but he here missed his second opportunity to give the finishing stroke to the war. It is reported that Caesar said, The war would have been ended to-day in the enemy’s favor if they had had a commander who knew how to make use of a victory.

Edition note

Caesar’s account of the battle of Dyrrachium and of the causes of his defeat is embodied in Sections 59-71, Book iii. Two Allobrogian cavalry officers deserted to Pompey because they had been detected embezzling the pay of their own troops. They informed Pompey that a section of Caesar’s line of circumvallation was still unfinished. It was through this gap that Pompey made his sally at daybreak, taking Caesar’s forces by surprise and throwing them into a panic. The two engagements in one day, to which Appian refers, were the fight which took place at this gap, and the subsequent one when Caesar brought up reinforcements and made a counter attack which ended disastrously by reason of one of those accidents common in war. The ruin of Caesar’s army would have been complete, he says, had not Pompey suspected an ambuscade and therefore desisted from an attack on Caesar’s fortified camp. Caesar acknowledges the loss of 32 military tribunes and centurions and 969 soldiers besides several Roman knights whom he names. Excellent diagrams of these operations and of the fighting around Dyrrachium, as well as of the battle of Pharsalus, are given in the military history of Caesar by Col. Theodore Ayrault Dodge.

2.10.63 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.10.63

ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος τήν τε νίκην ὑπερεπαίρων ἐπέστελλε βασιλεῦσι καὶ πόλεσι πάσαις καὶ τὸν στρατὸν αὐτίκα τὸν Καίσαρος ἤλπιζε πρὸς ἑαυτὸν μεταβαλεῖσθαι, λιμῷ τε πεπιεσμένον καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς ἥττης καταπεπληγμένον, μάλιστα δὲ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αὐτοῦ, τὸ σφέτερον ἁμάρτημα φοβουμένους. οἱ δέ, θεοῦ σφᾶς ἐπὶ μετάνοιαν ἄγοντος, τὸ ἁμάρτημα ᾐδοῦντο καὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος αὐτοῖς ἐπιμεμφομένου τε πράως καὶ συγγνώμην διδόντος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠρεθίζοντο καθʼ ἑαυτῶν καὶ ἐκ παραδόξου μεταβολῆς ἐκέλευον τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ διακληρώσαντα αὑτοὺς τὸ δέκατον μέρος ἀναιρεῖν. οὐ πειθομένου δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος μᾶλλον ᾐδοῦντο καὶ συνεγίνωσκον αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀξίως ὑπὸ σφῶν ἠδικῆσθαι καὶ τοὺς φέροντας τὰ σημεῖα κτείνειν ἐπεβόων, ὡς οὐκ ἂν αὐτοί ποτε φυγόντες, εἰ μὴ τὰ σημεῖα προαπεστράφη. ὡς δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐδὲ τοῦτʼ ἀνασχόμενος ὀλίγους μόλις ἐκόλασεν, αὐτίκα πᾶσιν. αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὴν μετριοπάθειαν ὁρμὴ τοσήδε ἐνέπιπτεν, ὡς εὐθὺς αὐτὸν ἄγειν ἀξιοῦν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους· καὶ ἐνέκειντο σφόδρα προθύμως, παρακαλοῦντές τε καὶ ὑπισχνούμενοι διορθώσεσθαι τὸ ἁμάρτημα νίκῃ καλῇ· κατά τε σφᾶς ἐπιστρεφόμενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἰλαδὸν κατὰ μέρη συνώμνυντο, ἐφορῶντος αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος, μὴ ἐπανήξειν ἐκ τῆς μάχης, εἰ μὴ κρατοῖεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.10.63

Pompey sent letters to all the kings and cities magnifying his victory, and he expected that Caesar’s army would come over to him directly, conceiving that it was oppressed by hunger and cast down by defeat, and especially the officers because apprehensive of punishment for their bad conduct in the battle. But the latter, as though some god had brought them to repentance, were ashamed of their fault, and as Caesar chided them gently and granted them pardon, they became still more angry with themselves and by a surprising change demanded that they should be decimated according to the law of their country. When Caesar did not agree to this they were still more mortified, and acknowledged that he had been shamefully treated by them. They cried out that he should at least put the standard bearers to death because they themselves would never have run away unless the standards had turned in flight first. Caesar would not consent to this, but he reluctantly punished a few. So great was the zeal excited among all by his moderation that they demanded to be led against the enemy immediately. They urged him vehemently, beseeching and promising to wipe out their disgrace by a splendid victory. Of their own accord they visited each other in military order and took an oath by companies, under the eye of Caesar himself, that they would not leave the field of battle except as victors.

Edition note

This agrees with the account given by Caesar himself of what took place in his camp after his defeat at Dyrrachium. He made a speech to his soldiers in which he dwelt on the great success they had achieved prior to the last battle, and said that if all their efforts had not been equally successful they must repair the defects of Fortune with greater industry. But whether their own panic, he continued, or some mistake, or Fortune itself had snatched from them a victory already gained and assured, the utmost effort should be made so that the disaster incurred might be repaired by their bravery. If this were done the loss they had suffered would redound to their advantage, as had been the case at Gergovia (in Gaul), and those who had been timid in fighting before would now go into battle fearlessly. (iii. 73.)

2.10.64 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.10.64

ὅθεν αὐτὸν οἱ μὲν φίλοι παρεκάλουν ἀποχρήσασθαι τοιᾷδε μετανοίᾳ καὶ προθυμίᾳ στρατοῦ· ὁ δʼ ἐς μὲν τὸ πλῆθος εἶπεν, ὅτι μετὰ βελτιόνων καιρῶν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἄξει, καὶ μεμνῆσθαι τῆσδε τῆς προθυμίας διεκελεύσατο, τοὺς δὲ φίλους ἀνεδίδασκεν, ὅτι χρὴ καὶ τῶνδε προεξελεῖν τὸν φόβον τῆς ἥττης πολὺν αὐτοῖς ἐγγενόμενον καὶ τῶν πολεμίων τὸ φρόνημα ἀκμάζον προκαθελεῖν. ὡμολόγει τε μεταγιγνώσκειν πρὸς Δυρραχίῳ στρατοπεδεύσας, ἔνθα ἔστιν ἡ παρασκευὴ πᾶσα Πομπηίῳ, δέον ἀποσπᾶν αὐτὸν ἑτέρωθι ἐς ὁμοίας ἀπορίας. καὶ τάδε εἰπὼν ἐς Ἀπολλωνίαν εὐθὺς μετῄει καὶ ἀπʼ αὐτῆς ἐς Θεσσαλίαν νυκτὸς ὑπεχώρει λανθάνων· Γόμφους τε πόλιν μικρὰν οὐ δεχομένην αὐτὸν ἐξεῖλεν ὑπὸ ὀργῆς καὶ ἐπέτρεψε τῷ στρατῷ διαρπάσαι. οἱ δʼ ὡς ἐκ λιμοῦ πάντων ἐνεπίμπλαντο ἀθρόως καὶ ἐμεθύσκοντο ἀπρεπῶς, καὶ μάλιστα αὐτῶν οἱ Γερμανοὶ γελοιότατοι κατὰ τὴν μέθην ἦσαν, ὥστε δοκεῖ καὶ τότε ἂν ὁ Πομπήιος ἐπελθὼν ἐργάσασθαί τι λαμπρόν, εἰ μὴ διώκειν ὅλως ὑπερεῖδεν ἐκ καταφρονήσεως, μέχρι Καῖσαρ ἑπτὰ συντόνως ἡμέραις ὁδεύσας ἐστρατοπέδευσε περὶ Φάρσαλον. λέγεται δʼ ἐν τοῖς Γόμφοις γενέσθαι παθήματα γενναῖα καὶ νεκροὺς τῶν ἐπιφανῶν γερόντων ἐν ἰατρείῳ φανῆναι, κυλίκων αὐτοῖς παρακειμένων ἀτρώτοις, εἴκοσι μὲν ὡς ἐκ μέθης κατακεκλιμένους ἐπὶ τὸ ἔδαφος, ἕνα δʼ ἐπὶ θρόνου παρακαθεζόμενον οἷα ἰατρόν, ὃς τὸ φάρμακον αὐτοῖς ἄρα παρέσχε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.10.64

Wherefore Caesar’s friends urged him to avail himself of the army’s repentance and eagerness promptly, but he said in the hearing of the host, that he would take a better opportunity to lead them against the enemy, and he exhorted them to be mindful of their present zeal. He privately admonished his friends that it was necessary first for the soldiers to recover from the very great alarm of their recent defeat, and for the enemy to lose something of their present high confidence. He confessed also that he had made a mistake in encamping before Dyrrachium where Pompey had abundance of supplies, whereas he ought to have drawn him to some place where he would be subject to the same scarcity as themselves. After saying this he marched directly to Apollonia and from there to Thessaly, advancing by night in order to conceal his movements. The small town of Gomphi to which he came refused to open its gates to him, and he took it by storm and allowed his army to plunder it. The soldiers, who had suffered much from hunger, stuffed themselves immoderately and drank wine to excess. The Germans among them were especially ridiculous under the influence of drink. It seems probable that Pompey might have attacked them then and gained another victory had he not disdainfully neglected a close pursuit. After seven days of rapid marching Caesar encamped near Pharsalus. It is said that among the notable calamities of Gomphi the bodies of twenty venerable men of the first rank were found lying on the floor in an apothecary’s shop, not wounded, and with goblets near them, as though they were drunk, and that one of them, like a physician, was seated in a chair and had dealt out poison to them.

Edition note

This could not have been a small town if it furnished the amount of food and wine which the text implies. Caesar speaks of it as oppido pleno atque opulento.

Edition note

This incident contains a whole volume of the horrors of war to non-combatants in the ancient world. Here was a prosperous town of Thessaly blotted out of existence in a few hours’ time. Caesar says that the Thessalians at first espoused his cause but that they turned against him when they heard of his defeat at Dyrrachium. Naturally so. As they had no interest in the quarrel they were bound to be on the stronger side if they knew which it was. Their principal citizens guessed wrong, their town was destroyed, and they committed suicide in consequence. This was only one case among thousands.

2.10.65 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.10.65

Πομπήιος δʼ ἐπὶ τῇ Καίσαρος ἀναζεύξει βουλὴν προυτίθει. καὶ Ἀφρανίῳ μὲν ἐδόκει τὸ ναυτικόν, ᾧ δὴ καὶ πολὺ προῦχεν, ἐπιπέμπειν Καίσαρι καὶ ἐνοχλεῖν θαλασσοκρατοῦντας ἀλωμένῳ καὶ ἀποροῦντι, τὸ δὲ πεζὸν αὐτὸν Πομπήιον ἄγειν κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν εὔνουν τε πρὸς αὐτὸν οὖσαν καὶ πολεμίων ἔρημον, κρατυνάμενον δʼ αὐτήν τε καὶ Γαλατίαν καὶ Ἰβηρίαν ἐξ οἰκείας καὶ ἡγεμονίδος γῆς αὖθις ἐπιχειρεῖν Καίσαρι. ὁ δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἄριστα ἄν οἱ γενόμενα παριδὼν ἐπείθετο τοῖς λέγουσιν αὐτίκα τὸν Καίσαρος στρατὸν μεταθήσεσθαι πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ, ἢ οὐ πολὺ σφίσιν ἔσεσθαι τὸ ἔτι λοιπὸν ἐπὶ τῇ κατὰ Δυρράχιον γενομένῃ νίκῃ· τὸ δʼ ἐναντίον αἴσχιστον εἶναι, καταλιπεῖν φεύγοντα Καίσαρα καὶ τοῖς ἡττηθεῖσιν ὁμοίως τὸν νικῶντα φεύγειν. ὁ μὲν δὴ τοῖσδε προσθέμενος αἰδοῖ μάλιστα τῶν ἑῴων ἐθνῶν ἐς αὐτὸν ἀφορώντων καὶ φειδοῖ Λευκίου Σκιπίωνος, μή τι περὶ Μακεδονίαν ὢν ἔτι πάθοι, μάλιστα δʼ ἐς ἀγῶνα χρήσασθαι θαρροῦντι τῷ στρατῷ διανοούμενος ἐπῆλθε καὶ ἀντεστρατοπέδευσε τῷ Καίσαρι περὶ Φάρσαλον, καὶ τριάκοντα σταδίους ἀλλήλων ἀπεῖχον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.10.65

After Caesar had withdrawn Pompey called a council of war, at which Afranius advised that they should make use of their naval force in which they were much superior, and being masters of the sea should harass Caesar, who was now wandering and destitute, and that Pompey himself should conduct his infantry with all haste to Italy, which was well disposed toward him and was now free from a hostile army. Having mastered it, together with Gaul and Spain, they could attack Caesar again from their own home, the seat of imperial power. Although this was the best possible advice Pompey disregarded it and allowed himself to be persuaded by those who said that Caesar’s army would presently desert to him on account of hunger, and that there was not much left of it anyway after the victory of Dyrrachium. They said it would be disgraceful to abandon the pursuit of Caesar when he was in flight, and for the victor to flee as though vanquished. Pompey sided with these advisers partly out of regard for the opinions of the eastern nations that were looking on, partly to prevent any harm befalling Lucius Scipio, who was still in Macedonia, but most of all because he thought that he ought to fight while his army was in high spirits. Accordingly he advanced and pitched his camp opposite to Caesar’s near Pharsalus, so that they were separated from each other by a distance of thirty stades.

Edition note

Both Plutarch and Caesar give entertaining accounts of what took place in Pompey’s camp after Caesar’s retreat. They cried out, says the former, that Caesar had fled. Some wanted to pursue him, others to cross over to Italy. Others despatched their friends and servants to Rome to hire houses in advance near the forum, as though they were about to run for office. (Life of Pompey, 66.) Caesar’s narrative says: They contended with each other openly about rewards and priesthoods and disposed of the consulship for years to come. Some demanded the houses and goods of men in Caesar’s camp, and there was a great controversy over the question whether Lucius Hirrus, who had been sent by Pompey on a mission to the Parthians, should have the right to stand for the next praetorship while absent. . . . Domitius, Scipio, and Lentulus Spinther had daily disputes over the succession to Caesar’s priesthood and descended to the vilest language, Lentulus claiming it on the score of age, Domitius boasting of his influence in the city and his dignity, while Scipio trusted to his relationship with Pompey. Acutius Rufus even accused Afranius, in Pompey’s presence, of betrayal of his army, which he said had been done in Spain. (iii. 82-83.)

2.10.66 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.10.66

ἀγορὰ δὲ Πομπηίῳ μὲν ἦν πανταχόθεν· οὕτω γὰρ αὐτῷ προδιῴκηντο καὶ ὁδοὶ καὶ λιμένες καὶ φρούρια, ὡς ἔκ τε γῆς αἰεὶ φέρεσθαι καὶ διὰ θαλάσσης πάντα ἄνεμον αὐτῷ φέρειν· Καῖσαρ δὲ μόνον εἶχεν, ὅ τι μόλις εὕροι καὶ λάβοι κακοπαθῶν. καὶ οὐδʼ ὣς αὐτὸν ἀπέλιπεν οὐδείς, ἀλλὰ σπουδῇ δαιμονίῳ συνενεχθῆναι τοῖς πολεμίοις ὠρέγοντο καὶ ἡγοῦντο πολέμῳ μὲν εἶναι παρὰ πολὺ ἀμείνους νεοστρατεύτων ἔτι ὄντων δέκα ἔτεσιν ἠσκημένοι, εἰς δὲ ταφρείας ἢ περιτειχίσεις ἢ σιτολογίας ἐπιπόνους ἀσθενέστεροι διὰ γῆρας· ὅλως τε κάμνουσιν αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει δρᾶν τι […: gap in edition] μετʼ ἀργίας ἢ λιμῷ διαφθαρῆναι. ὧν ὁ Πομπήιος αἰσθανόμενος ἐπικίνδυνον μὲν ἡγεῖτο γεγυμνασμένοις καὶ ἀπογινώσκουσιν αὑτῶν ἀνδράσι καὶ τύχῃ Καίσαρος λαμπρᾷ περὶ τῶν ὅλων συνενεχθῆναι διʼ ἑνὸς ἔργου, δυνατώτερον δὲ καὶ ἀκινδυνοτερον ἐκτρῦσαι ταῖς ἀπορίαις αὐτοὺς οὔτε γῆς εὐπόρου κρατοῦντας οὔτε θαλάσσῃ χρωμένους οὔτε ναῦς ἐς φυγὴν ταχεῖαν ἔχοντας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.10.66

Pompey’s supplies came from every quarter, for the roads, harbors, and strongholds had been so provided beforehand that food was brought to him at all times from the land, and every wind blew it to him from the sea. Caesar, on the other hand, had only what he could find with difficulty and seize by hard labor. Yet even so nobody deserted him, but all, by a kind of divine fury, longed to come to close quarters with the enemy. They considered that they, who had been trained in arms for ten years, were much superior to the new levies of Pompey in fighting, but that for digging ditches and building fortifications and for laborious foraging they were weaker by reason of their age. Tired as they were they altogether preferred to perform some deed of valor rather than perish with hunger in inaction. Pompey perceived this and he considered it dangerous to risk everything on a single battle with disciplined and desperate men, and against the amazing luck of Caesar. It would be easier and safer to reduce them by want as they controlled no fertile territory, and could get nothing by sea, and had no ships for rapid flight. So he decided on the most prudent calculation to protract the war and wear out the enemy by hunger from day to day.

Edition note

Literally, to lead the enemy around from hunger to hunger, ἐς λιμὸν ἐκ λιμοῦ. Mendelssohn prefers to read ἐς λοιμὸν ἐκ λιμοῦ, from famine to plague, and he refers to Plutarch (Life of Cœsar, 40), who says that it was reported in Pompey’s camp that a pestilence had broken out in Caesar’s army in consequence of their unaccustomed diet. There is no authority for this change nor does it improve the text in any way. As Caesar was living off the country he would be obliged to move frequently from hunger to hunger.

2.10.67 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.10.67

ὁ μὲν δὴ κρατίστῳ λογισμῷ τρίβειν τὸν πόλεμον ἐγνώκει, καὶ ἐς λοιμὸν ἐκ λιμοῦ τοὺς πολεμίους περιφέρειν· πολὺ δʼ ἀμφʼ αὐτὸν πλῆθος ἀνδρῶν ἀπό τε τῆς βουλῆς ὁμοτίμων οἱ καὶ τῶν καλουμένων ἱππέων οἱ διαφανέστατοι βασιλέες τε πολλοὶ καὶ δυνάσται, οἱ μὲν ὑπʼ ἀπειρίας, οἱ δʼ ἀμέτρως τοῖς περὶ τὸ Δυρράχιον εὐπραγήμασιν ἐπηρμένοι, εἰσὶ δʼ οἳ καὶ τῷ πλέονες εἶναι τῶν πολεμίων, οἱ δὲ καὶ κάμνοντες ὅλως τῷ πολέμῳ τὴν κρίσιν ταχυτέραν μᾶλλον ἢ πρέπουσαν ἐπειγόμενοι γενέσθαι, πάντες ἐξώτρυνον αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν μάχην, ἐπιδεικνύοντες αἰεὶ τὸν Καίσαρα παρατάττοντά τε καὶ προκαλούμενον. ὁ δʼ ἐξ αὐτοῦ μάλιστα τοῦδε αὐτοὺς ἀνεδίδασκεν, ὅτι Καίσαρι μὲν τοῦτʼ ἐξ ἀπορίας ἀναγκαῖον ἦν, σφίσι δὲ καὶ διὰ τοῦτʼ εὔκαιρον ἡσυχάζειν, ὅτι Καῖσαρ ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης ἐπείγοιτο. ἐνοχλούμενος δὲ ὑπό τε τοῦ στρατοῦ παντὸς ἐπηρμένου τοῖς περὶ τὸ Δυρράχιον ἀμέτρως καὶ τῶν ἐπʼ ἀξιώσεως αὐτὸν ἐπιτωθαζόντων ἐς φιλαρχίαν ὡς ἑκόντα βραδύνοντα, ἵνʼ ἀνδρῶν ὁμοτίμων τοσῶνδε ἄρχοι, καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε αὐτὸν βασιλέα τε βασιλέων καὶ Ἀγαμέμνονα καλούντων, ὅτι κἀκεῖνος βασιλέων διὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἦρχεν, ἐξέστη τῶν οἰκείων λογισμῶν καὶ ἐνέδωκεν αὐτοῖς, θεοῦ βλάπτοντος ἤδη καὶ τἆλλα παρʼ ὅλον τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον. νωθής τε γὰρ καὶ βραδὺς παρὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ φύσιν ἐν ἅπασι γεγονὼς παρεσκευάζετο ἄκων ἐς μάχην ἐπὶ κακῷ τε αὑτοῦ καὶ τῶν αὐτὸν ἀναπειθόντων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.10.67

Pompey was surrounded by a great number of senators, of equal rank with himself, by very distinguished knights, and by many kings and princes. Some of these, by reason of their inexperience in war, others because they were too much elated by the victory at Dyrrachium, others because they outnumbered the enemy, and others because they were quite tired of the war and preferred a quick decision rather than a sound one — all urged him to fight, pointing out to him that Caesar was always drawn up for battle and challenging him. Pompey answered along this very line of argument by saying that Caesar was compelled to do so by his want of supplies, and that they had the more reason to remain quiet because Caesar was pushed by necessity. Yet, harassed by the whole army, which was unduly puffed up by the victories at Dyrrachium, and by men of rank who accused him of being fond of power and of delaying purposely in order to prolong his authority over so many men of his own rank — and for this reason called him derisively king of kings and Agamemnon, because that general also ruled over kings while war lasted — he allowed himself to be moved from his own purpose and gave in to them, being deceived now by the god that had misled him on other occasions during the whole of this war. He had now become, contrary to his nature, sluggish and dilatory in all things, and he prepared for battle against his will, to his own hurt and that of the men who had persuaded him to it.

Edition note

Plutarch says that this nickname was bestowed upon Pompey by Domitius Ahenobarbus, the same who was sent to supersede Caesar in Gaul and who fell into the latter’s hands at Corfinium, and was dismissed with contempt. He was an intense aristocrat, enormously rich, and he hated Caesar with fury. He was killed in the pursuit after Pharsalus. During the exchange of pleasantries at Pompey’s head — quarters Afranius, who had been accused of betraying his army in Spain, when he saw Pompey trying to avoid a battle said he wondered why his accusers did not move forward and fight this huckster of provinces. Favonius, who had suggested before they left Italy that Pompey should stamp armies out of the ground, now said: Gentlemen, we shall not partake of the figs at Tusculum this year. (Life of Pompey, 67.)

Edition note

The text, or at all events the punctuation, is here doubtful. I have followed that of Schweighäuser but his Latin version does not accord with it: Tandem a proposito se moveri passus, deo jam exitium ejus properante, concessit illorum voluntati. Quemadmodum et alias per totum illud bellum contra naturam suam, tardus fuerat et veluti torpidus, sic nunc, etc., i.e.: Finally allowing himself to be moved from his purpose he yielded to their wish, a god now hurrying him to his doom. As in other matters he had been, contrary to his nature, sluggish and as it were stupefied through this whole war, so now, etc.

2.10.68 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.10.68

Καίσαρι δὲ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐκείνης τρία μὲν ἐπὶ σιτολογίαν ἐξῄει τέλη ʽτὸν γὰρ Πομπήιον ἐπαινῶν τῆς βραδυτῆτος καὶ οὐδαμοῦ νομίζων μεταθήσεσθαι τοῦ βουλεύματος περιέπεμπεν ἐπὶ σῖτον̓, πυθόμενος δὲ τῆς παρασκευῆς ἥσθη τε τῆς ἀνάγκης, ἣν εἴκαζεν ἠναγκάσθαι Πομπήιον ὑπὸ τοῦ στρατοῦ, καὶ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ τάχιστα ἀνεκάλει πάντα καὶ ἀντιπαρεσκευάζετο. θυόμενός τε νυκτὸς μέσης τὸν Ἄρη κατεκάλει καὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πρόγονον Ἀφροδίτην ʽἐκ γὰρ Αἰνείου καὶ Ἴλου τοῦ Αἰνείου τὸ τῶν Ἰουλίων γένος παρενεχθέντος τοῦ ὀνόματος ἡγεῖτο εἶναἰ, νεών τε αὐτῇ νικηφόρῳ χαριστήριον ἐν Ῥώμῃ ποιήσειν εὔχετο κατορθώσας. ὡς δὲ καὶ σέλας ἐξ οὐρανοῦ διαπτὰν ἀπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐς τὸ Πομπηίου στρατόπεδον ἐσβέσθη, οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν Πομπήιον ἔσεσθαί τι λαμπρὸν αὑτοῖς ἔφασαν ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ σβέσειν αὐτὸς ἐμπεσὼν τὰ Πομπηίου. αὐτῷ δὲ τῷ Πομπηίῳ τῆς αὐτῆς νυκτός τινα τῶν ἱερείων ἐκφυγόντα οὐ συνελήφθη, καὶ μελισσῶν ἑσμὸς ἐπὶ τοῖς βωμοῖς ἐκάθισε, ζῴου νωχελοῦς. μικρόν τε πρὸ ἕω πανικὸν ἐνέπεσεν αὐτοῦ τῷ στρατῷ· καὶ τόδε περιδραμὼν αὐτὸς καὶ καταστήσας ἀνεπαύετο σὺν ὕπνῳ βαθεῖ· περιεγειράντων δʼ αὐτὸν τῶν φίλων, ὄναρ ἔφασκεν ἄρτι νεὼν ἐν Ῥώμῃ καθιεροῦν Ἀφροδίτῃ νικηφόρῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.10.68

That same night three of Caesar’s legions started out to forage; for Caesar himself approved Pompey’s dilatory proceedings and had no idea that he would change, and accordingly sent them out to procure food. When he perceived that the enemy was preparing to fight he was delighted at the pressure which he conjectured had been put upon Pompey by his army, and he recalled all of his forces at once and made preparations on his own side. He offered sacrifice at midnight and invoked Mars and his own ancestress, Venus (for it was believed that from Aeneas and his son, Ilus, was descended the Julian race, with a slight change of name), and he vowed that he would build a temple in Rome as a thank-offering to her as the Bringer of Victory if everything went well. Thereupon a flame from heaven flew through the air from Caesar’s camp to Pompey’s, where it was extinguished. Pompey’s men said that it signified a brilliant victory for them over their enemies, but Caesar interpreted it as meaning that he should fall upon and extinguish the fame and power of Pompey. When Pompey was sacrificing the same night some of the victims escaped and could not be caught, and a swarm of bees settled on the altar, the type of weakness. Shortly before daylight a panic occurred in his army. He himself went around and quieted it and then fell into a deep sleep.

Edition note

These prodigies, with some slight variations, are related by Plutarch, by Lucan, and by Florus. Never, says Florus, were there more manifest signs of impending ruin.

2.10.69 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.10.69

καὶ τόδε μὲν ἀγνοίᾳ τῆς Καίσαρος εὐχῆς οἵ τε φίλοι καὶ ὁ στρατὸς ἅπας πυθόμενοι ἥδοντο, καὶ τἆλλα ἀλόγως σὺν ὁρμῇ καὶ καταφρονήσει χωροῦντες ἐπὶ τὸ ἔργον ὡς ἐπὶ ἕτοιμον. ὧν γε πολλοὶ καὶ τὰς σκηνὰς δάφναις ἀνέστεφον ἤδη, συμβόλῳ νίκης· καὶ οἱ θεράποντες αὐτοῖς δαῖτα λαμπροτάτην ἐπόρσυνον· εἰσὶ δʼ οἳ καὶ περὶ τῆς Καίσαρος ἀρχιερωσύνης ἐς ἀλλήλους ἤδη διήριζον. ἅπερ ὁ Πομπήιος οἷα πολέμων ἔμπειρος ἀπεστρέφετο καὶ νεμεσῶν ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς ἐνεκαλύπτετο, κατεσιώπα δʼ ὅμως ὑπὸ ὄκνου καὶ δέους, ὥσπερ οὐ στρατηγῶν ἔτι, ἀλλὰ στρατηγούμενος καὶ πάντα πράσσων ὑπὸ ἀνάγκης παρὰ γνώμην. τοσοῦτον ἀνδρὶ μεγαλουργῷ καὶ παρὰ πᾶν ἔργον ἐς ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν εὐτυχεστάτῳ γενομένῳ τὸ δύσθυμον ἐνεπεπτώκει, εἴτε ὅτι τὰ συμφέροντα κρίνων οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ κύβον ἐχώρει πλήθους ἀνδρῶν τοσῶνδε σωτηρίας καὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δόξης ἐς τότε ἀηττήτου· εἴτε τι καὶ μαντικώτερον αὐτὸν πλησιάζοντος ἤδη τοῦ κακοῦ συνετάρασσε, μέλλοντα τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ἐκ δυναστείας τοσῆσδε ἀθρόως ἐκπεσεῖσθαι. τοσοῦτον δʼ οὖν εἰπὼν τοῖς φίλοις, ὅτι ἥδε ἡ ἡμέρα, ὁπότερος ἂν ἐπικρατήσῃ, μεγάλων ἐς αἰεὶ Ῥωμαίοις ἄρξει κακῶν, παρέτασσεν ἐς τὴν μάχην· ᾧ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν προπεσεῖν τινες ἐν τῷ φόβῳ νομίζοντες ἡγοῦντο οὐδʼ ἂν Πομπήιον κρατήσαντα μεθεῖναι τὴν μοναρχίαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.10.69

When his friends aroused him he said that he had just dreamed that he had dedicated a temple in Rome to Venus the Bringer of Victory. His friends and his whole army when they heard of this were delighted, being in ignorance of Caesar’s vow, and they went about their work in a reckless and contemptuous way as though it were already accomplished. Many of them adorned their tents with laurel branches, the insignia of victory, and their slaves prepared magnificent banquets for them. Some of them began already to contend with each other for Caesar’s office of Pontifex Maximus. Pompey, being experienced in military affairs, turned away from these squabbles with concealed indignation. He remained altogether silent in hesitancy and dread, as though he were no longer commander but under command, and as though he were doing everything under compulsion and against his judgment; such dejection had come over this man of great deeds (who, until this day, had been most fortunate in every undertaking), either because he had not carried his point when he had decided what was the best course but was about to cast the die involving the safety of so many men and also involving his own reputation, until now invincible; or because some presentiment of approaching evil troubled him, presaging his complete downfall that very day from a position of such vast power. After merely saying to his friends that whichever should conquer, that day would be the beginning of great evils to the Romans for all future time, he began to make arrangements for the battle. In this remark some people thought his real intentions escaped him, involuntarily expressed in a moment of fright, and they inferred that if Pompey had been victorious he would not have laid down the supreme power.

2.10.70 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.10.70

στρατιὰ δʼ ἦν, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, πολλῶν ἀμφίλογα εἰπόντων ἑπομένῳ μάλιστα Ῥωμαίων τοῖς τὰ πιθανώτατα γράφουσι περὶ τῶν ἐξ Ἰταλίας ἀνδρῶν, οἷς δὴ καὶ μάλιστα θαρροῦντες τὰ συμμαχικὰ οὐκ ἀκριβοῦσιν οὐδὲ ἀναγράφουσιν ὡς ἀλλότρια καὶ ὀλίγην ἐν αὐτοῖς εἰς προσθήκην χώραν ἔχοντα, Καίσαρι μὲν ἐς δισχιλίους ἐπὶ δισμυρίοις, καὶ τούτων ἱππέες ἦσαν ἀμφὶ τοὺς χιλίους, Πομπηίῳ δὲ ὑπὲρ τὸ διπλάσιον, καὶ τούτων ἱππέες ἐς ἑπτακισχιλίους. ὧδε μὲν τοῖς τὰ πιθανώτατα λέγουσι δοκεῖ μυριάδας ἑπτὰ ἀνδρῶν Ἰταλῶν συμπεσεῖν ἀλλήλοις ἐς μάχην· οἱ δʼ ὀλιγωτέρους ἑξακισμυρίων φασίν, οἱ δʼ ὑπερεπαίροντες τεσσαράκοντα μυριάδας γενέσθαι λέγουσι. καὶ τούτων οἱ μὲν ἡμιόλιον, οἱ δὲ ἐκ τριῶν νομίζουσιν ἀμφὶ τὰ δύο τῷ Πομπηίῳ γενέσθαι μέρη. τοσάδε μὲν ἀμφιγνοοῦσι περὶ τοῦ ἀκριβοῦς· ὅπως δʼ οὖν εἶχε, τοῖσδε μάλιστα τοῖς ἐξ Ἰταλίας ἑκάτερος αὐτῶν ἐθάρρει. τὸ δὲ συμμαχικὸν ἦν Καίσαρι μὲν ἱππέες τε Κελτοὶ […: gap in edition] καὶ Κελτῶν τῶν ὑπὲρ Ἄλπεις ἀριθμὸς ἄλλος· Ἑλλήνων δʼ ἐπέλταζον αὐτῷ Δόλοπες, Ἀκαρνᾶνες, Αἰτωλοί. τοσοίδε μὲν τῷ Καίσαρι συνεμάχουν, Πομπηίῳ δὲ πάντα τὰ ἑῷα ἔθνη κατὰ πλῆθος, οἱ μὲν ἐξ ἵππων, οἱ δὲ πεζοί, ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς Ἑλλάδος Λάκωνες ὑπὸ τοῖς ἰδίοις βασιλεῦσι τασσόμενοι, καὶ ἡ ἄλλη Πελοπόννησος καὶ Βοιωτοὶ μετʼ αὐτῶν. ἐστράτευον δὲ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι, κηρυξάντων μὲν αὐτοὺς ἑκατέρων μὴ ἀδικεῖν τὸν στρατὸν ὡς ἱεροὺς τῶν Θεσμοφόρων, πρὸς δὲ τὴν δόξαν ἄρα τοῦ πολέμου τραπέντες ὡς ὑπὲρ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίας ἀγωνιούμενοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.10.70

Caesar’s army (for since many writers differ I shall follow the most credible Roman authorities, who give the most careful enumeration of the Italian soldiers, in whom they place most confidence, but do not make much account of the allied forces or record them exactly, regarding them as foreigners and as contributing to them little real assistance) consisted of about 22,000 men and of these about 1000 were cavalry. Pompey had more than double that number, of whom about 7000 were cavalry. Some of the most trustworthy writers say that 70,000 Italian soldiers were engaged in this battle. Others give the smaller number, 60,00000. Still others, grossly exaggerating, say 400,000. Of the whole number some say Pompey’s forces were to those of Caesar as one-and-a-half to one, others say that he had two parts out of three. So much doubt is there as to the exact truth. However that may be, each of them placed his chief reliance on his Italian troops. In the way of allied forces Caesar had cavalry from both Cisalpine and Transalpine Gaul, besides some light-armed Greeks, consisting of Dolopians, Acarnanians, and Aetolians. Such were Caesar’s allies. Pompey had a great number from all the eastern nations, part horse, part foot. From Greece he had Lacedemonians marshalled by their own kings, and others from Peloponnesus and Bœotians with them. The Athenians marched to his aid also, although proclamation had been made on both sides that no harm should be done to them by the soldiers, since they were the priests of the Thesmophorae. Nevertheless, they wished to share in the glory of the war because this was a contest for the Roman leadership.

Edition note

One of the grossly exaggerating writers is Florus, who says: Never did fortune behold so large a force of the Roman people or so much of their dignity collected in one place. More than 300,000 men were assembled on one side and the other, in addition to the auxiliaries of kings and nations.

Edition note

The Thesmophorae (law-bringers) were Ceres and Proserpine. They were worshipped together as the goddesses of tillage and civilized life. The Thesmophoria was an annual religious festival at Athens.

Edition note

Schweighäuser says that the meaning of this passage is not quite clear to him. Combes-Dounous renders it intelligibly: They came to take part in this war merely to have the glory of fighting in a contest where the empire of the Roman people was at stake.

2.10.71 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.10.71

ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ὀλίγου πάντες, ὅσοι περιιόντι τὴν ἐν κύκλῳ θάλασσαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἕω, Θρᾷκές τε καὶ Ἑλλησπόντιοι καὶ Βιθυνοὶ καὶ Φρύγες καὶ Ἴωνες, Λυδοί τε καὶ Παμφύλιοι καὶ Πισίδαι καὶ Παφλαγόνες, καὶ Κιλικία καὶ Συρία καὶ Φοινίκη καὶ τὸ Ἑβραίων γένος καὶ Ἄραβες οἱ τούτων ἐχόμενοι Κύπριοί τε καὶ Ῥόδιοι καὶ Κρῆτες σφενδονῆται καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι νησιῶται. παρῆσαν δὲ καὶ βασιλέες καὶ δυνάσται στρατὸν ἄγοντες, Δηιόταρος μὲν τετράρχης Γαλατῶν τῶν ἑῴων, Ἀριαράθης δὲ Καππαδοκῶν βασιλεύς. Ἀρμενίους δὲ ἦγε τοὺς ἐντὸς Εὐφράτου στρατηγὸς Ταξίλης καὶ Ἀρμενίους τοὺς ὑπὲρ Εὐφράτην Μεγαβάτης, ὕπαρχος Ἀρταπάτου βασιλέως· ἄλλοι τε μικροὶ δυνάσται συνεπελαμβάνοντο τοῦ πόνου. λέγονται· δὲ καὶ ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου νῆες ἑξήκοντα αὐτῷ παραγενέσθαι παρὰ τῶν Αἰγύπτου βασιλέων, Κλεοπάτρας τε καὶ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ, παιδὸς ἔτι ὄντος. ἀλλʼ αἵδε μὲν οὐ συνεμάχησαν· οὐδὲ γὰρ τὸ ἄλλο ναυτικόν, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ ἀργίας ἐν Κερκύρᾳ κατέμενε. καὶ δοκεῖ Πομπήιος τόδε μάλιστα ἀφρόνως ἐργάσασθαι, τῶν μὲν νεῶν καταφρονήσας, αἷς δὴ πολὺ προύχων ἐδύνατο πανταχοῦ τὴν ἐπακτὸν ἀγορὰν τοὺς πολεμίους ἀφαιρεῖσθαι, ἐν δὲ ἀγῶνι πεζῷ συνενεχθεὶς ἀνδράσιν ἐκ πόνου πολλοῦ μεγαλαύχοις τε καὶ θηριώδεσιν ἐς μάχας γενομένοις. ἀλλʼ αὐτὸν αὐτοὺς φυλαξάμενον περὶ Δυρράχιον θεοβλάβεια δοκεῖ παραγαγεῖν, ἐν καιρῷ μάλιστα δὴ πάντων ἥδε τῷ Καίσαρι γενομένη· διὰ γὰρ αὐτὴν ὁ στρατὸς ὁ τοῦ Πομπηίου κουφόνως μάλα ἐπήρθη, καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ σφῶν κατεκράτησαν καὶ ἐς τὸ ἔργον ἀπειροπολέμως ἐτράποντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.10.71

Besides the Greeks almost all the nations that one meets in making the circuit of the eastern sea sent aid to Pompey: Thracians, Hellespontines, Bithynians, Phrygians, Ionians, Lydians, Pamphylians, Pisidians, Paphlagonians, Cilicians, Syrians, Phœnicians, Hebrews, and their neighbors the Arabs, Cyprians, Rhodians, Cretan slingers, and other islanders. Kings and princes were there leading their own troops: Deïotarus, the tetrarch of Galatia in the East, and Ariarthes, king of Cappadocia. Taxiles commanded the Armenians from the hither side of the Euphrates. Those from the other side were led by Megabates, the lieutenant of King Artabazes. Some other small princes took part with Pompey in the work. It was said that sixty ships from Egypt were contributed to him by the sovereigns of that country, Cleopatra and her brother, who was still a boy. But these did not take part in the battle, nor did any other naval force. They remained idle at Corcyra. Pompey seems to have acted very foolishly in this respect in disregarding the fleet, in which he excelled so greatly that he could have deprived the enemy of all the supplies brought to them from abroad, and in risking a battle on land with men who boasted that they were inured to every kind of toil and who were ferocious fighters. Although he had been on his guard against them at Dyrrachium, a certain spell seems to have come over him at a time when it would inure most to Caesar’s advantage. Under this spell also Pompey’s army was most nonsensically puffed up, and rendered insubordinate to its own commander, and hurried into action without previous experience in war. But this was the ordering of divine Providence to bring in the imperial power which now embraces everything.

2.11.72 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.11.72

ἀλλὰ τάδε μὲν ᾠκονόμει θεὸς ἐς ἀρχὴν τῆσδε τῆς νῦν ἐπεχούσης τὰ πάντα ἡγεμονίας· τότε δʼ αὐτῶν τὴν στρατιὰν ἑκάτερος συναγαγὼν ἐπώτρυνε, Πομπήιος μὲν τοιάδε λέγων· ὑμεῖς, ὦ συστρατιῶται, στρατηγεῖτε τοῦ πόνου μᾶλλον ἢ στρατηγεῖσθε· αὐτοὶ γὰρ ἐμοῦ τὰ Καίσαρος ἐκτρύχειν ἔτι βουλομένου τὸν ἀγῶνα τόνδε προυκαλέσασθε. ὡς οὖν ἀγωνοθέται τῆς μάχης χρήσασθε μὲν ὡς ἐλάττοσι πολὺ πλείονες, καταφρονεῖτε δὲ ὡς ἡττημένων νενικηκότες καὶ γερόντων νέοι καὶ πολλὰ κεκμηκότων ἀκμῆτες ἄνδρες, οἷς ὑπάρχει δύναμις τοσήδε καὶ παρασκευὴ καὶ τὸ συνειδὸς αὐτὸ τῆς αἰτίας· ὑπὲρ γὰρ ἐλευθερίας καὶ πατρίδος ἀγωνιζόμεθα μετὰ νόμων καὶ δόξης ἀγαθῆς καὶ τοσῶνδε ἀνδρῶν, τῶν μὲν ἀπὸ βουλῆς, τῶν δʼ ἱππέων, πρὸς ἄνδρα ἕνα λῃστεύοντα τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. ἴτε οὖν, ὡς ἠξιοῦτε, μετʼ ἀγαθῆς ἐλπίδος, ἐν ὄψει τιθέμενοι τήν τε φυγὴν αὐτῶν τὴν περὶ τὸ Δυρράχιον γενομένην καὶ ὅσα σημεῖα μιᾶς ἡμέρας κρατοῦντες αὐτῶν ἐλάβομεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.11.72

Then each of the commanders assembled his soldiers and made an appeal to them. Pompey spoke as follows: You, my fellow soldiers, are the leaders in this task rather than the led, for while I was still desirous of wearing Caesar out by hunger you urged on this engagement. Since, therefore, you are the arbiters of the battle, conduct yourselves like those who are greatly superior in numbers. Despise the enemy as victors do the vanquished, as young men do the old, as fresh troops do those who are wearied with many toils. Fight like those who have the power and the means, and the consciousness of a good cause. We are contending for liberty and country. On our side are the laws and honorable fame, and this great number of senators and knights, against one man who has seized the government by robbery. Go forward then, as you have determined to do, with good hope, keeping in vision the flight of the enemy at Dyrrachium, and the great number of their standards that we captured in one day when we defeated them there. Such was Pompey’s speech.

Edition note

Πρὸς ἄνδρα ἕνα λῃστεύοντα τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. This might be translated in the words of Hamlet: The cutpurse of the empire and the rule.

2.11.73 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.11.73

ὁ μὲν δὴ Πομπήιος ὧδε ἔλεγεν, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ τοῖς ἰδίοις τοιάδε· τὰ μὲν δυσχερέστερα ἤδη νενικήκαμεν, ὦ φίλοι· ἀντὶ γὰρ λιμοῦ καὶ ἀπορίας ἀνδράσι μαχούμεθα· ἥδε δὲ ἡ ἡμέρα κρινεῖ πάντα. μέμνησθέ μοι τῆς περὶ τὸ Δυρράχιον ἐπαγγελίας καὶ ὧν ἐφορῶντος ἐμοῦ συνώμνυσθε ἀλλήλοις, μὴ νικῶντες οὐδʼ ἐπανήξειν. οἵδε εἰσίν, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἐφʼ οὓς ἐξ Ἡρακλείων στηλῶν ἤλθομεν· οἵδε οἱ περιφυγόντες ἡμᾶς ἐξ Ἰταλίας, οἳ τοὺς δέκα ἔτεσιν ἀθλοῦντας ἡμᾶς καὶ πολέμους τοσούσδε καὶ νίκας δυσαριθμήτους ἀνύσαντας καὶ Ἰβήρων καὶ Κελτῶν καὶ Βρεττανῶν ἔθνη τετρακόσια περιποιήσαντας τῇ πατρίδι διέλυον ἀγεράστους ἄνευ θριάμβου τε καὶ δωρεᾶς, καὶ οὐδʼ ἐς τὰ δίκαια αὐτοὺς ἐγὼ προκαλούμενος ἔπειθον οὐδὲ χάρισιν ἐξήνυον. ἴστε, οὓς μεθῆκα ἀπαθεῖς, ἐλπίσας ἡμῖν τι παρʼ αὐτῶν ἔσεσθαι δίκαιον. τῶνδε οὖν μοι τήμερον ἀθρόον ἀνενέγκατε καὶ τῆς ἐμῆς πρὸς ὑμᾶς, εἴ τι σύνιστέ μοι, κηδεμονίας ἢ πίστεως ἢ δωρεῶν μεγαλοφροσύνης.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.11.73

Caesar addressed his men as follows: My friends, we have already overcome our most formidable enemies, and are now about to encounter not hunger and want, but men. This day will decide everything. Remember what you promised me at Dyrrachium. Remember how you swore to each other in my presence that you would never leave the field except as conquerors. These men, fellow-soldiers, are the same that we met at the Pillars of Hercules, the same that we drove out of Italy. They are the same who sought to disband us without honors, without a triumph, without rewards, after the toils and struggles of ten years, after we had finished those great wars, after innumerable victories, and after we had added 400 nations in Spain, Gaul, and Britain to our country’s sway. I have not been able to prevail upon them by offering fair terms, nor to win them by benefits. You know that I dismissed them unharmed, hoping that we should obtain justice from them. Recall all these facts to your minds to-day, and if you have had any experience of me recall also my care for you, my good faith, and the generosity of my gifts to you.

2.11.74 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.11.74

ἔστι δὲ οὐ δυσχερὲς νεοστρατεύτων καὶ ἀπειροπολέμων ἔτι πολυπόνους ἀγωνιστὰς περιγενέσθαι, ἄλλως τε καὶ μειρακιωδῶς ἐς ἀταξίαν καὶ δυσπείθειαν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τραπέντων, ὃν ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι δεδιότα καὶ ἄκοντα χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ ἔργον, τύχῃ τε παρακμάζοντα ἤδη καὶ νωθῆ καὶ βραδὺν ἐς ἅπαντα γεγενημένον καὶ οὐδὲ στρατηγοῦντα ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ στρατηγούμενον. καὶ τάδε μοι περὶ μόνων ἐστὶ τῶν Ἰταλῶν, ἐπεὶ τῶν γε συμμάχων μηδὲ φροντίζετε μηδʼ ἐν λόγῳ τίθεσθε μηδὲ μάχεσθε ὅλως ἐκείνοις. ἀνδράποδα ταῦτʼ ἐστὶ Σύρια καὶ Φρύγια καὶ Λύδια, φεύγειν αἰεὶ καὶ δουλεύειν ἕτοιμα· οἷς ἐγὼ σαφῶς οἶδα, καὶ ὑμεῖς δὲ αὐτίκα ὄψεσθε, οὐδὲ Πομπήιον αὐτὸν τάξιν ἐγγυῶντα πολέμου. ἔχεσθε οὖν μοι τῶν Ἰταλῶν μόνων, κἂν οἱ σύμμαχοι δίκην κυνῶν περιθέωσιν ὑμᾶς καὶ θορυβοποιῶσι. τρεψάμενοι δʼ αὐτοὺς τῶνδε μὲν ὡς συγγενῶν φειδώμεθα, τοὺς δὲ συμμάχους ἐς τὴν τῶνδε κατάπληξιν ἐξεργάσασθε. πρὸ δὲ πάντων, ὡς ἂν εἰδείην ὑμᾶς ἔγωγε ὧν συνετίθεσθε μεμνημένους τε καὶ νίκην πάντως ἢ θάνατον αἱρουμένους, καθέλετέ μοι προϊόντες ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην τὰ τείχη τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν τάφρον ἐγχώσατε, ἵνα μηδὲν ἔχωμεν, ἂν μὴ κρατῶμεν, ἴδωσι δʼ ἡμᾶς ἀσταθμεύτους οἱ πολέμιοι καὶ συνῶσιν, ὅτι πρὸς ἀνάγκης ἐστὶν ἡμῖν ἐν τοῖς ἐκείνων σταθμεῦσαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.11.74

Nor is it difficult for hardy and veteran soldiers to overcome new recruits who are without experience in war, and who, moreover, like boys, spurn the rules of discipline and of obedience to their commander. I learn that he was afraid and unwilling to come to an engagement. His star has already passed its zenith; he has become slow and hesitating in all his acts, and no longer commands, but obeys the orders of others. I say these things of his Italian forces only. As for his allies, do not think about them, pay no attention to them, do not fight with them at all. They are Syrian, Phrygian, and Lydian slaves, always ready for flight or servitude. I know very well, and you will presently see, that Pompey himself will not assign them any place in his line of battle. Give your attention to the Italians only, even though these allies come running around you like dogs trying to frighten you. When you have put the enemy to flight let us spare the Italians as being our own kindred, but slaughter the allies in order to strike terror into the others. Before all else, in order that I may know that you are mindful of your promise to choose victory or death, throw down the walls of your camp as you go out to battle and fill up the ditch, so that we may have no place of refuge if we do not conquer, and so that the enemy may see that we have no camp and know that we are compelled to occupy theirs.

Edition note

Caesar’s speech, as given in his own Commentaries, bears no resemblance to this. He exhorted the army to battle, he says, according to the military custom, and spoke of the kindness he had shown them at all times, and especially reminded them, as the soldiers themselves could bear witness, with what earnestness he had sought for peace, what efforts he had made in his conference with Vatinius, what he had endeavored to do in the negotiation with Scipio through Aulus Claudius, and how he had labored with Libo at Oricum for the privilege of sending legates. He said that he never willingly shed the blood of his soldiers, and that it was not his wish that the republic should lose one of its armies. Having spoken thus he gave the signal by trumpet to the soldiers, who were eagerly awaiting it and burning with zeal for the battle. (iii. go.) Suetonius, Florus, and Lucan mention Caesar’s appeal to his soldiers to spare their fellow-citizens in the pursuit, but Florus says it was intended only for effect. Lucan refers to Caesar’s order to demolish the fortifications of his camp before the battle. (Pharsalia, vii. 326.)

2.11.75 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.11.75

ὁ μὲν τοσάδε εἰπὼν φυλακὴν ὅμως τῶν σκηνῶν κατέπεμπε δισχιλίους τοὺς πάνυ γέροντας· οἱ δʼ ἐξιόντες τὸ τεῖχος ἤρειπον μετὰ σιωπῆς βαθυτάτης καὶ ἐς τὴν τάφρον αὐτὸ ἐνεχώννυον. ὁρῶν δʼ ὁ Πομπήιος, ἡγουμένων τινῶν ἐς φυγὴν αὐτοὺς συσκευάζεσθαι, συνίει τοῦ τολμήματος καὶ ἔστενε καθʼ αὑτόν, ὅτι χωροῦσιν ἐς χεῖρας θηρίοις, λιμὸν ἔχοντες, ἄξιον θηρίων φάρμακον. ἀλλʼ οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἀναδῦναι ἔτι, τῶν πραγμάτων ὄντων ἐπὶ ξυροῦ. διὸ δὴ καὶ τετρακισχιλίους τῶν Ἰταλῶν φύλακας τοῦ στρατοπέδου καταλιπὼν παρέτασσε τοὺς λοιποὺς ἐς τὸ μεταξὺ Φαρσάλου τε πόλεως καὶ Ἐνιπέως ποταμοῦ, ἔνθα καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀντιδιεκόσμει, τοὺς μὲν Ἰταλοὺς ἑκάτερος αὐτῶν ἐς τρία διαιρῶν ἐπὶ μετώπου, μικρὸν ἀλλήλων διεστῶτας, καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας ἐπὶ τοῖς κέρασι τοῖς κατὰ μέρη τάσσων. τοξόται δὲ πᾶσιν ἀναμεμίχατο καὶ σφενδονῆται. καὶ τὸ μὲν Ἰταλικὸν οὕτω κεκόσμητο, ᾧ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα αὐτῶν ἑκάτερος ἐθάρρει· τὰ συμμαχικὰ δʼ ἦγον ἐφʼ ἑαυτῶν ὡς ἐς ἐπίδειξιν. πολύθρουν δὲ ἦν τὸ Πομπηίου συμμαχικὸν καὶ πολύγλωσσον· καὶ αὐτῶν ὁ Πομπήιος Μακεδόνας μὲν καὶ Πελοποννησίους καὶ Βοιωτοὺς καὶ Ἀθηναίους, ἀποδεξάμενος τῆς εὐταξίας καὶ σιωπῆς, παρεστήσατο τῇ φάλαγγι τῇ Ἰταλικῇ, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους, ὅπερ ὁ Καῖσαρ εἴκαζεν, ἔξω τάξεως ἐκέλευσε κατὰ φυλὰς ἐφεδρεύοντας, ὅταν ἐν χερσὶν ὁ ἀγὼν γένηται, κυκλοῦσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ διώκειν, ὅσα δύναιντο βλάπτοντας, καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτὸ Καίσαρος ἀχαράκωτον ὂν διαρπάζειν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.11.75

Nevertheless, after he had thus spoken Caesar detailed 2000 of his oldest men to guard the tents. The rest, as they passed out, demolished their fortification in the profoundest silence and filled up the ditch with the debris. When Pompey saw this, although some of his friends thought that it was a preparation for flight, he knew it was an exhibition of daring and groaned in spirit, that although they had with them famine, the most appropriate cure for such wild beasts, he must now meet these creatures in a hand-to-hand contest. But there was no drawing back now, his affairs being on the razor’s edge. Wherefore, leaving 4000 of his Italian troops to guard his camp, Pompey drew up the remainder between the city of Pharsalus and the river Enipeus opposite the place where Caesar was marshalling his forces. Each of them ranged his Italians in front, divided into three lines with a moderate space between them, and placed his cavalry on the wings of each division. Archers and slingers were mingled among all. Thus were the Italian troops disposed, on which each commander placed his chief reliance. The allied forces were marshalled by themselves rather for show than for use. There was great clamor and confusion of tongues among Pompey’s auxiliaries. Pompey stationed the Macedonians, Peloponnesians, Bœotians, and Athenians near the Italian legions, as he approved of their good order and quiet behavior. The rest, as Caesar had anticipated, he ordered to lie in wait by tribes outside of the line of battle, and when the engagement should become close to surround the enemy, to pursue, to do what damage they could, and to plunder Caesar’s camp, which was without defences.

Edition note

This is a Greek proverb found in Homer, Herodotus, and several other authors, cited by Combes-Dounous, and also in Liddell and Scott’s lexicon under ξυρόν.

2.11.76 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.11.76

ἡγοῦντο δὲ τῆς φάλαγγος Πομπηίῳ μὲν ὁ κηδεστὴς Σκιπίων ἐν μέσῳ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ λαιοῦ Δομίτιος, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ δεξιοῦ Λέντλος· Ἀφράνιος δὲ καὶ Πομπήιος τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐφύλαττον. Καίσαρι δʼ ἐστρατήγουν μὲν Σύλλας καὶ Ἀντώνιος καὶ Δομίτιος, αὐτὸς δʼ ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρως συνετάσσετο τῷ δεκάτῳ τέλει, καθάπερ ἦν ἔθος αὐτῷ. καὶ τοῦτʼ ἰδόντες οἱ πολέμιοι μετήγαγον ἐπʼ αὐτὸ τοὺς ἀρίστους τῶν ἱππέων, ἵνα πλέονες ὄντες, εἰ δυνηθεῖεν, κυκλώσαιντο. συνεὶς δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ τρισχιλίους εὐτολμοτάτους πεζοὺς ἐνήδρευσεν, οἷς ἐκέλευσεν, ὅταν αἴσθωνται τοὺς πολεμίους περιθέοντας, ἀναπηδᾶν καὶ τὰ δόρατα ἐσπηδῶντας ἀνίσχειν ὀρθὰ ἐς τὰ πρόσωπα τῶν ἀνδρῶν· οὐ γὰρ οἴσειν ἀπείρους καὶ νέους, ὡραϊζομένους ἔτι, τὸν ἐς τὰ πρόσωπα κίνδυνον. οἱ μὲν δὴ τοιάδε κατʼ ἀλλήλων ἐμηχανῶντο καὶ περιῄεσαν ἑκάστους, καθιστάμενοί τε τὰ ἐπείγοντα καὶ ἐς εὐτολμίαν παρακαλοῦντες καὶ τὰ συνθήματα ἀναδιδόντες, ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ Ἀφροδίτην νικηφόρον, ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος Ἡρακλέα ἀνίκητον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.11.76

The centre of Pompey’s formation was commanded by his father-in-law, Scipio, the left wing by Domitius Ahenobarbus, and the right by Lentulus. Afranius and Pompey guarded the camp. On Caesar’s side the commanders were P. Sulla, Antony, and Cn. Domitius. Caesar took a convenient place in the tenth legion, as was his custom. When the enemy saw this they transferred, to face that legion, the best of their horse, in order to surround it if they could, by their superiority of numbers. When Caesar perceived this movement he placed 3000 of his bravest foot-soldiers in ambush and ordered them, when they should see the enemy trying to flank him, to rise, dart forward, and thrust their spears directly in the faces of the men because, as they were fresh and inexperienced and still in the bloom of youth, they could not endure injury to their faces. Thus they laid their plans against each other, and each commander passed through the ranks of his own troops, attending to what was needful, exhorting his men to courage, and giving them the watchword, which on Caesar’s side was Venus the Victorious, and on Pompey’s Hercules the Invincible.

Edition note

This is a strange blunder, and is inconsistent with the author’s own account of Pompey’s subsequent movements. A few lines below he says that after the line of battle was formed each commander moved about among the ranks encouraging his men, and in Sec. 81 he says that when Pompey saw the flight of his men he slowly retired to his camp. Caesar says that Pompey commanded the left wing of his army in person. Plutarch says he commanded the right wing. Of course Caesar’s testimony is to be preferred.

Edition note

Caesar’s account of this manœuvre is as follows: Fearing lest his right wing should be surrounded by the greater number of the enemy’s horse he rapidly withdrew from the third line one cohort from each legion, and from these formed a fourth line and ranged them in opposition to the enemy’s cavalry and explained what he wished them to do and admonished them that the success of this day depended on their valor. (iii. 89.) He says nothing about aiming at the faces of the enemy. It is mentioned by Plutarch, by Lucan, and by Florus, but is probably a fable.

2.11.77 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.11.77

ὡς δὲ σφίσιν ἕτοιμα πάντα ἦν, ἐπὶ πολὺ καὶ ὣς ἀνέμενον ἐν βαθείᾳ σιωπῇ, μέλλοντες ἔτι καὶ ὀκνοῦντες καὶ ἐς ἀλλήλους ἀποβλέποντες, ὁπότερος ἄρξει τῆς μάχης. τό τε γὰρ πλῆθος ᾤκτειρον, οὐδενός πω τοσοῦδε Ἰταλοῦ στρατοῦ ἐς ἕνα κίνδυνον συνελθόντος, καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐκκρίτων ὄντων ἑκατέρων ἠλέουν, καὶ μάλιστα, ὅτε ἴδοιεν Ἰταλοὺς Ἰταλοῖς συμφερομένους. ἐγγύς τε τοῦ κακοῦ γιγνομένοις αὐτοῖς ἡ μὲν ἐκκαίουσα καὶ τυφλοῦσα πάντας φιλοτιμία ἐσβέννυτο καὶ μετέβαλλεν ἐς δέος, ὁ δὲ λογισμὸς ἐκαθάρευε δοξοκοπίας καὶ τὸν κίνδυνον ἐμέτρει καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν, ὅτι περὶ πρωτείων δύο ἄνδρε ἐρίζοντε ἀλλήλοιν αὐτώ τε κινδυνεύετον ἀμφὶ τῇ σωτηρίᾳ, μηδʼ ἐσχάτω πάντων ἡττηθέντε ἔτι εἶναι, καὶ τοσόνδε πλῆθος ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν διʼ αὐτούς. ἐσῄει δὲ σφᾶς, ὅτι φίλοι καὶ κηδεσταὶ τέως ὄντες καὶ πολλὰ συμπράξαντες ἀλλήλοις ἐς ἀξίωμα καὶ δύναμιν, ξίφη νῦν φέρουσι κατʼ ἀλλήλων καὶ τοὺς ὑποστρατευομένους ἐς ὁμοίας ἀθεμιστίας ἄγουσιν, ὁμοεθνεῖς τε ὄντας ἀλλήλοις καὶ πολίτας καὶ φυλέτας καὶ συγγενεῖς, ἐνίους δὲ καὶ ἀδελφούς· οὐδὲ γὰρ ταῦτα ἐνέλειπεν ἐκείνῃ τῇ μάχῃ, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἐν τοσαῖσδε μυριάσιν ἐξ ἑνὸς ἔθνους ἐπʼ ἀλλήλας ἰούσαις πολλὰ τὰ παράδοξα συνέπιπτεν. ὧν ἐνθυμούμενος ἑκάτερος μετανοίας τε οὐ δυνατῆς ἔτι ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἐνεπίμπλατο καὶ ὡς ἐσόμενος ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν ἐπὶ γῆς ἢ πρῶτος ἢ τελευταῖος ὤκνει τοσῆσδε ἀμφιβολίας ἄρξαι. καί φασιν αὐτῶν ἑκάτερον καὶ δακρῦσαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.11.77

When all was in readiness on both sides they waited for some time in profound silence, hesitating, looking steadfastly at each other, each expecting the other to begin the battle. They were stricken with sorrow for the great host, for never before had such large Roman armies confronted the same danger together. They had pity for the valor of these men (the elite of both parties), especially because they saw Romans embattled against Romans. As the danger came nearer, the ambition that had inflamed and blinded them was extinguished, and gave place to fear. Reason purged the mad passion for glory, estimated the peril, and exposed the cause of the war, showing how two men contending with each other for supremacy had put themselves in a position where the one who should be vanquished could no longer hold even the humblest place, and how so great a number of the nobility were incurring the same risk on their account. The leaders reflected also that they, who had lately been friends and relatives by marriage, and had coöperated with each other in many ways to gain rank and power, had now drawn the sword for mutual slaughter and were leading to the same impiety those serving under them, men of the same city, of the same tribe, blood relations, and in some cases brothers against brothers. Even these circumstances were not wanting in this battle; because many unexpected things must happen when thousands of the same nation come together in the clash of arms. Reflecting on these things each of them was seized with unavailing repentance, and since this day was to decide for each whether he should be the highest or the lowest of the human race, they hesitated to begin the fight. It is said that both of them shed tears.

Edition note

This is a chapter of moralizing quite unusual in the writings of Appian. The view which he takes of this war, that it was merely a contest between two ambitious chieftains, instead of being one incident in a long struggle between a corrupt oligarchy and a debased democracy, was commonly held by men of letters until comparatively recent times.

2.11.78 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.11.78

μέλλουσι δʼ ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἀλλήλους ἀποβλέπουσιν ἡ ἡμέρα προύκοπτε. καὶ τὸ μὲν Ἰταλικὸν ἅπαν εὐσταθῶς ἐφʼ ἡσυχίας ἀκριβοῦς ἀνέμενε· τὸ δὲ συμμαχικὸν ὁ Πομπήιος αὑτοῦ ταρασσόμενον ὁρῶν ὑπὸ τῆς μελλήσεως καὶ δείσας, μὴ πρὸ τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἀταξίας κατάρξειεν, ὑπεσήμαινε πρῶτος, καὶ ἀντήχησε Καῖσαρ, αὐτίκα δʼ αἵ τε σάλπιγγες αὐτοὺς ἐξώτρυνον ὀρθίοις κλαγγαῖς ὡς ἐν τοσῷδε πλήθει πολλαὶ κατὰ μέρη, καὶ οἱ κήρυκες καὶ οἱ ἐπιστάται περιθέοντες ἤπειγον. οἱ δὲ σοβαρῶς ἀλλήλοις ἐπῄεσαν μετά τε θάμβους καὶ σιωπῆς βαθυτάτης ὡς πολλῶν ἀγώνων τοιῶνδε ἐμπειροπόλεμοι. πλησιάζουσι δʼ αὐτοῖς ἤδη τόξα καὶ λίθοι πρῶτον ἦν καὶ τῶν ἱππέων βραχὺ τὰ πεζὰ προλαβόντων πεῖραί τε καὶ ἐπελάσεις ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους. καὶ προύχοντες οἱ τοῦ Πομπηίου τὸ δέκατον τέλος ἐκυκλοῦντο. Καίσαρος δὲ τὸ σημεῖον τοῖς ἐφεδρεύουσιν ἄραντος, οἱ μὲν ἐξαναστάντες ἐς τοὺς ἵππους ἐχώρουν, ὀρθοῖς ἄνω τοῖς δόρασιν ἐς τὰ πρόσωπα τύπτοντες τοὺς ἐπικαθημένους, οἱ δʼ οὐκ ἐνεγκόντες αὐτῶν οὔτε τὴν ἀπόνοιαν οὔτε τὰς ἐπὶ στόμα καὶ κατʼ ὀφθαλμοὺς πληγὰς ἔφευγον ἀκόσμως. καὶ τὸ ἐνταῦθα πεζὸν εὐθὺς ἱππέων ἔρημον γενόμενον ἐκυκλοῦντο οἱ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἱππέες, αὐτοὶ δείσαντες περικύκλωσιν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.11.78

While they were waiting and looking at each other the day was advancing. All the Italian troops stood motionless in their places, but when Pompey saw that his allied forces were falling into confusion by reason of the delay he feared lest the disorder should spread from them before the beginning of the battle. So he gave the signal first and Caesar reëchoed it. Straightway the trumpets, of which there were many distributed among so great a host, aroused the soldiers with their inspiring blasts, and the standard-bearers and officers put themselves in motion and exhorted their men. The latter advanced confidently to the encounter, but with stolidity and absolute silence, like men who had had experience in many similar engagements. And now, as they came nearer together, there was first a discharge of arrows and stones. Then as the cavalry were a little in advance of the infantry they charged each other. Those of Pompey prevailed and began to flank the tenth legion. Caesar then gave the signal to the cohorts in ambush and these, starting up suddenly, advanced to meet the cavalry, and with spears elevated aimed at the faces of the riders. The latter could not endure the enemy’s savagery, nor the blows on their mouths and eyes, but fled in disorder. Thereupon Caesar’s men, who had just now been afraid of being surrounded, fell upon the flank of Pompey’s infantry which was denuded of its cavalry supports.

Edition note

The text says Caesar’s horse, but Schweighäuser considers this a manifest error since Appian, in Sec. 79, says that it was the tenth legion that struck Pompey’s left flank. Caesar himself says that the six cohorts in reserve executed this decisive movement. At all events it could not have been Caesar’s horse.

2.11.79 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.11.79

Πομπήιος δὲ πυθόμενος ἐκέλευε τοῖς πεζοῖς μήτʼ ἐπεκθεῖν ἔτι μήτʼ ἐκτρέχειν ἐκ τῆς φάλαγγος μηδʼ ἀκοντίζειν, ἀλλʼ ἐν προβολῇ διαστάντας ἀμύνεσθαι διὰ χειρὸς τοῖς δόρασι τοὺς ἐπιόντας. καὶ τόδε τινὲς αὐτοῦ τὸ στρατήγημα ἐπαινοῦσιν ὡς ἄριστον ἐν περικυκλώσει, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς καταμέμφεται· τάς τε γὰρ πληγὰς ὑπὸ τῆς βολῆς εὐτονωτέρας γίνεσθαι καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ὑπὸ τοῦ δρόμου προθυμοτέρους· ἑστῶτας δʼ ἀποψύχεσθαί τε καὶ τοῖς ἐπιθέουσιν εὐβλήτους διʼ ἀτρεμίαν οἷα σκοποὺς εἶναι. ὃ καὶ τότε γενέσθαι· τὸ γὰρ δέκατον τέλος σὺν αὑτῷ περιδραμεῖν τὰ λαιὰ τοῦ Πομπηίου ἔρημα ἱππέων γενόμενα καὶ πανταχόθεν ἀτρεμοῦντας ἐς τὰ πλευρὰ ἐσακοντίζειν, μέχρι θορυβουμένοις ἐμπεσόντας βίᾳ τρέψασθαι καὶ τῆς νίκης κατάρξαι. κατὰ δὲ τὸ ἄλλο πλῆθος ἦν ἔτι τραυμάτων καὶ φόνων ἔργα πολλὰ καὶ ποικίλα· βοὴ δὲ οὐδεμία ἐκ τοσῆσδε φάλαγγος τοιάδε δρώσης οὐδʼ οἰμωγαὶ τῶν ἀναιρουμένων ἢ πλησσομένων, ἀλλὰ βρυχήματα μόνα καὶ στόνοι πιπτόντων, ἔνθα συνετάχθησαν, εὐσχημόνως. οἱ σύμμαχοι δέ, καθάπερ ἀγῶνα πολέμου θεώμενοι, κατεπλήσσοντο τὴν εὐταξίαν καὶ οὔτε ἐς τὰς σκηνὰς τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐτόλμων ὑπὸ θαύματος, ὀλίγων αὐτὰς καὶ πρεσβυτέρων ἀνδρῶν φυλασσόντων, περιδραμεῖν οὔτε τι ἄλλο ἢ ἑστῶτες ἐθάμβουν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.11.79

When Pompey learned this he ordered his infantry not to advance farther, not to break the line of formation, and not to hurl the javelin, but to bring their spears to a rest and ward off the onset of the enemy. Some persons praise this order of Pompey as the best in a case where one is attacked in flank, but Caesar criticises it in his letters. He says that the blows are delivered with more force, and that the spirits of the men are raised, by running, while those who stand still lose courage by reason of their immobility and become excellent targets for those charging against them. So, he says, it proved in this case, for the tenth legion, with Caesar himself, surrounded Pompey’s left wing, now deprived of cavalry, and assailed it with javelins in flank, where it stood immovable; until, finally, the assailants threw it into disorder, routed it, and this was the beginning of the victory. In the rest of the field killing and wounding of all kinds were going on, but no cry came from the scene of carnage, no lamentation from the wounded or the dying, only sighs and groans from those who were falling honorably in their tracks. The allies, who were looking at the battle as at a game, were astonished at the discipline of the combatants. So dumfounded were they that they did not dare attack Caesar’s tents, although they were guarded only by a few old men. Nor did they accomplish anything else, but stood in a kind of stupor.

Edition note

There is some confusion here. Caesar says (iii. 93) that at the beginning of the battle (not after the repulse of his cavalry) Pompey ordered his soldiers not to move from their places but to await the attack and not allow their line to be broken, thinking that the space between the two armies was so great that Caesar’s men if they charged across it would come up blown. This, he continues, seems to me to have been an error on Pompey’s part, because there is a certain ardor and eagerness of spirit inborn in mankind, which is excited in the heat of battle, and which commanders ought to encourage, not repress.

2.11.80 · Appian

Original

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ὡς δὲ ἐνέδωκε τὸ λαιὸν τοῦ Πομπηίου, αὐτοὶ μὲν καὶ τότε βάδην ὑπεχώρουν ἅμα καὶ συνεπλέκοντο, οἱ δὲ σύμμαχοι προτροπάδην ἔφευγον ἄπρακτοι, βοῶντες· ἡσσήμεθα. καὶ τὰς σκηνὰς σφῶν αὐτοὶ καὶ τὰ χαρακώματα ὡς ἀλλότρια προλαβόντες διέσπων καὶ διήρπαζον ἐς τὴν φυγὴν ὅ τι δύναιντο ἐπάγεσθαι. ἤδη δὲ καὶ τὸ ἄλλο τῶν Ἰταλῶν ὁπλιτικὸν τῆς ἐπὶ τάδε ἥσσης αἰσθανόμενον ὑπεχώρει κατὰ πόδα, πρῶτον ἐν κόσμῳ καὶ ἔτι ἐκ τῶν δυνατῶν ἀμυνόμενοι· ἐπικειμένων δʼ αὐτοῖς ὡς ἐν εὐπραξίᾳ τῶν πολεμίων ἐστράφησαν ἐς φυγήν. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ εὐμηχάνως δὴ τότε μάλιστα, ἵνα μὴ συνέλθοιεν αὖθις μηδὲ τὸ ἔργον γένοιτο μάχης μιᾶς, ἀλλὰ παντὸς τοῦ πολέμου, κήρυκας ἐς τὰς τάξεις πανταχοῦ περιέπεμπεν, οἳ τοῖς νικῶσιν ἐκέλευον ἀψαυστεῖν τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν, ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς συμμάχους μόνους χωρεῖν. καὶ τοῖς ἡττωμένοις προσεπέλαζον παραινοῦντες ἀδεῶς ἑστάναι. ἀνήρ τε παρʼ ἀνδρὸς ἐκμανθάνων τὸ κήρυγμα εἱστήκει· καὶ σύμβολον ἤδη τοῦτο τῶν Πομπηίου στρατιωτῶν ἦν, τὸ ἀδεῶς ἑστάναι, τὰ ἄλλα ὡς Ἰταλῶν ὁμοιοτρόπως ἐσκευασμένων τε καὶ φωνὴν ὁμοίαν ἀφιέντων. διεκθέοντες δʼ αὐτοὺς οἱ τοῦ Καίσαρος τοὺς συμμάχους οὐ δυναμένους ἀντέχειν ἀνῄρουν· καὶ ὁ πλεῖστος ἐνταῦθα ἐγίγνετο φόνος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.11.80

As Pompey’s left wing began to give way his men even still retired step by step and in perfect order, but the allies who had not been in the fight, fled with headlong speed, shouting, we are vanquished, dashed upon their own tents and fortifications as though they had been the enemy’s, and pulled down and plundered whatever they could carry away in their flight. Now the rest of Pompey’s legions, perceiving the disaster to the left wing, retired slowly at first, in good order, and still resisting as well as they could; but when the enemy, flushed with victory, pressed upon them they turned in flight. Then, in order that they might not rally, and that this might be the end of the whole war and not of one battle merely, Caesar, with the greatest prudence, sent heralds everywhere among the ranks to order the victors to spare their own countrymen and to smite only the auxiliaries. The heralds drew near to the retreating enemy and told them to stand still without fear. As this proclamation was passed from man to man they halted, and the phrase stand without fear began to be passed as a sort of watchword among Pompey’s soldiers; for, being Italians, they were clad in the same style as Caesar’s men and spoke the same language. Accordingly, the latter passed by them and fell upon the auxiliaries, who were not able to resist, and made a very great slaughter among them.

Edition note

Caesar says that the Pompeians fled to their fortified camp, and that, although it was now midday and the heat was excessive, he exhorted his soldiers to make use of their good fortune and storm the enemy’s entrenchments, and that they obeyed cheerfully. After a short engagement here the Pompeians again fled and took refuge in the high mountains adjacent. (iii. 95.)

2.11.81 · Appian

Original

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Πομπήιος δʼ ἐπεὶ τὴν τροπὴν εἶδεν, ἔκφρων αὑτοῦ γενόμενος ἀπῄει βάδην ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ παρελθὼν ἐς τὴν σκηνὴν ἐκαθέζετο ἄναυδος, οἷόν τι καὶ τὸν Τελαμῶνος Αἴαντά φασιν ἐν Ἰλίῳ παθεῖν, ἐν μέσοις πολεμίοις ὑπὸ θεοβλαβείας. τῶν δʼ ἄλλων ὀλίγοι πάνυ ἐσῄεσαν ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον· τὸ γὰρ κήρυγμα τοῦ Καίσαρος ἑστάναι τε ἀκινδύνως ἐποίει, καὶ παραδραμόντων τῶν πολεμίων διεσκίδνη κατὰ μέρος. ληγούσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ὁ Καῖσαρ τὸν στρατὸν ἀσχέτως που περιθέων ἱκέτευε προσπονῆσαι, μέχρι καὶ τὸν χάρακα τοῦ Πομπηίου λάβοιεν, ἐκδιδάσκων, ὅτι, εἰ συσταῖεν αὖθις οἱ πολέμιοι, μίαν ἡμέραν ἔσονται νενικηκότες, εἰ δὲ τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτῶν ἕλοιεν, τὸν πόλεμον ἑνὶ τῷδε ἔργῳ κατωρθωκότες ἂν εἶεν. τάς τε οὖν χεῖρας αὐτοῖς ὤρεγε καὶ πρῶτος ἐξῆρχε δρόμου. τοῖς δὲ τὰ μὲν σώματα ἔκαμνε, τὴν δὲ ψυχὴν ὅ τε λογισμὸς καὶ ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ συντρέχων ἐκούφιζεν. ᾐώρει δὲ καὶ ἡ τῶν γεγονότων εὐπραξία καὶ ἐλπίς, ὅτι καὶ τὸν χάρακα αἱρήσουσι καὶ πολλὰ τὰ ἐν αὐτῷ· ἥκιστα δʼ ἐν ἐλπίσιν ἢ εὐτυχίαις ἄνθρωποι καμάτων αἰσθάνονται. οἱ μὲν δὴ καὶ τῷδε προσπεσόντες ἐπεχείρουν σὺν πολλῇ πρὸς τοὺς ἀπομαχομένους καταφρονήσει, ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος μαθὼν ἐξ ἀλλοκότου σιωπῆς τοσοῦτον ἀπέρρηξεν· οὐκοῦν καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν χάρακα ἡμῶν; καὶ εἰπὼν τήν τε στολὴν ἐνήλλαξε καὶ ἵππου ἐπιβὰς σὺν φίλοις τέσσαρσιν οὐκ ἀνέσχε δρόμου, πρὶν ἀρχομένης ἡμέρας ἐν Λαρίσσῃ γενέσθαι. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ, ὡς ἐπηπείλησε παρατάσσων, ἐν τῷ Πομπηίου χάρακι ἐστάθμευσε, καὶ αὐτός τε τὴν ἐκείνου βρώμην καὶ ὁ στρατὸς ἅπας τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἐδαίσαντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.11.81

When Pompey saw the retreat of his men he became dazed and retired slowly to his camp, and when he reached his tent he sat down speechless, resembling Ajax, the son of Telamon, who, they say, suffered in like manner in the midst of his enemies at Troy, being deprived of his senses by a god. Very few of the rest returned to the camp, for Caesar’s proclamation caused them to remain unharmed, and as their enemies had passed beyond them they dispersed in groups. As the day was declining Caesar ran hither and thither among his troops and besought them to continue their exertions till they should capture Pompey’s camp, telling them that if they allowed the enemy to rally they would be the victors for only a single day, whereas if they should take the enemy’s camp they would finish the war with this one blow. He stretched out his hands to them and took the lead in person. Although they were weary in body, the words and example of their commander lightened their spirits. Their success so far, and the hope of capturing the enemy’s camp and the contents thereof, excited them; for in the midst of hope and prosperity men feel fatigue least. So they fell upon the camp and assaulted it with the utmost disdain for the defenders. When Pompey learned this he started up from his strange silence, exclaiming, What! in our very camp? Having spoken thus he changed his clothing, mounted a horse, and fled with four friends, and did not draw rein until he reached Larissa early the next morning. So Caesar established himself in Pompey’s camp as he had promised to do when he was preparing for the battle, and ate Pompey’s supper, and the whole army feasted at the enemy’s expense.

Edition note

There is a striking similarity here both in language and narrative, between Appian and Plutarch. The former says: Πομπήϊος ἀπῄει βάδην ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ παρελθὼν ἐς τὴν σκηνὴν ἐκαθέζετο ἄναυδος. The latter (Life of Pompey, 72) says: ἀπῄει βάδην εἰς τὸν χάρακα . . . εἰς τὴν σκηνὴν παρελθὼν ἄφθογγος καθῆστο. Here is fresh confirmation of the belief that both Appian and Plutarch drew from a Greek, not from a Latin, source, for if they had translated from Latin it is most improbable that they would have used the same Greek words, in the same, or very nearly the same, order. Moreover, both of them make reference here to the Iliad xi. 543, where Ajax Telamon is smitten with panic by Zeus in the midst of battle. Plutarch quotes the passage itself.

Edition note

Plutarch’s account of Pompey’s flight is in nearly the same words, viz: He sat in silence until some of those who were pursuing the fugitives rushed in with them, when he uttered the single sentence: What! in our very camp? He spoke not another word, but put on clothing suited to his present fortune and stole away. (Life of Pompey, 72.) Caesar says: When our men forced their way into his intrenchment Pompey threw off his general’s uniform, mounted a horse, went out by the rear gate of his camp and urged his horse with all speed to Larissa. Nor did he stop there, but with the same speed, having collected a few of his scattered soldiers, still travelling by night, with a company of thirty horsemen, he pushed on to the sea where he embarked on a supply ship, etc. (iii. 96.)

2.11.82 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.11.82

ἀπέθανον δὲ ἑκατέρων, τῶν γε Ἰταλῶν (οὐ γὰρ δὴ τῶν γε συμμάχων οὐδʼ ἐξαρίθμησις ἐγένετο ὑπὸ πλήθους καὶ καταφρονήσεως) ἐκ μὲν τοῦ Καίσαρος στρατοῦ τριάκοντα λοχαγοὶ καὶ ὁπλῖται διακόσιοι, ἤ, ὡς ἑτέροις δοκεῖ, χίλιοι καὶ διακόσιοι, ἐκ δὲ τῶν Πομπηίου βουλευταὶ μὲν δέκα, ὧν ἦν καὶ Λεύκιος Δομίτιος, ὁ αὐτῷ Καίσαρι πεμφθεὶς ἐπὶ τὴν Γαλατίαν διάδοχος, τῶν δὲ καλουμένων ἱππέων ἀμφὶ τεσσαράκοντα τῶν ἐπιφανῶν· ἐκ δὲ τῆς ἄλλης στρατιᾶς οἱ μὲν ἐπαίροντές φασι δισμυρίους ἐπὶ πεντακισχιλίοις, Ἀσίνιος δὲ Πολλίων, ὑπὸ Καίσαρι τῇς μάχης ἐκείνης στρατηγῶν, ἑξακισχιλίους ἀναγράφει νεκροὺς εὑρεθῆναι τῶν Πομπηίου. τοῦτο τέλος ἦν τῆς ἀοιδίμου περὶ Φάρσαλον μάχης. ἀριστεῖα δʼ ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ αὐτὸς καὶ πρῶτα καὶ δεύτερα ἐκ πάντων ἐφέρετο, ὁμολογούμενος ἀριστεῦσαι, καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τὸ τέλος τὸ δέκατον· τὰ δὲ τρίτα Κρασσίνιος λοχαγός, ὃν Καῖσαρ μὲν ἐξιὼν ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην ἤρετο, ὅ τι προσδοκῴη, ὁ δὲ λαμπρῶς ἀνεβόησε· νικήσομεν, ὦ Καῖσαρ, κἀμὲ τήμερον ἢ ζῶντα ἢ νεκρὸν ἀποδέξῃ· ἡ στρατιὰ δʼ ἐμαρτύρει καθάπερ ἔνθουν ἐς ἑκάστην τάξιν μεταθέοντα πολλὰ καὶ λαμπρὰ δρᾶσαι. ἐπεὶ δὲ ζητούμενος ἐν τοῖς νεκροῖς εὑρέθη, τὰ ἀριστεῖα ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτῷ περιέθηκε καὶ συνέθαψε καὶ τάφον ἐξαίρετον ἀνέστησεν ἐγγὺς τοῦ πολυανδρίου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.11.82

The losses of Italians on each side — for there was no report of the losses of auxiliaries, either because of their multitude or because they were despised — were as follows: in Caesar’s army. thirty centurions and 200 legionaries, or, as some authorities have it, 1200; on Pompey’s side ten senators, among whom was Lucius Domitius, the same who had been sent to succeed Caesar himself in Gaul, and about forty distinguished knights. Some exaggerating writers put the loss in the remainder of his forces at 25,000, but Asinius Pollio, who was one of Caesar’s officers in this battle, records the number of dead Pompeians found as 6000. Such was the result of the famous battle of Pharsalus. Caesar himself carries off the palm for first and second place by common consent, and with him the tenth legion. The third place is taken by the centurion Crastinus, whom Caesar asked at the beginning of the battle what result he anticipated, and who responded proudly, We shall conquer, O Caesar, and you will thank me either living or dead. The whole army testifies that he darted through the ranks like one possessed and did many brilliant deeds. When sought for he was found among the dead, and Caesar bestowed military honors on his body and buried it, and erected a special tomb for him near the common burial-place of the others.

Edition note

Caesar puts his own loss at thirty centurions and 200 private soldiers, and Pompey’s at 15,000 killed and 24,000 prisoners. We must infer that Appian was not acquainted with Caesar’s Commentaries, for if he had been he would most probably have quoted him here instead of referring in a loose way to exaggerating writers.

Edition note

The affair of Crastinus is mentioned by Caesar, by Florus, and by Plutarch in his life of Pompey and again in his life of Caesar. The reference here made to Asinius Pollio has led to much discussion in the learned world, touching the sources from which Appian and Plutarch drew. The words used by Crastinus are almost identical in the three passages (one of Appian and two of Plutarch), and this leads Wynne, Hulleman, and Hermann Peter to believe that both authors borrowed from Pollio’s history. Vollgraff on the other hand contends that as Pollio wrote in Latin it would have been little less than miraculous if both of them had used the same Greek words in translating it. He considers it remarkable also that the only reference made to Pollio’s writings by either of them should have been here, and that both of them mentioned incidentally the fact that Pollio himself took part in the engagement. All of these coincidences may be explained if we suppose that both Plutarch and Appian took the facts from a common Greek source; that is, from some author who took them from Pollio. (See Vollgraff’s Greek Writers of Roman History, Leyden, 1880.)

2.12.83 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.12.83

ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος ἐκ Λαρίσσης ὁμοίῳ δρόμῳ μέχρι θαλάσσης ἐπειχθεὶς σκάφους ἐπέβη σμικροῦ καὶ νεὼς παραπλεούσης ἐπιτυχὼν ἐς Μιτυλήνην διέπλευσεν· ὅθεν τὴν γυναῖκα Κορνηλίαν ἀναλαβὼν καὶ τριήρων τεσσάρων ἐπιβάς, αἳ αὐτῷ παρά τε Ῥοδίων καὶ Τυρίων ἀφίκοντο, Κερκύρας μὲν καὶ τότε καὶ Λιβύης ὑπερεῖδεν, ἔνθα αὐτῷ στρατὸς ἦν ἄλλος πολὺς καὶ ναυτικὸν ἀκραιφνές, ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν ἕω φερόμενος ἐπὶ τὸν Παρθυαῖον ὡς διʼ ἐκείνου πάντα ἀναληψόμενος τὸ ἐνθύμημα ἐπέκρυπτε, μέχρι περὶ τὴν Κιλικίαν μόλις ἐξέφερε τοῖς φίλοις. οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν ἠξίουν φυλάσσεσθαι τὸν Παρθυαῖον, ἐπιβεβουλευμένον τε ἔναγχος ὑπὸ Κράσσου καὶ θυμούμενον ἔτι τῇ Κράσσου συμφορᾷ, μηδʼ ἐς ἀκρατεῖς βαρβάρους ἄγειν εὐπρεπῆ γυναῖκα Κορνηλίαν, Κράσσου μάλιστα γεγενημένην. δεύτερα δʼ αὐτοῦ προθέντος περί τε Αἰγύπτου καὶ Ἰόβα, Ἰόβα μὲν ὑπερεώρων ὡς ἀδόξου, ἐς δὲ τὴν Αἴγυπτον αὐτῷ συνεφρόνουν, ἐγγύς τε οὖσαν καὶ μεγάλην ἀρχήν, ἔτι δὲ καὶ εὐδαίμονα καὶ δυνατὴν ναυσὶ καὶ σίτῳ καὶ χρήμασι· τούς τε βασιλεύοντας αὐτῆς, εἰ καὶ παῖδές εἰσι, πατρικοὺς εἶναι τῷ Πομπηίῳ φίλους.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.12.83

From Larissa Pompey continued his flight to the sea where he embarked in a small boat, and meeting a ship by chance he sailed to Mitylene. There he joined his wife, Cornelia, and they embarked with four triremes which had come to him from Rhodes and Tyre. He decided not to sail for Corcyra and Africa, where he had other large military and naval forces as yet untouched, but intended to push on eastward to the king of the Parthians, expecting to receive every assistance from him. He concealed his intention until he arrived at Cilicia, where he revealed it hesitatingly to his friends; but they advised him to beware of the Parthian, against whom Crassus had lately led an expedition, and who was puffed up by his victory over the latter, and especially not to put in the power of these barbarians the beautiful Cornelia, who had formerly been the wife of Crassus. Then he made a second proposal respecting Egypt and Juba. The latter they despised as not sufficiently distinguished, but they all agreed about going to Egypt, which was near and was a great kingdom, still prosperous and abounding in ships, provisions, and money. Its sovereigns, although children, were allied to Pompey by their father’s friendship. For these reasons he sailed to Egypt.

Edition note

The younger Crassus, who lost his life in the war against the Parthians.

Edition note

King of Numidia. See Sec. 44 supra.

2.12.84 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.12.84

ὁ μὲν δὴ διὰ τάδε ἐς τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἔπλει· ἄρτι δʼ ἐκπεσούσης ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου Κλεοπάτρας, ἣ τῷ ἀδελφῷ συνῆρχε, καὶ στρατὸν ἀμφὶ τὴν Συρίαν ἀγειρούσης, Πτολεμαῖος ὁ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας ἀδελφὸς ἀμφὶ τὸ Κάσσιον τῆς Αἰγύπτου ταῖς Κλεοπάτρας ἐσβολαῖς ἐφήδρευε, καί πως κατὰ δαίμονα ἐς τὸ Κάσσιον τὸ πνεῦμα τὸν Πομπήιον κατέφερε. θεασάμενος δὲ στρατὸν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς πολὺν ἔστησε τὸν πλοῦν καὶ εἴκασεν, ὅπερ ἦν, παρεῖναι τὸν βασιλέα. πέμψας τε ἔφραζε περὶ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς φιλίας. ὁ δὲ ἦν μὲν περὶ τρισκαίδεκα ἔτη μάλιστα γεγονώς, ἐπετρόπευον δʼ αὐτῷ τὴν μὲν στρατιὰν Ἀχιλλᾶς, τὰ δὲ χρήματα Ποθεινὸς εὐνοῦχος· οἳ βουλὴν προυτίθεντο περὶ τοῦ Πομπηίου. καὶ παρὼν ὁ Σάμιος Θεόδοτος ὁ ῥήτωρ, διδάσκαλος ὢν τοῦ παιδός, ἀθέμιστον εἰσηγεῖτο ἔργον, ἐνεδρεῦσαι καὶ κτεῖναι Πομπήιον ὡς χαριουμένους Καίσαρι. κυρωθείσης δὲ τῆς γνώμης σκάφος εὐτελὲς ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἐπέμπετο, ὡς τῆς θαλάσσης οὔσης ἁλιτενοῦς καὶ μεγάλαις ναυσὶν οὐκ εὐχεροῦς, ὑπηρέται τέ τινες τῶν βασιλικῶν ἐνέβαινον ἐς τὸ σκάφος. καὶ Σεμπρώνιος, ἀνὴρ Ῥωμαῖος τότε μὲν τῷ βασιλεῖ, πάλαι δὲ αὐτῷ Πομπηίῳ στρατευσάμενος, δεξιὰν ἔφερε παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως τῷ Πομπηίῳ καὶ ἐκέλευεν ὡς ἐς φίλον τὸν παῖδα διαπλεῦσαι. ἅμα δὲ ταῦτʼ ἐγίγνετο, καὶ ὁ στρατὸς ὥσπερ ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοῦ Πομπηίου παρὰ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν ἐξετάσσετο ἅπας, καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν μέσῳ τῇ φοινικίδι κατάδηλος ἦν περικειμένῃ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.12.84

Cleopatra, who had previously reigned with her brother, had been lately expelled from Egypt and was collecting an army in Syria. Ptolemy, her brother, was at Mount Casius in Egypt, lying in wait for her invasion, and, as Providence would have it, the wind carried Pompey thither. Seeing a large army on the shore he stopped his ship, judging that the king was there, which was the fact. So he sent messengers to tell of his arrival and to speak of his father’s friendship. The king was then about thirteen years of age and was under the tutelage of Achillas, who commanded his army, and the eunuch Pothinus, who had charge of his treasury. These took counsel together concerning Pompey. There was present also Theodotus, a rhetorician of Samos, the boy’s tutor, who offered the infamous advice that they should lay a trap for Pompey and kill him in order to curry favor with Caesar. His opinion prevailed. So they sent a miserable skiff to bring him, pretending that the sea was shallow and not adapted to large ships. Some of the king’s attendants came in the skiff, among them a Roman, named Sempronius, who was then serving in the king’s army and had formerly served under Pompey himself. He gave his hand to Pompey in the king’s name and directed him to take passage in the boat to the young man as to a friend. At the same time the whole army was marshalled along the shore as if to do honor to Pompey, and the king was plainly seen in the midst of them wearing a purple robe.

Edition note

The modern Mount El Kas. There was another Mount Casius in Syria.

Edition note

Theodotus argued (says Plutarch) that if they should give shelter to the fugitive they would have Caesar for an enemy and Pompey for a master; if they should send him away he would be offended by their want of hospitality, and Caesar would be angry with them for letting him escape. The best way would be to send for him and kill him. In that way they would gratify the one and need not fear the other. He added with a smile that dead men do not bite. (Life of Pompey, 77).

Edition note

Caesar, Plutarch, Florus, and Dion Cassius, give this miscreant the name of Septimius. Caesar says that he was a military tribune and that he had served under Pompey in the war against the pirates. Florus adds that he was a deserter from Pompey’s army.

2.12.85 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.12.85

ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος ὑπώπτευε μὲν ἅπαντα, καὶ τὴν παράταξιν τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ τὴν τοῦ σκάφους εὐτέλειαν καὶ τὸ μὴ τὸν βασιλέα αὐτόν οἱ παραγενέσθαι μηδὲ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν τινας πέμψαι· τοσοῦτο δʼ ἐκ τῶν Σοφοκλέους ἰαμβείων πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἀνενεγκών· ὅστις γὰρ ὡς τύραννον ἐμπορεύεται, κείνου ʼστὶ δοῦλος, κἂν ἐλεύθερος μόλῃ, ἐνέβαινεν ἐς τὸ σκάφος. καὶ ἐν τῷ διάπλῳ σιωπώντων ἁπάντων ἔτι μᾶλλον ὑπώπτευε· καὶ τὸν Σεμπρώνιον εἴτε ἐπιγινώσκων Ῥωμαῖον ὄντα καὶ ἐστρατευμένον ἑαυτῷ, εἴτε τοπάζων ἐκ τοῦ μόνον ἑστάναι, κατὰ δὴ τὴν στρατιωτικὴν ἄρα διδασκαλίαν οὐ συνεδρεύοντα αὐτοκράτορι, ἐπιστραφεὶς ἐς αὐτὸν εἶπεν· ἆρά σε γινώσκω, συστρατιῶτα; καὶ ὃς αὐτίκα μὲν ἐπένευσεν, ἀποστραφέντα δʼ εὐθὺς ἐπάταξε πρῶτος, εἶθʼ ἕτεροι. καὶ τὸ μὲν γύναιον τοῦ Πομπηίου καὶ οἱ φίλοι ταῦτα μακρόθεν ὁρῶντες ἀνῴμωζόν τε καὶ χεῖρας ἐς θεοὺς ἐκδίκους σπονδῶν ἀνίσχοντες ἀπέπλεον τάχιστα ὡς ἐκ πολεμίας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.12.85

Pompey’s suspicions were aroused by all that he observed — the marshalling of the army, the meanness of the skiff, and the fact that the king himself did not come to meet him nor send any of his high dignitaries. Nevertheless, he entered the skiff, repeating to himself these lines of Sophocles, Whoever resorts to a tyrant becomes his slave, even if he were free when he went. While rowing to the shore all were silent, and this made him still more suspicious. Finally, either recognizing Sempronius as a Roman soldier who had served under him or guessing that he was such because he alone remained standing (for, according to military discipline, a soldier does not sit in the presence of his commander), he turned to him and said, Do I not know you, comrade? The other nodded and, as Pompey turned away, he immediately gave him the first stab and the others followed his example. Pompey’s wife and friends who saw this at a distance cried out and, lifting their hands to heaven, invoked the gods, the avengers of violated faith. Then they sailed away in all haste as from an enemy’s country.

2.12.86 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.12.86

Πομπηίου δὲ τὴν μὲν κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμόντες οἱ περὶ Ποθεινὸν ἐφύλασσον Καίσαρι ὡς ἐπὶ μεγίσταις ἀμοιβαῖς (ὁ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἠμύνατο ἀξίως τῆς ἀθεμιστίας), τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν σῶμά τις ἔθαψεν ἐπὶ τῆς ἠϊόνος καὶ τάφον ἤγειρεν εὐτελῆ· καὶ ἐπίγραμμα ἄλλος ἐπέγραψε· τῷ ναοῖς βρίθοντι πόση απάνις ἔπλετο τύμβου. χρόνῳ δὲ τὸν τάφον τόνδε ἐπικρυφθέντα ὅλον ὑπὸ ψάμμου καὶ εἰκόνας, ὅσας ἀπὸ χαλκοῦ τῷ Πομπηίῳ περὶ τὸ Κάσσιον ὕστερον οἱ προσήκοντες ἀνέθηκαν, λελωβημένα πάντα καὶ ἐς τὸ ἄδυτόν του ἱεροῦ κατενεχθέντα ἐζήτησε καὶ εὗρεν ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς Ἁδριανὸς ἐπιδημῶν, καὶ τὸν τάφον ἀνεκάθηρε γνώριμον αὖθις εἶναι καὶ τὰς εἰκόνας αὐτοῦ Πομπηίου διωρθώσατο. τόδε μὲν δὴ τοῦ βίου τέλος ἦν Πομπηίῳ τῷ μεγίστους πολέμους ἀνύσαντι καὶ μέγιστα τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν ὠφελήσαντι καὶ Μεγάλῳ διὰ ταῦτα ὀνομασθέντι καὶ οὐχ ἡττηθέντι ποτὲ πρότερον, ἀλλὰ ἀηττήτῳ καὶ εὐτυχεστάτῳ ἐξέτι νέου γενομένῳ· ἀπὸ γὰρ τριῶν καὶ εἴκοσιν ἐτῶν οὐ διέλιπεν ἐς ὀκτὼ καὶ πεντήκοντα τῇ μὲν ἰσχύι μοναρχικῶς δυναστεύων, τῇ δε δόξῃ διὰ τὸν Καίσαρος ζῆλον δημοτικῶς νομιζόμενος ἄρχειν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.12.86

The servants of Pothinus cut off Pompey’s head and kept it for Caesar, in expectation of a large reward, but he visited condign punishment on them for their nefarious deed. The remainder of the body was buried by somebody on the shore, and a small monument was erected over it, on which somebody else wrote this inscription: — What a pitiful tomb is here for one who had temples in abundance. In the course of time the monument was wholly covered with sand, and the bronze images that had been erected to Pompey by his partisans at a later period near Mount Casius had been degraded and removed to the secret recess of the temple, but in my time they were sought for and found by the Roman emperor Hadrian, while making a journey thither, who cleared away the rubbish from the monument and made it again conspicuous, and placed Pompey’s images in their proper places. Such was the end of Pompey, who had carried on the greatest wars and had made the greatest additions to the empire of the Romans, and had acquired by that means the title of Great. He had never been defeated before, but had remained unvanquished and most fortunate from his youth till now. From his twenty-third to his fifty-eighth year he had not ceased to exercise royal power, but on account of his jealousy of Caesar he had seemed to rule in the interest of the people.

Edition note

Plutarch gives a pathetic account of Pompey’s funeral, which was performed by his freedman Philippus and one old Roman who had served as a soldier under him, and who was now living in exile and poverty. Such, says another historian, was the departure from life of a most excellent and illustrious man, after three consulships and as many triumphs, who had ruled the whole world and had reached a position above which it was not possible to rise, in the 58th year of his age and on the day before his birthday. So greatly had fortune been at strife with herself in his case that he who had been in want of earth to conquer was now in want of enough for a grave. (Velleius, ii. 53.) Dio Cassius (lxix. 11), describing the Emperor Hadrian’s tour in the East A.D. 122, says that while he was passing from Judea to Egypt he offered a funeral sacrifice for Pompey, on which occasion the following verse escaped him: What a pitiful tomb is here for one who had temples in abundance. He also rebuilt the tomb that had fallen into ruin. This is not inconsistent with Appian’s narrative.

Edition note

This is an error. Pompey was defeated by Sertorius in Spain, and the fact is mentioned in so many words by Appian himself in the preceding book Sec. 110: ὁ δὲ Σερτώριος ἐνίκα Πομπήϊον.

2.12.87 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.12.87

Λεύκιος δὲ Σκιπίων, ὁ κηδεστὴς τοῦ Πομπηίου, καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἐκ τοῦ κατὰ Φάρσαλον ἔργου διεπεφεύγεσαν, ἐπὶ Κερκύρας ἠπείγοντο πρὸς Κάτωνα, ἑτέρου στρατοῦ καὶ τριακοσίων τριήρων ἄρχειν ὑπολελειμμένον, εὐβουλότερον οἵδε τοῦ Πομπηίου. καὶ αὐτῶν οἱ περιφανέστατοι νειμάμενοι τὸ ναυτικόν, Κάσσιος μὲν ἐς τὸν Πόντον ἔπλει πρὸς Φαρνάκην ὡς ἀναστήσων αὐτὸν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα, Σκιπίων δὲ καὶ Κάτων ἐς Λιβύην ἔπλεον, Οὐάρῳ τε πίσυνοι καὶ τῷ μετὰ Οὐάρου στρατῷ καὶ Ἰόβᾳ Νομάδων βασιλεῖ συμμαχοῦντι. Πομπήιος δʼ, ὁ τοῦ Πομπηίου πρεσβύτερος υἱός, καὶ Λαβιηνὸς σὺν αὐτῷ καὶ Σκάπλας τὸ μέρος ἔχοντες ἠπείγοντο ἐς Ἰβηρίαν καὶ αὐτὴν ἀποστήσαντες ἀπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος στρατὸν ἄλλον ἐξ αὐτῶν Ἰβήρων τε καὶ Κελτιβήρων καὶ θεραπόντων συνέλεγον ἔν τε παρασκευῇ μείζονι ἐγίγνοντο. τηλικαῦται δυνάμεις τῆς Πομπηίου παρασκευῆς ἦσαν ὑπόλοιποι, καὶ αὐτῶν ὑπὸ θεοβλαβείας ὑπεριδὼν ὁ Πομπήιος ἔφυγε. τῶν δʼ ἐν Λιβύῃ Κάτωνα σφῶν στρατηγεῖν αἱρουμένων, ὁ Κάτων οὐχ ὑπέστη παρόντων ἀνδρῶν ὑπάτων, οἳ κατʼ ἀξίωσιν ἐπρέσβευον αὐτοῦ μόνην ἀρχὴν ἄρξαντος ἐν Ῥώμῃ τὴν στρατηγίδα. γίγνεται μὲν δὴ Λεύκιος Σκιπίων αὐτοκράτωρ, καὶ στρατὸς κἀνταῦθα πολὺς ἠθροίζετο καὶ ἐγυμνάζετο. καὶ δύο αἵδε μάλιστα ἀξιόλογοι παρασκευαί, περὶ Λιβύην καὶ Ἰβηρίαν, ἐπὶ Καίσαρα συνεκροτοῦντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.12.87

Lucius Scipio, Pompey’s father-in-law, and the other notables who had escaped from the battle of Pharsalus, more prudent than Pompey, proceeded to Corcyra and joined Cato, who had been left there with another army and 300 triremes. The leaders apportioned the fleet among themselves, and Cassius sailed to Pharnaces in Pontus to induce him to take up arms against Caesar. Scipio and Cato embarked for Africa, relying on Varus and his army and his ally, Juba, king of Numidia. The elder son of Pompey, together with Labienus and Scapula, each with his own part of the army, hastened to Spain and, having detached it from Caesar, collected a new army of Spaniards, Celtiberians, and slaves, and made formidable preparations for war. So great were the forces still remaining which Pompey had prepared, and which Pompey himself over-looked and ran away from in his insanity. Cato had been chosen commander of the forces in Africa, but he declined the appointment since there were consulars present who outranked him, he having held only the praetorship in Rome. So Lucius Scipio was made the commander and he collected and drilled a large army there. Thus two armies of considerable magnitude were brought together against Caesar, one in Africa and the other in Spain.

2.13.88 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.13.88

αὐτὸς δʼ ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ δύο μὲν ἡμέρας ἐν Φαρσάλῳ διέτριψε θύων καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐκ τῆς μάχης ἀναλαμβάνων· ἔνθα καὶ Θεσσαλοὺς ἐλευθέρους ἠφίει συμμαχήσαντάς οἱ καὶ Ἀθηναίοις αἰτήσασι συγγνώμην ἐπεδίδου καὶ ἐπεῖπε· ποσάκις ὑμᾶς ὑπὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἀπολλυμένους ἡ δόξα τῶν προγόνων περισώσει; τῇ τρίτῃ δʼ ἐξήλαυνεν ἐπὶ τῂν ἕω κατὰ πύστιν τῆς Πομπηίου φυγῆς καὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἀπορίᾳ τριήρων σκάφεσιν ἐπεραιοῦτο μικροῖς. Κάσσιος δὲ σὺν τῷ μέρει τῶν τριήρων ἐπιφαίνεται μεσοποροῦντι, πρὸς Φαρνάκην ἐπειγόμενος. καὶ δυνηθεὶς ἂν πολλαῖς τριήρεσι κατὰ σκαφῶν μικρῶν, ὑπὸ δέους τῆς Καίσαρος εὐτυχίας περιπύστου δὴ καὶ ἐπιφόβου τότε οὔσης ἐξεπλάγη καὶ νομίσας οἱ τὸν Καίσαρα ἐπίτηδες ἐπιπλεῖν τὰς χεῖρας ὤρεγεν ἐς αὐτόν, ἀπὸ τριήρων ἐς σκάφη, καὶ συγγνώμην ᾔτει καὶ τὰς τριήρεις παρεδίδου. τοσοῦτον ἴσχυεν ἡ δόξα τῆς Καίσαρος εὐπραγίας· οὐ γὰρ ἔγωγε αἰτίαν ἑτέραν ὁρῶ οὐδὲ ἔργον ἕτερον ἡγοῦμαι τύχης ἐν ἀπόρῳ καιρῷ γενέσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ Κάσσιον τὸν πολεμικώτατον ἐπὶ τριήρων ἑβδομήκοντα ἀπαρασκεύῳ Καίσαρι συντυχόντα μηδʼ ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν ὑποστῆναι. ὁ δʼ οὕτως ἑαυτὸν αἰσχρῶς ὑπὸ φόβου μόνου παραπλέοντι παραδοὺς ὕστερον ἐν Ῥώμῃ δυναστεύοντα ἤδη κατέκανεν· ᾧ καὶ αὐτῷ δῆλόν ἐστι τὸν ἕτερον τῷ Κασσίῳ φόβον ὑπὸ τύχης ἐγγενέσθαι τὸν Καίσαρα ἐπαιρούσης.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.13.88

Caesar remained two days at Pharsalus after the victory, offering sacrifice and giving his army a respite from fighting. Then he set free his Thessalian allies and granted pardon to the suppliant Athenians, and said to them, How often will the glory of your ancestors save you from self-destruction? On the third day he marched eastward, having learned that Pompey had fled thither, and for want of triremes he essayed to cross the Hellespont in skiffs. Here Cassius came upon him in mid-stream, with a part of his fleet, as he was hastening to Pharnaces. Although he might have mastered these small boats with his numerous triremes he was panic-stricken by Caesar’s astounding success, which was then heralded with consternation everywhere, and he thought that Caesar had sailed purposely against him. So he extended his hands in entreaty from his trireme toward the skiff, begged pardon, and surrendered his fleet. So great was the power of Caesar’s prestige. I can see no other reason myself, nor can I think of any other instance where fortune was more propitious in a trying emergency than when Cassius, a most valiant man, with seventy triremes, fell in with Caesar when he was unprepared, but did not venture to come to blows with him. And yet he who thus disgracefully surrendered to Caesar, through fear alone, when the latter was crossing the straits, afterward murdered him in Rome when he was at the height of his power; by which fact it is evident that the panic which then seized Cassius was due to the fortune by which Caesar was uplifted.

Edition note

This is a dubious tale. Caesar tells us (iii. 101) that Cassius was in Sicily with a fleet when the news of Pharsalus arrived; that when the first news of the battle came the Pompeians considered it a fiction invented by Caesar’s friends, but that when they were convinced that it was true, Cassius departed with his fleet. Then Caesar describes his own movements, saying that he considered it necessary to drop everything else and pursue Pompey, and that he pushed on every day as far as his cavalry could go, having ordered one legion to follow by shorter marches. He must have passed the Hellespont before Cassius sailed from Sicily. Again, Cicero in his second Philippic (11), while defending himself against Antony’s charge that he had advised the assassination of Caesar, says that he is not entitled to share this glory with Brutus and Cassius. Neither of them needed his advice. Cassius, he adds, would have done the deed himself in Cilicia, at the mouth of the river Cydnus, without the help of his illustrious friends, if Caesar had landed on the shore where he (Cassius) had halted, instead of the opposite one. In other words they passed each other at the mouth of the Cydnus, as Caesar was proceeding to Egypt. Suetonius (Jul. 63) says that it was Lucius Cassius whom Caesar met in the Hellespont.

2.13.89 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.13.89

διασωθεὶς δʼ οὕτω παραδόξως ὁ Καῖσαρ καὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον περαιωθεὶς Ἴωσι μὲν καὶ Αἰολεῦσι καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἔθνη τὴν μεγάλην χερρόνησον οἰκοῦσι ʽκαὶ καλοῦσιν αὐτὰ ἑνὶ ὀνόματι Ἀσίαν τὴν κάτὠ, συνεγίγνωσκε πρεσβευομένοις ἐς αὐτὸν καὶ παρακαλοῦσι, πυθόμενος δὲ Πομπήιον ἐπʼ Αἰγύπτου φέρεσθαι διέπλευσεν ἐς Ῥόδον. καὶ οὐδʼ ἐνταῦθα τὸν στρατὸν αὑτοῦ κατὰ μέρη προσιόντα περιμείνας ἐς τὰς Κασσίου καὶ Ῥοδίων τριήρεις ἐνέβη σὺν τοῖς παροῦσιν· οὐδενί τε ἐκφήνας, ὅπῃ τὸν πλοῦν ποιήσεται, περὶ ἑσπέραν ἀνήγετο, ἐπαγγείλας τοῖς λοιποῖς κυβερνήταις πρὸς τὸν λαμπτῆρα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ νεὼς καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν πρὸς τὸ σημεῖον εὐθύνειν· τῷ δʼ αὑτοῦ κυβερνήτῃ, πολὺ τῆς γῆς ἀποσχών, προσέταξεν ἐς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν φέρεσθαι. καὶ ὁ μὲν τρισὶν ἡμέραις πελάγιος ἀμφὶ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἦν· ἐσδέχονται δʼ αὐτὸν οἱ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιτροπεύοντες, ἔτι τοῦ βασιλέως ἀμφὶ τὸ Κάσσιον ὄντος. καὶ πρῶτα μὲν ἀπραγμοσύνην τινὰ διὰ τὴν ὀλιγότητα τῶν συνόντων ὑπεκρίνετο φιλοφρόνως τε τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας ἐξεδέχετο καὶ τὴν πόλιν περιιὼν τοῦ κάλλους ἐθαύμαζε καὶ τῶν φιλοσόφων μετὰ τοῦ πλήθους ἑστὼς ἠκροᾶτο· ὅθεν αὐτῷ χάρις τε καὶ δόξα ἀγαθὴ ὡς ἀπράγμονι παρὰ τοῖς Ἀλεξανδρεῦσιν ἐφύετο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.13.89

Being thus unexpectedly saved, Caesar passed the Hellespont and granted pardon to the Ionians, the Aeolians, and the other peoples who inhabit the great peninsula called by the common name of Lower Asia, and who sent ambassadors to him to ask it. Learning that Pompey had gone to Egypt he sailed for Rhodes. He did not wait there for his army, which was coming forward by detachments, but embarked with those whom he had on board the triremes of Cassius and the Rhodians. Letting nobody know whither he intended to go he set sail toward evening, telling the other pilots to steer by the torch of his own ship by night and by his signal in the daytime. After they had proceeded a long way from the land he ordered his pilot to steer for Alexandria. After a three days’ sail he arrived there. He was received by the king’s guardians, the king himself being still at Mount Casius. At first, on account of the smallness of his forces, he pretended to take his ease, receiving visitors in a friendly way, traversing the city, admiring its beauty, and listening to the lectures of the philosophers while he stood among the crowd. Thus he gained the good-will and esteem of the Alexandrians as one who had no designs against them.

2.13.90 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.13.90

ἐπεὶ δʼ ὁ στρατὸς αὐτῷ κατέπλευσε, Ποθεινὸν μὲν καὶ Ἀχιλλᾶν ἐκόλασε θανάτῳ τῆς ἐς τὸν Πομπήιον παρανομίας, Θεόδοτον δὲ διαδράντα Κάσσιος ὕστερον ἐκρέμασεν, εὑρὼν ἐν Ἀσίᾳ. θορυβούντων δʼ ἐπὶ τῷδε τῶν Ἀλεξανδρέων καὶ τῆς στρατιᾶς τῆς βασιλικῆς ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἰούσης, ἀγῶνες αὐτῷ ποικίλοι περὶ τὸ βασίλειον ἐγένοντο καὶ ἐν τοῖς παρʼ αὐτὸ αἰγιαλοῖς, ἔνθα καὶ φεύγων ἐς τὴν θάλατταν ἐξήλατο καὶ ἐς πολὺ ἐν τῷ βυθῷ διενήξατο· καὶ τὴν χλαμύδα αὐτοῦ λαβόντες οἱ Ἀλεξανδρεῖς περὶ τρόπαιον ἐκρέμασαν. τελευταῖον δʼ ἀνὰ τὸν Νεῖλον αὐτῷ γίνεται πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ἀγών, ᾧ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα ἐκράτει. καὶ ἐς ταῦτα διετρίφθησαν αὐτῷ μῆνες ἐννέα, μέχρι Κλεοπάτραν ἀντὶ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ βασιλεύειν ἀπέφηνεν Αἰγύπτου. καὶ τὸν Νεῖλον ἐπὶ τετρακοσίων νεῶν, τὴν χώραν θεώμενος, περιέπλει μετὰ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας, καὶ τἆλλα ἡδόμενος αὐτῇ. ἀλλὰ τάδε μὲν ἕκαστα ὅπως ἐγένετο, ἀκριβέστερον ἡ περὶ Αἰγύπτου συγγραφὴ διέξεισι· τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν τοῦ Πομπηίου προσφερομένην οὐχ ὑπέστη, ἀλλὰ προσέταξε ταφῆναι, καί τι αὐτῇ τέμενος βραχὺ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως περιτεθὲν Νεμέσεως τέμενος ἐκαλεῖτο· ὅπερ ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ κατὰ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορα Τραϊανόν, ἐξολλύντα τὸ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ Ἰουδαίων γένος, ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἐς τὰς τοῦ πολέμου χρείας κατηρείφθη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.13.90

When his soldiers arrived by sea he punished Pothinus and Achillas with death for their crime against Pompey. (Theodotus escaped and was afterward crucified by Cassius, who found him wandering in Asia.) The Alexandrians thereupon rose in tumult, and the king’s army marched against Caesar and various battles took place around the palace and on the neighboring shores. In one of these Caesar escaped by leaping into the sea and swimming a long distance in deep water. The Alexandrians captured his cloak and hung it up as a trophy. He fought the last battle against the king on the banks of the Nile, in which he won a decisive victory. He consumed nine months in this strife, at the end of which he established Cleopatra on the throne of Egypt in place of her brother. He ascended the Nile with 400 ships, exploring the country in company with Cleopatra and enjoying himself with her in other ways. The details of these events are related more particularly in my Egyptian history. Caesar could not bear to look at the head of Pompey when it was brought to him, but ordered that it be buried, and set apart for it a small plot of ground near the city which was dedicated to Nemesis, but in my time, while the Roman emperor Trajan was exterminating the Jewish race in Egypt, it was devastated by them in the exigencies of the war.

Edition note

Caesar says that he put Pothinus to death for corresponding with the enemy while he was in Caesar’s custody, during the Alexandrian war. (iii. 112.) Hirtius, who wrote the Alexandrian War, says (i.4) that Achillas was put to death by Arsinoë, the younger sister of Cleopatra, who attempted to bring about a counter revolution and to secure the throne for herself. Plutarch contradicts himself in this matter. In his Life of Pompey (80) he says that Caesar put both Pothinus and Achillas to death and implies that he did so to punish them for the murder of Pompey. In his Life of Cœsar (49) he says distinctly that Pothinus was put to death on account of a palace conspiracy against Caesar in which both himself and Achillas were concerned, but that Achillas escaped.

Edition note

Plutarch, at the conclusion of his Life of Pompey, says that Theodotus was put to death with torture by Brutus, who found him leading a vagabond life in Asia.

Edition note

Y.R. 707

Edition note

B.C. 47

2.13.91 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.13.91

τοσάδε μὲν δὴ Καῖσαρ ἐργασάμενος ἐν Ἀλεξανδρεία διὰ Συρίας ἐπὶ Φαρνάκην ἠπείγετο. ὁ δὲ ἤδη μὲν εἴργαστο πολλὰ καὶ περιεσπάκει τινὰ Ῥωμαίων χωρία καὶ Δομιτίῳ Καίσαρος στρατηγῷ συνενεχθεὶς ἐς μάχην ἐνενικήκει πάνυ λαμπρῶς, καὶ τῷδε μάλιστα ἐπαρθεὶς Ἀμισὸν πόλιν ἐν τῷ Πόντῳ ῥωμαΐζουσαν ἐξηνδραπόδιστο καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτῶν τομίας ἐπεποίητο πάντας· προσιόντος δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐταράσσετο καὶ μετεγίγνωσκε καὶ ἀπὸ σταδίων διακοσίων γενομένῳ πρέσβεις ἔπεμπεν ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης, στέφανόν τε χρύσειον αὐτῷ φέροντας καὶ ἐς γάμον ὑπʼ ἀνοίας ἐγγυῶντας Καίσαρι τὴν Φαρνάκους θυγατέρα. ὁ δʼ αἰσθόμενος ὧν φέρουσι, προῆλθε μετὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ ἐς τὸ πρόσθεν ἐβάδιζε λεσχηνεύων τοῖς πρέσβεσι, μέχρι προσπελάσας τῷ χάρακι τοῦ Φαρνάκους καὶ τοσόνδε εἰπών· οὐ γὰρ αὐτίκα δώσει δίκην ὁ πατροκτόνος; ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον ἀνεπήδησε καὶ εὐθὺς ἐκ πρώτης βοῆς τρέπεταί τε τὸν Φαρνάκην καὶ πολλοὺς ἔκτεινε, σὺν χιλίοις που μάλιστα ὢν ἱππεῦσιν τοῖς πρώτοις αὐτῷ συνδραμοῦσιν· ὅτε καί φασιν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν· ὦ μακάριε Πομπήιε, τοιούτοις ἄρα κατὰ Μιθριδάτην τὸν τοῦδε πατέρα πολεμῶν ἀνδράσι μέγας τε ἐνομίσθης καὶ μέγας ἐπεκλήθης. ἐς δὲ Ῥώμην περὶ τῆσδε τῆς μάχης ἐπέστελλεν· ἐγὼ δὲ ἦλθον, εἶδον, ἐνίκησα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.13.91

After Caesar had performed these exploits in Alexandria he hastened by way of Syria against Pharnaces. The latter had Already accomplished many of his aims, had seized some of the Roman countries, had fought a battle with Caesar’s lieutenant, Domitius, and won a very brilliant victory over him. Being much elated by this affair he had subjugated the city of Amisus in Pontus, which adhered to the Roman interest, sold their inhabitants into slavery, and made all their boys eunuchs. On the approach of Caesar he became alarmed and repented of his deeds, and when Caesar was within 200 stades he sent ambassadors to him to treat for peace. They bore a golden crown and foolishly offered him the daughter of Pharnaces in marriage. When Caesar learned what they were bringing he moved forward with his army, walking in advance and chatting with the ambassadors until he arrived at the camp of Pharnaces, when he merely said, Why should I not take instant vengeance on this parricide? Then he sprang upon his horse and at the first shout put Pharnaces to flight and killed a large number of the enemy, although he had with him only about 1000 of his own cavalry who had accompanied him in the advance. Here it is said that he exclaimed, O fortunate Pompey, who wast considered and named the Great for warring against such men as these in the time of Mithridates, the father of this man. Of this battle he wrote to Rome the words, I came, I saw, I conquered.

2.13.92 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.13.92

μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο Φαρνάκης μὲν ἀγαπῶν ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν Βοσπόρου, τὴν δεδομένην οἱ παρὰ Πομπηίου, συνέφυγεν· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ, οὐ σχολὴν ἄγων περὶ μικρὰ τρίβεσθαι τοσῶνδε πολέμων αὐτὸν περιμενόντων, ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν μετῆλθε καὶ παροδεύων αὐτὴν ἐχρημάτιζε ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐνοχλουμέναις ὑπὸ τῶν μισθουμένων τοὺς φόρους, ὥς μοι κατὰ τὴν Ἀσιανὴν συγγραφὴν δεδήλωται. πυθόμενος δʼ ἐν Ῥώμῃ στάσιν εἶναι καὶ Ἀντώνιον τὸν ἵππαρχον αὑτοῦ τὴν ἀγορὰν στρατιᾷ φυλάσσειν, πάντα μεθεὶς ἐς Ῥώμην ἠπείγετο. ὡς δʼ ἦλθεν, ἡ μὲν στάσις ἡ πολιτικὴ κατεπαύετο, ἑτέρα δʼ ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἀνίστατο τοῦ στρατοῦ, ὡς οὔτε τὰ ἐπηγγελμένα σφίσιν ἐπὶ τῷ κατὰ Φάρσαλον ἔργῳ λαβόντες οὔτε ἐννόμως ἔτι βραδύνοντες ἐν τῇ στρατείᾳ· ἀφεθῆναί τε πάντες ἐπὶ τὰ αὑτῶν ἠξίουν. ὁ δʼ ἐπηγγέλλετο μὲν αὐτοῖς ἀόριστά τινα ἐν Φαρσάλῳ, καὶ ἕτερα ἀόριστα, ὅταν ὁ ἐν Λιβύῃ πόλεμος ἐκτελεσθῇ· τότε δʼ ἔπεμπεν ἄλλας ὁρίζων ἑκάστῳ χιλίας δραχμάς. οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν οὐχ ὑπισχνεῖσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ αὐτίκα διδόναι πάντα ἐκέλευον· καὶ περὶ τῶνδε Σαλούστιον Κρίσπον πεμφθέντα πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὀλίγου καὶ διέφθειραν, εἰ μὴ διέφυγε. πυθόμενος δʼ ὁ Καῖσαρ τέλος μὲν ἄλλο στρατιωτῶν, οἳ τὴν πόλιν ἐξ Ἀντωνίου παρεφύλασσον, περιέστησε τῇ οἰκίᾳ καὶ ταῖς τῆς πόλεως ἐξόδοις, δείσας περὶ ἁρπαγῆς· αὐτὸς δέ, πάντων δεδιότων καὶ παραινούντων αὐτῷ τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ στρατοῦ φυλάξασθαι, μάλα θρασέως αὐτοῖς ἔτι στασιάζουσιν ἐς τὸ Ἄρειον πεδίον ἐπῆλθεν οὐ προμηνύσας καὶ ἐπὶ βήματος ὤφθη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.13.92

After this, Pharnaces was glad to escape to the kingdom which Pompey had assigned to him on the Bosporus. As Caesar had no time to waste on small matters while such great wars were still unfinished elsewhere, he returned to the province of Asia and while passing through it transacted public business in the cities, which were oppressed by the farmers of the revenue, as I have shown in my Asiatic history. Learning that a sedition had broken out in Rome and that Antony, his master of horse, had occupied the forum with soldiers, he laid aside everything else and hastened to the city. When he arrived there the sedition had been quieted, but another one sprang up against himself in the army because the promises made to them after the battle of Pharsalus had not been kept, and because they had been held in service beyond the term fixed by law. They demanded that they should be dismissed to their homes. Caesar had made them certain indefinite promises at Pharsalus, and others equally indefinite after the war in Africa should be finished. Now he sent them a promise of 1000 drachmas more to each man. They answered him that they did not want any more promises but all cash down. Sallustius Crispus, who had been sent to them on this business, had a narrow escape. He would have been killed if he had not fled. When Caesar learned of this he stationed the legion, with which Antony had been guarding the city, around his own house and the city gates, as he apprehended attempts at plunder. Then, notwithstanding all his friends were alarmed and cautioned him against the fury of the soldiers, he went boldly among them while they were still riotous in the Campus Martius, without sending word beforehand, and showed himself on the platform.

Edition note

Our author does not mention any Asiatic history in his preface. Photius in his enumeration of the works of Appian extant in his time speaks of the tenth book, Grecian and Ionian. Schweighäuser thinks that this is the book here referred to.

Edition note

This was the historian Sallust. He was afterward appointed by Caesar governor of Numidia. See Sec. 100 infra.

2.13.93 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.13.93

οἱ δὲ σὺν θορύβῳ τε ἄνοπλοι συνέτρεχον καί, ὡς ἔθος, ἄφνω φανέντα σφίσιν ἠσπάζοντο αὐτοκράτορα. κελεύσαντος δʼ ὅ τι θέλοιεν εἰπεῖν, περὶ μὲν τῶν δωρεῶν ἐς ὄψιν εἰπεῖν αὐτοῦ παρόντος οὐδὲ ἐτόλμησαν ὑπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς ἐκπλήξεως, ὡς δὲ μετριώτερον, ἀφεθῆναι τῆς στρατείας ἀνεβόησαν, ἐλπίσαντες στρατοῦ δεόμενον ἐς τοὺς ὑπολοίπους πολέμους αὐτὸν ἐρεῖν τι καὶ περὶ τῶν δωρεῶν. ὁ δὲ παρὰ τὴν ἁπάντων δόξαν οὐδὲ μελλήσας ἀπεκρίνατο· ἀφίημι. καταπλαγέντων δʼ αὐτῶν ἔτι μᾶλλον καὶ σιωπῆς βαθυτάτης γενομένης ἐπεῖπε· καὶ δώσω γε ὑμῖν τὰ ἐπηγγελμένα ἅπαντα, ὅταν θριαμβεύσω μεθʼ ἑτέρων. ἀδοκήτου δʼ αὐτοῖς ἅμα καὶ τοῦδε καὶ φιλανθρώπου φανέντος, αἰδὼς αὐτίκα πᾶσιν ἐνέπιπτεν καὶ λογισμὸς μετὰ ζήλου, εἰ δόξουσι μὲν αὐτοὶ καταλιπεῖν σφῶν τὸν αὐτοκράτορα ἐν μέσοις τοσοῖσδε πολεμίοις, θριαμβεύσουσι δʼ ἀνθʼ αὑτῶν ἕτεροι καὶ σφεῖς τῶν ἐν Λιβύῃ κερδῶν ἐκπεσοῦνται, μεγάλων ἔσεσθαι νομιζομένων, ἐχθροί τε ὁμοίως αὐτοῦ τε Καίσαρος ἔσονται καὶ τῶν πολεμίων. δείσαντες οὖν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἡσύχαζον ἐξ ἀπορίας, ἐλπίζοντες ἐνδώσειν τι καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ μεταγνώσεσθαι διὰ τὴν ἐν χερσὶ χρείαν. ὁ δʼ ἀνθησύχαζε καὶ τῶν φίλων αὐτὸν παρακαλούντων ἐπιφθέγξασθαί τι πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἄλλο καὶ μὴ βραχεῖ καὶ αὐστηρῷ λόγῳ πολλὰ συνεστρατευμένους ἐγκαταλιπεῖν, ἀρχόμενος λέγειν πολίτας ἀντὶ στρατιωτῶν προσεῖπεν· ὅπερ ἐστὶ σύμβολον ἀφειμένων τῆς στρατείας καὶ ἰδιωτευόντων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.13.93

The soldiers ran together tumultuously without arms, and, as was their custom, saluted their commander who had suddenly appeared among them. When he bade them tell what they wanted they were so surprised that they did not venture to speak openly of the donative in his presence, but they adopted the more moderate course of demanding their discharge from the service, hoping that, since he needed soldiers for the unfinished wars, he would speak about the donative himself. But, contrary to the expectation of all, he replied without hesitation, I discharge you. Then, to their still greater astonishment, and while the silence was most profound, he added, And I will give you all that I have promised when I have my triumph with others. At this expression, as unexpected as it was kind to them, shame immediately took possession of all, and reflection, together with jealousy at the thought of their abandoning their commander in the midst of such great wars and of others joining in the triumph instead of themselves, and of their losing the gains of the war in Africa, which were expected to be great, and becoming enemies of Caesar himself as well as of the opposite party. Moved by these fears they remained still more silent and embarrassed, hoping that Caesar would yield and change his mind on account of his immediate necessity. But he remained silent also, until his friends urged him to say something more to them and not leave his old comrades of so many campaigns with a short and austere word. Then he began to speak, addressing them first as citizens, not fellow-soliders, which implied that they were already discharged from the army and were private individuals.

2.13.94 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.13.94

οἱ δʼ οὐκ ἐνεγκόντες ἔτι ἀνέκραγον μετανοεῖν καὶ παρεκάλουν αὐτῷ συστρατεύεσθαι. ἀποστρεφομένου τε τοῦ Καίσαρος καὶ ἀπιόντος ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος, οἱ δὲ σὺν ἐπείξει πλέονι βοῶντες ἐνέκειντο παραμεῖναί τε αὐτὸν καὶ κολάζειν σφῶν τοὺς ἁμαρτόντας. ὁ δʼ ἔτι μέν τι διέτριψεν, οὔτε ἀπιὼν οὔτε ἐπανιών, ὑποκρινόμενος ἀπορεῖν· ἐπανελθὼν δʼ ὅμως ἔφη κολάσειν μὲν αὐτῶν οὐδένα, ἄχθεσθαι δʼ, ὅτι καὶ τὸ δέκατον τέλος, ὃ προετίμησεν αἰεί, τοιαῦτα θορυβεῖ. καὶ τόδε, ἔφη, μόνον ἀφίημι τῆς στρατείας· δώσω δὲ καὶ τῷδε ὅμως τὰ ὑπεσχημένα ἅπαντα, ἐπανελθὼν ἐκ Λιβύης. δώσω δὲ καὶ γῆν ἅπασιν ἐκτελεσθέντων τῶν πολέμων, οὐ καθάπερ Σύλλας, ἀφαιρούμενος ἑτέρων ἣν ἔχουσι καὶ τοῖς ἀφαιρεθεῖσι τοὺς λαβόντας συνοικίζων καὶ ποιῶν ἀλλήλοις ἐς αἰεὶ πολεμίους, ἀλλὰ τὴν τοῦ δήμου γῆν ἐπινέμων καὶ τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ, καὶ τὰ δέοντα προσωνούμενος. κρότου δὲ καὶ εὐφημίας παρὰ πάντων γενομένης, τὸ δέκατον ὑπερήλγει τέλος, ἐς μόνον αὐτὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἀδιαλλάκτου φανέντος· καὶ σφᾶς αὐτὸν ἠξίουν διακληρῶσαί τε καὶ τὸ μέρος θανάτῳ ζημιῶσαι. ὁ δὲ οὐδὲν αὐτοὺς ὑπερεθίζειν ἔτι δεόμενος ἀκριβῶς μετανοοῦντας, συνηλλάσσετο ἅπασι καὶ εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν ἐν Λιβύῃ πόλεμον ἐξῄει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.13.94

They could endure it no longer, but cried out that they repented of what they had done, and besought him to keep them in his service. But Caesar turned away and was leaving the platform when they shouted with greater eagerness and urged him to stay and punish them for their misdeeds. He delayed a while longer, not going away and not turning back, but pretending to be undecided. At length he came back and said that he would not punish any of them, but that he was grieved that even the tenth legion, to which he had always given the first place of honor, should join in such a riot. And this legion alone, he continued, I will discharge from the service. Nevertheless, when I return from Africa I will give them all that I have promised. And when the wars are ended I will give lands to all, not as Sulla did by taking it from the present holders and colonizing the takers among the losers, and making them everlasting enemies to each other, but I will give the public land, and my own, and will purchase what may be needful. There was clapping of hands and joyful acclaim on all sides, but the tenth legion was plunged in grief because to them alone Caesar appeared inexorable. They begged him to choose a portion of their number by lot and put them to death. But Caesar, seeing that there was no need of stimulating them any further when they had repented so bitterly, became reconciled to all, and departed straightway for the war in Africa.

2.14.95 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.14.95

διαβαλὼν δʼ ἐκ Ῥηγίου τὸν πορθμὸν ἐπὶ Μεσσήνης ἐς Λιλύβαιον ἦλθε. καὶ πυθόμενος Κάτωνα μὲν τὴν παρασκευὴν τοῦ πολέμου ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῶν τινι μέρει φρουρεῖν ἐν Ἰτύκῃ μετὰ τῶν τριακοσίων, οὓς ἀπὸ σφῶν ἐκ πολλοῦ προβούλους ἐπεποίηντο τοῦ πολέμου καὶ σύγκλητον ἐκάλουν, τὸν δʼ αὐτοκράτορα Λεύκιον Σκιπίωνα καὶ τοὺς ἀρίστους ἐν Ἀδρυμητῷ στρατοπεδεύειν, διέπλευσεν ἐπὶ τὸν Σκιπίωνα. καὶ αὐτὸν οἰχόμενον ἐς Ἰόβαν καταλαβὼν παρέτασσεν ἐς μάχην παρʼ αὐτὸ τοῦ Σκιπίωνος τὸ στρατόπεδον, ὡς ἐν καιρῷ συνοισόμενος τοῖς πολεμίοις χωρὶς αὐτοκράτορος οὖσιν. ἀντεπῄεσαν δʼ αὐτῷ Λαβιηνός τε καὶ Πετρήιος, οἱ τοῦ Σκιπίωνος ὑποστράτηγοι, καὶ ἐκράτουν τῶν Καίσαρος παρὰ πολὺ καὶ τραπέντας ἐδίωκον σοβαρῶς μετὰ καταφρονήσεως, μέχρι Λαβιηνὸν μὲν ὁ ἵππος ἐς τὴν γαστέρα πληγεὶς ἀπεσείσατο καὶ αὐτὸν οἱ παρασπισταὶ συνήρπαζον, ὁ δὲ Πετρήιος, ὡς ἀκριβῆ τοῦ στρατοῦ λαβὼν πεῖραν καὶ νικήσων, ὅτε βούλεται, διέλυε τὸ ἔργον ἐπειπὼν τοῖς ἀμφʼ αὐτόν· μὴ ἀφελώμεθα τὴν νίκην τὸν αὐτοκράτορα ἡμῶν Σκιπίωνα. καὶ τὸ μὲν ἄλλο μέρος τῆς Καίσαρος τύχης ἔργον ἐφαίνετο κρατησάντων ἄν, ὡς ἐδόκει, τῶν πολεμίων ἄφνω τὴν μάχην ὑπὸ τῶν νικώντων διαλυθῆναι· αὐτὸς δὲ λέγεται παρὰ τὴν φυγὴν ἐγχρίμπτων ἅπασιν ἐπιστρέφειν αὐτοὺς καί τινα τῶν τὰ μέγιστα σημεῖα, τοὺς ἀετούς, φερόντων τῇ ἑαυτοῦ χειρὶ περισπάσας μετενεγκεῖν ἀπὸ τῆς φυγῆς ἐς τὸ πρόσθεν, ἕως Πετρήιος ἀνέζευξε καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀσπασίως ὑπεχώρει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.14.95

He crossed from Rhegium to Messana and went to Lilybaeum. Here, learning that Cato was guarding the enemy’s magazines with a fleet and a part of the land forces at Utica, and that he had with him 300 men who had for a long time constituted their council of war and were called the Senate, and that the commander, L. Scipio, and the flower of the army were at Adrumetum, he sailed against the latter. He arrived at a time when Scipio had gone away to meet Juba, and he drew up his forces for battle near Scipio’s very camp in order to come to an engagement with the enemy at a time when their commander was absent. Labienus and Petreius, Scipio’s lieutenants, attacked him, defeated him badly, and pursued him in a haughty and disdainful manner until Labienus’ horse was wounded in the belly and threw him, and his attendants carried him off. Petreius, thinking that he had made a thorough test of the army and that he could conquer whenever he liked, drew off his forces, saying to those around him, Let us not deprive our general, Scipio, of the victory. In one part of the day’s work did Caesar’s luck show itself, in that the victorious enemy seems to have abandoned the field at the very moment of success. It is said that in the flight Caesar dashed up to his whole line and turned it around and seizing one of those who carried the principal standards (the eagles) dragged him to the front. Finally, Petreius retired and Caesar was glad to do the same. Such was the result of Caesar’s first battle in Africa.

Edition note

The modern Marsala, at the western extremity of Sicily. It was the port nearest the African coast. Hirtius says that Caesar arrived there on the 14th day before the Calends of January and sailed eight days later.

Edition note

Y.R. 708

Edition note

B.C. 46

Edition note

ἐγχρίμπτων ἅπασιν. How could he dash up to all of them at once? Mendelssohn suggests ἀποδρᾶσιν, i.e. he dashed up to the runaways.

2.14.96 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.14.96

τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τῆς πρώτης ἐν Λιβύῃ Καίσαρι μάχης τέλος ἦν· οὐ πολὺ δὲ ὕστερον, αὐτοῦ τε Σκιπίωνος ὀκτὼ τέλεσι πεζῶν καὶ ἱππέων δύο μυριάσιν, ὧν οἱ πολλοὶ Λίβυες ἦσαν, πελτασταῖς τε πολλοῖς καὶ ἐλέφασιν ἐς τριάκοντα προσδοκωμένου παρέσεσθαι σὺν Ἰόβᾳ τῷ βασιλεῖ, καὶ τῷδε ἄγοντι πεζοὺς ἄλλους ἀμφὶ τρισμυρίους καὶ ἱππέας Νομάδας ἐς δισμυρίους καὶ ἀκοντιστὰς πολλοὺς καὶ ἐλέφαντας ἑξήκοντα ἑτέρους, ἡ στρατιὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐδείμαινε καὶ ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐθορυβοῦντο κατά τε πεῖραν ὧν ἤδη πεπόνθεσαν καὶ κατὰ δόξαν τῶν ἐπιόντων τοῦ τε πλήθους καὶ ἀρετῆς, μάλιστα τῶν Νομάδων ἱππέων. ὅ τε τῶν ἐλεφάντων πόλεμος ἀήθης σφίσιν ὢν ἐξέπλησσε. Βόκχου δʼ ἑτέρου Μαυρουσίων δυνάστου Κίρταν, ἣ βασίλειον ἦν Ἰόβα, καταλαβόντος, ὁ μὲν Ἰόβας, ἐξαγγελθέντος αὐτῷ τοῦδε, ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα μάλιστα ἀνεζεύγνυ μετὰ τοῦ ἰδίου στρατοῦ, τριάκοντα ἐξ αὐτοῦ μόνους ὑπολιπὼν ἐλέφαντας τῷ Σκιπίωνι, ἡ δὲ στρατιὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐς τοσοῦτον ἀνεθάρρησεν, ὡς τὸ πέμπτον τέλος αἰτῆσαν ἀντιταχθῆναι τοῖς ἐλέφασι κρατῆσαι πάνυ καρτερῶς· καὶ νῦν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου τῷδε τῷ τέλει ἐλέφαντες ἐς τὰ σημεῖα ἐπίκεινται.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.14.96

Not long afterward it was reported that Scipio himself was advancing with eight legions of foot, 20,000 horse (of which most were Africans), and a large number of light-armed troops, and thirty elephants; together with King Juba, who had some 30,000 foot-soldiers in addition, raised for this war, and 20,000 Numidian cavalry, besides a large number of spearmen and sixty elephants. Caesar’s army began to be alarmed and a tumult broke out among them on account of the disaster they had already experienced and of the reputation of the forces advancing against them, and especially of the numbers and bravery of the Numidian cavalry. War with elephants, to which they were unaccustomed, also frightened them. But Bocchus, another Mauritanian prince, seized Cirta, which was the capital of Juba’s kingdom. When this news reached Juba he started for home at once with his army, leaving thirty of his elephants only with Scipio. Thereupon Caesar’s men plucked up courage to such a degree that the fifth legion begged to be pitted against the elephants, and it overcame them valiantly. From that day to the present this legion has borne the figure of an elephant on its standards.

Edition note

Whenever, says Suetonius, his (Caesar’s) troops were dispirited by reports of the great force of the enemy, he rallied their courage not by denying the truth of what was said or minimizing the facts but on the contrary by exaggerating every particular. Accordingly, when his troops were in great alarm at the expected arrival of King Juba, he called them together and said, I have to inform you that in a very few days the king will be here with ten legions, 30,000 horse, 100,000 light-armed foot, and 300 elephants. Let none of you therefore presume to make any further inquiry or indulge in conjectures, but take my word for what I tell you, which I have from undoubted intelligence; otherwise I shall put them aboard an old crazy vessel and leave them exposed to the mercy of the winds to be transported to some other country. (Jul. 66.)

2.14.97 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.14.97

μακρᾶς δὲ καὶ ἐπιπόνου κατὰ πάντα τὰ μέρη τῆς μάχης καὶ πολυτρόπου γενομένης, περὶ ἑσπέραν μόλις ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐνίκα καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον εὐθὺς ἐξῄρει τὸ τοῦ Σκιπίωνος, οὐδὲν ἀνιεὶς οὐδʼ ἐν νυκτὶ τῆς νίκης, μέχρι τὸ σύμπαν ἐξεργάσασθαι. οἱ δʼ ἐχθροὶ κατʼ ὀλίγους, ὅπῃ δύναιντο, διέφευγον· καὶ ὁ Σκιπίων αὐτός, ἅμα Ἀφρανίῳ πάντα μεθείς, ἔφευγεν ἀνὰ τὸ πέλαγος ἐπὶ δώδεκα ἀφράκτων. ὧδε μὲν δὴ καὶ ὅδε ὁ στρατός, ἐς ὀκτὼ μυριάδας μάλιστα συνελθὼν ἔκ τε πολλοῦ γεγυμνασμένος καὶ ἐκ τῆς προτέρας μάχης ἐν ἐλπίδι καὶ θάρσει γενόμενος, δευτέρᾳ τῇδε συμβολῇ συνετρίβετο ἀθρόως. καὶ τὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος κλέος ἐς ἄμαχον εὐτυχίαν ἐδοξάζετο, οὐδὲν ἔτι τῶν ἡσσωμένων ἐς ἀρετὴν αὐτοῦ μεριζόντων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν ἁμαρτήματα τῇ Καίσαρος τύχῃ προστιθέντων· ἐδόκει γὰρ δὴ καὶ ὅδε ὁ πόλεμος ἀβουλίᾳ τῶν στρατηγῶν, οὔτε διατριψάντων αὐτόν, ἕως ἀπορήσειεν ὁ Καῖσαρ ὡς ἐν ἀλλοτρίᾳ, οὔτε τὴν πρώτην νίκην ἐς τέλος προαγαγόντων, συντριφθεὶς οὕτως ὀξέως διαλυθῆναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.14.97

The battle was long, severe, and doubtful in all parts of the field until toward evening, when victory declared itself on the side of Caesar, who went straight on and captured Scipio’s camp and did not desist, even in the night, from reaping the fruits of his victory until he had made a clean sweep. The enemy scattered in small bodies wherever they could. Scipio himself with Afranius, abandoning everything, fled by sea with twelve open ships. And thus was this army also, composed of nearly 80,000 men who had been under long training and were inspired with hope and courage by the previous battle, in the second engagement, completely annihilated. And now Caesar’s fame began to be celebrated as of a man of invincible fortune, and those who were vanquished by him attributed nothing to his merit, but ascribed everything, including their own blunders, to Caesar’s luck. And it seems that the result of this war also was due to the bad generalship of the commanders who, as in Thessaly, neglected their opportunity to wear out Caesar by delay until his supplies were exhausted, in this foreign land, and in like manner failed to reap the fruits of their first victory by pushing it sharply to the end.

Edition note

This was the battle of Thapsus. According to Hirtius Caesar’s soldiers broke away from their officers and began the battle without. orders. (Bell. Afr. 82.)

Edition note

συντριφθεὶς οὕτως ὀξέως διαλυθῆναι. No commentator has been able to explain satisfactorily the first of these four words. Schweighäuser says that πόλεμος must be understood, but he adds that a crushed war would be a wonderful thing. It may mean that the war, crushed out in this way, quickly came to an end.

2.14.98 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.14.98

Ἐξαγγελθέντων δὲ τούτων ἐς Ἰτύκην τρίτῃ μάλιστα ἡμέρᾳ καὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰτύκην ἰόντος ἐγίγνετο φυγὴ πάντων. καὶ οὐδένα κατεῖχεν ὁ Κάτων, ἀλλὰ καὶ ναῦς ἐδίδου τοῖς αἰτοῦσι τῶν ἐπιφανῶν· αὐτὸς δʼ εὐσταθῶς ὑπέμενε καὶ τοῖς Ἰτυκαίοις ὑπισχνουμένοις πρὸ ἑαυτῶν ὑπὲρ ἐκείνου δεήσεσθαι ἐπιμειδιῶν ἀπεκρίνατο οὐ δεήσειν αὑτῷ πρὸς Καίσαρα διαλλακτῶν καὶ τοῦτο εἰδέναι καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα καλῶς. σημηνάμενος δὲ τοὺς θησαυροὺς ἅπαντας καὶ συγγραφὰς ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου τοῖς Ἰτυκαίων ἄρχουσιν ἐπιδοὺς περὶ ἑσπέραν ἀμφὶ λουτρὰ καὶ δεῖπνον ἦν καθεζόμενός τε ἐγεύετο, ὥσπερ εἴθιστο, ἐξ οὗ Πομπήιος ἀνῄρητο· οὐδέν τε τῶν συνήθων ἐναλλάσσων οὐδʼ ἐλάσσω προσφερόμενος ἢ πλείω, συνελεσχήνευε τοῖς παροῦσι περὶ τῶν ἐκπεπλευκότων καὶ ἠρώτα περὶ τοῦ πνεύματος, εἰ κατὰ πρύμνην ἔσοιτο αὐτοῖς, καὶ τοῦ διαστήματος, εἰ φθάσουσι πόρρω γενέσθαι, πρὶν ἐς ἕω Καίσαρα ἐπελθεῖν. οὐ μὴν οὐδʼ ἐς ὕπνον ἀπιὼν ἐνήλλαξέ τι τῶν συνήθων, πλὴν ὅτι υἱὸν ἠσπάσατο φιλοφρονέστερον. τὸ δὲ ξιφίδιον τῇ κλίνῃ τὸ σύνηθες οὐχ εὑρὼν παρακείμενον ἐξεβόησεν, ὅτι προδιδοῖτο ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκείων τοῖς πολεμίοις· τίνι γὰρ ἔφη χρήσεσθαι προσιόντων, ἂν νυκτὸς ἐπίωσι; τῶν δὲ αὐτὸν παρακαλούντων μηδὲν ἐφʼ ἑαυτὸν βουλεύειν, ἀλλʼ ἀναπαύεσθαι χωρὶς ξιφιδίου, ἀξιοπιστότερον ἔτι εἶπεν· οὐ γὰρ ἔστι μοι θέλοντι καὶ διʼ ἐσθῆτος ἐμαυτὸν ἀποπνῖξαι καὶ ἐς τὰ τείχη τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀπαράξαι καὶ ἐς τράχηλον κυβιστῆσαι καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα κατασχόντα ἐκτρῖψαι; πολλά τε ὅμοια εἰπὼν παρήγαγεν αὐτοὺς παραθεῖναι τὸ ξιφίδιον. ὡς δὲ ἐτέθη, Πλάτωνος αἰτήσας τὴν περὶ ψυχῆς συγγραφὴν ἀνεγίνωσκε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.14.98

As these facts became known at Utica some three days later, and as Caesar was marching right against that place, a general flight began. Cato did not detain anybody. He gave ships to all the nobility who asked for them, but himself adhered firmly to his post. When the inhabitants of Utica promised to intercede for him before doing so for themselves, he answered with a smile that he did not need any intercessors with Caesar, and that Caesar knew it very well. Then he placed his seal on all the public property and gave the accounts of each kind to the magistrates of Utica. Toward evening he bathed and dined. He ate in a sitting posture, as had been his custom since Pompey’s death. He changed his habits in no respect. He partook of the dinner, neither more nor less than usual. He conversed with the others present concerning those who had sailed away and inquired whether the wind was favorable and whether they would make sufficient distance before Caesar should arrive the next morning. Nor did he change any of his habits when he retired to rest, except that he embraced his son rather more affectionately than usual. As he did not find his sword in its accustomed place by his couch, he exclaimed that he had been betrayed by his servants to the enemy. What weapon shall I use if I am attacked in the night? he said. When they besought him to do no violence to himself but to go to sleep without his sword, he replied still more plausibly, Could I not strangle myself with my clothing if I wished to, or knock my brains out against the wall, or throw myself headlong to the ground, or destroy myself by holding my breath? Much more he said to the same purport until he persuaded them to bring back his sword. When it had been put in its place he called for Plato’s treatise on the soul and began to read.

Edition note

That is, instead of reclining, as was the fashion of the Romans at dinner. Combes-Dounous seems not to have been aware of this custom. He says that the makers of the Latin version seem not to have known the meaning of the verb ἐγεύετο. They have made Appian say that Cato sat down to take his repast, as he had been accustomed to do since Pompey’s death. Do they mean to say that before Pompey’s death Cato took his meals standing? He thinks that Cato suspected his cook. He feared poison. The passage, he thinks should be translated: Being seated he caused the food to be tasted according to the custom he had adopted since the death of Pompey.

Edition note

The text is dubious here.

2.14.99 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.14.99

καὶ ἐπεὶ τέλος εἶχε τῷ Πλάτωνι ὁ λόγος, ἀναπαύεσθαι τοὺς περὶ θύρας ὑπολαβὼν ἔτρωσεν αὑτὸν ὑπὸ τὰ στέρνα· προπεσόντων δʼ αὐτῷ τῶν σπλάγχνων καὶ στόνου τινὸς ἐξακουσθέντος ἐσέδραμον οἱ περὶ θύρας· καὶ οἱ ἰατροὶ τὰ σπλάγχνα ἔτι σῶα ὄντα ἐνέθηκαν ἔνδον καὶ τὰς πληγὰς ἐπιρράψαντες ἐπέδησαν. ὁ δὲ ἀνενεγκὼν αὖθις ὑπεκρίνετο καὶ κατεμέμφετο μὲν ἑαυτῷ πληγῆς ἀσθενοῦς, χάριν δʼ ὡμολόγει τοῖς περισώσασι καὶ καταδαρθεῖν ἔφη δεῖσθαι. οἱ μὲν δὴ τὸ ξίφος ἔχοντες ᾤχοντο καὶ τὰς θύρας ὡς ἠρεμοῦντι ἐπέκλεισαν· ὁ δʼ ὕπνου δόξαν αὐτοῖς παρασχὼν τὰ δεσμὰ ταῖς χερσὶ μετὰ σιγῆς ἀπερρήγνυ καὶ τὰς ῥαφὰς τοῦ τραύματος ἀνέπτυσσεν, οἷα θηρίον τό τε τραῦμα καὶ τὴν γαστέρα εὐρύνων ὄνυξι καὶ δακτύλοις ἐρευνῶν καὶ τὰ σπλάγχνα διαρρίπτων, μέχρι ἐτελεύτησεν, ἔτη μὲν ἀμφὶ πεντήκοντα γεγονώς, ὁμολογούμενος δὲ τήν τε γνώμην, ἐς ὅ τι κρίνειε, πάντων ἀνδρῶν ἐπιμονώτατος φῦναι καὶ τὸ δίκαιον ἢ πρέπον ἢ καλὸν οὐκ ἔθεσι μᾶλλον ἢ μεγαλοψύχοις λογισμοῖς ὁρίσαι. Μαρκίᾳ γέ τοι τῇ Φιλίππου συνὼν ἐκ παρθένου καὶ ἀρεσκόμενος αὐτῇ μάλιστα καὶ παῖδας ἔχων ἐξ ἐκείνης ἔδωκεν ὅμως αὐτὴν Ὁρτησίῳ τῶν φίλων τινί, παίδων τε ἐπιθυμοῦντι καὶ τεκνοποιοῦ γυναικὸς οὐ τυγχάνοντι, μέχρι κἀκείνῳ κυήσασαν ἐς τὸν οἶκον αὖθις ὡς χρήσας ἀνεδέξατο. τοιόσδε μὲν δὴ Κάτων ἦν, καὶ αὐτὸν οἱ Ἰτυκαῖοι λαμπρῶς ἔθαπτον· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἔφη μέν οἱ φθονῆσαι Κάτωνα καλῆς ἐπιδείξεως, Κικέρωνος δὲ ποιήσαντος ἐγκώμιον ἐς αὐτὸν ἐπιγράψαντος Κάτων, ἀντέγραψε κατηγορίαν ὁ Καῖσαρ καὶ ἐπέγραψεν Ἀντικάτων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.14.99

When he had read the book through and when he thought that those who were stationed at the doors were asleep, he stabbed himself under the breast. His intestines protruded and the attendants heard a groan and rushed in. Physicians replaced his bowels, which were still uninjured, in his body, and after sewing up the wound put a bandage around it. When Cato came to himself he dissembled again. Although he blamed himself for the insufficiency of the wound, he expressed thanks to those who had saved him and said that he only needed sleep. The attendants then retired, taking the sword with them, and closed the door, thinking that he had become quiet. When Cato thought that they were asleep, he tore off the bandage with his hands without making any noise, opened the suture of the wound, enlarged it with his nails like a wild beast, plunged his fingers into his stomach, and tore out his entrails until he died, being then about fifty years of age. He was considered the most steadfast of all men in upholding any opinion that he had once espoused and in adhering to justice, rectitude, and morality, not as a matter of custom merely, but rather from high-souled considerations. He had married Marcia, the daughter of Philippus, when she was a virgin. He was extremely fond of her and had had children by her. Nevertheless, he gave her to Hortensius, one of his friends, — who desired to have children but was married to a barren wife, — until she bore a child to him also, when Cato took her back to his own house as though he had merely loaned her. Such a man was Cato. The Uticans gave him a magnificent funeral. Caesar said that Cato had envied him the opportunity for a deed of honor, but when Cicero pronounced an encomium on him which he styled the Cato, Caesar wrote an answer to it which he called the Anti-Cato.

Edition note

Plutarch gives a longer account of this affair, showing that it was attended by formalities in accord with Roman law. Marcia’s father was consulted, but her own consent seems not to have been needed. The criticism made upon it by Caesar in his Anti-Cato was not based upon moral considerations. He pointed to the fact that Hortensius, who was very wealthy, left his estate to Marcia in his will, and that Cato took her back as a rich widow, implying that it was a money—making transaction on his part.

Edition note

B.C. 47

Edition note

That is, an opportunity to pardon him. According to Plutarch Caesar said: O Cato, I envy thee thy death because thou did’st envy me my safety.

2.14.100 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.14.100

Ἰόβας δὲ καὶ Πετρήιος τῶν γιγνομένων πυνθανόμενοι καὶ οὐδεμίαν σφίσιν οὔτε φυγὴν οὔτε σωτηρίαν ἐπινοοῦντες, ἐπὶ τῇ διαίτῃ ξίφεσι διεχρήσαντο ἀλλήλους· καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν Ἰόβα Καῖσαρ ὑποτελῆ Ῥωμαίοις ἐποίησεν, αὐτῇ Σαλούστιον Κρίσπον ἐγκαταστήσας. Ἰτυκαίοις δὲ καὶ τῷ Κάτωνος υἱῷ συνεγίνωσκε· καὶ τὴν θυγατέρα τοῦ Πομπηίου μετὰ δύο παίδων αὐτῆς ἐν Ἰτύκῃ καταλαβὼν ἐξέπεμπε σώους τῷ νέῳ Πομπηίῳ. τῶν δὲ τριακοσίων ὅσους εὗρε διέφθειρεν. Λεύκιος δὲ Σκιπίων ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ χειμαζόμενος ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ καὶ πολεμίαις ναυσὶν ἐντυχὼν ἐφέρετο γενναίως, μέχρι καταλαμβανόμενος αὑτόν τε διεχρήσατο καὶ τὸ σῶμα μεθῆκεν ἐς τὸ πέλαγος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.14.100

Juba and Petreius, in view of the circumstances, perceiving no chance of flight or safety, slew each other with swords at a banquet. Caesar made Juba’s kingdom tributary to the Romans and appointed Sallustius Crispus its governor. He pardoned the Uticans and the son of Cato. He captured the daughter of Pompey together with her two children in Utica and sent them safe to young Pompey. Of the 300 he put to death all that he found. Lucius Scipio, the general-in-chief, was overtaken by a storm, and met a hostile fleet and bore himself bravely until he was overpowered, when he stabbed himself and leaped into the sea. This was the end of Caesar’s war in Africa.

Edition note

The 300 are those mentioned in Sec. 95 who were called the Senate. Suetonius (Jul. 75) says that only three of Caesar’s enemies lost their lives, except in battle, viz.: Afranius, Faustus Sylla, and young Lucius Caesar, and that it was thought that even these were put to death without Caesar’s consent.

2.15.101 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.15.101

τοῦτο μὲν δὴ καὶ τῷ περὶ Λιβύην Καίσαρος πολέμῳ τέλος ἐγίγνετο, αὐτὸς δʼ ἐπανελθὼν ἐς Ῥώμην ἐθριάμβευε τέσσαρας ὁμοῦ θριάμβους, ἐπί τε Γαλάταις, ὧν δὴ πολλὰ καὶ μέγιστα ἔθνη προσέλαβε καὶ ἀφιστάμενα ἄλλα ἐκρατύνατο, καὶ Ποντικὸν ἐπὶ Φαρνάκει καὶ Λιβυκὸν ἐπὶ Λιβύων τοῖς συμμαχήσασι τῷ Σκιπίωνι· ἔνθα καὶ Ἰόβα παῖς, Ἰόβας ὁ συγγραφεύς, βρέφος ὢν ἔτι παρήγετο. παρήγαγε δέ τινα καὶ τῆς ἀνὰ τὸν Νεῖλον ναυμαχίας θρίαμβον Αἰγύπτιον, μεταξὺ τοῦ Γαλατῶν καὶ Φαρνάκους. τὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίων φυλαξάμενος ἄρα, ὡς ἐμφύλια οὐκ ἐοικότα τε αὑτῷ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις αἰσχρὰ καὶ ἀπαίσια, ἐπιγράψαι θριάμβῳ, παρήνεγκεν ὅμως αὐτῶν ἐν τοῖσδε τὰ παθήματα ἅπαντα καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐν εἰκόσι καὶ ποικίλαις γραφαῖς, χωρίς γε Πομπηίου· τοῦτον γὰρ δὴ μόνον ἐφυλάξατο δεῖξαι, σφόδρα ἔτι πρὸς πάντων ἐπιποθούμενον. ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐπὶ μὲν τοῖς οἰκείοις κακοῖς, καίπερ δεδιώς, ἔστενε, καὶ μάλιστα, ὅτε ἴδοι Λεύκιόν τε Σκιπίωνα τὸν αὐτοκράτορα πλησσόμενον ἐς τὰ στέρνα ὑφʼ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ μεθιέμενον ἐς τὸ πέλαγος, ἢ Πετρήιον ἐπὶ διαίτῃ διαχρώμενον ἑαυτόν, ἢ Κάτωνα ὑφʼ ἑαυτοῦ διασπώμενον ὡς θηρίον· Ἀχιλλᾷ δʼ ἐφήσθησαν καὶ Ποθεινῷ καὶ τὴν Φαρνάκους φυγὴν ἐγέλασαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.15.101

When Caesar returned to Rome he had four triumphs together: one for his Gallic wars, in which he had added many great nations to the Roman sway and subdued others that had revolted; one for the Pontic war against Pharnaces; one for the war in Africa against the African allies of L. Scipio, in which the historian Juba (the son of King Juba), then an infant, was led a captive. Between the Gallic and the Pontic triumphs he introduced a kind of Egyptian triumph, in which he led some captives taken in the naval engagement on the Nile. Although he took care not to inscribe any Roman names in his triumph (as it would have been unseemly in his eyes and base and inauspicious in those of the Roman people to triumph over fellow-citizens), yet all these misfortunes were represented in the processions and the men also by various images and pictures, all except Pompey, the only one whom he did not venture to exhibit, since the latter was still greatly regretted by all. The people, although restrained by fear, groaned over their domestic ills, especially when they saw the picture of Lucius Scipio, the general-in-chief, wounded in the breast by his own hand, casting himself into the sea, and Petreius committing self-destruction at the banquet, and Cato torn open by himself like a wild beast. They applauded the death of Achillas and Pothinus, and laughed at the flight of Pharnaces.

Edition note

B.C. 46

Edition note

Plutarch says that Caesar enjoyed three triumphs at this time: the Egyptian, the Pontic, and the African, not over Scipio but probably over King Juba, whose son, still a boy, was led in the triumph, being most fortunate in his captivity since he was thus changed from a barbarous Numidian to one of the most learned of Greek writers.

2.15.102 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.15.102

χρήματα δʼ ἐν τοῖς θριάμβοις φασὶ παρενεχθῆναι μυριάδας ἓξ καὶ ἥμισυ ταλάντων καὶ στεφάνους δύο καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ δισχιλίους ἐπὶ τοῖς ὀκτακοσίοις ἀπὸ χρυσοῦ, ἕλκοντας ἐς δισμυρίας καὶ δεκατέσσαρας καὶ τετρακοσίας λίτρας. ἀφʼ ὧν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τῷ θριάμβῳ διένειμε, τὰ ὑπεσχημένα πάνθʼ ὑπερβάλλων, στρατιώτῃ μὲν ἀνὰ πεντακισχιλίας δραχμὰς Ἀττικάς, λοχαγῷ δʼ αὐτοῦ τὸ διπλάσιον καὶ χιλιάρχῃ καὶ ἱππάρχῃ τὸ ἔτι διπλάσιον καὶ τοῖς δημόταις ἑκάστῳ μνᾶν Ἀττικήν. ἐπέδωκε δὲ καὶ θέας ποικίλας ἵππων τε καὶ μουσικῆς καὶ πεζομαχίας ἀνδρῶν χιλίων πρὸς ἑτέρους χιλίους καὶ ἱππομαχίαν διακοσίων πρὸς ἴσους καὶ ἀναμὶξ ἄλλων πεζῶν τε καὶ ἱππέων ἀγῶνα ἐλεφάντων τε μάχην εἴκοσι πρὸς εἴκοσι καὶ ναυμαχίαν ἐρετῶν τετρακισχιλίων, ἐπιβεβηκότων ἐς μάχην χιλίων ἑκατέρωθεν. ἀνέστησε καὶ τῇ Γενετείρᾳ τὸν νεών, ὥσπερ εὔξατο μέλλων ἐν Φαρσάλῳ μαχεῖσθαι· καὶ τέμενος τῷ νεῲ περιέθηκεν, ὃ Ῥωμαίοις ἔταξεν ἀγορὰν εἶναι, οὐ τῶν ὠνίων, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ πράξεσι συνιόντων ἐς ἀλλήλους, καθὰ καὶ Πέρσαις ἦν τις ἀγορὰ ζητοῦσιν ἢ μανθάνουσι τὰ δίκαια. Κλεοπάτρας τε εἰκόνα καλὴν τῇ θεῷ παρεστήσατο, ἣ καὶ νῦν συνέστηκεν αὐτῇ. τὸ δὲ τοῦ δήμου πλῆθος ἀναγραψάμενος ἐς ἥμισυ λέγεται τῶν πρὸ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου γενομένων εὑρεῖν· ἐς τοσοῦτο καθεῖλεν ἡ τῶνδε φιλονικία τὴν πόλιν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.15.102

It is said that money to the amount of 60,500 talents [of silver] was borne in the procession and 2822 crowns of gold weighing 20,414 pounds, from which wealth Caesar made apportionments immediately after the triumph, paying the army all that he had promised and more. Each soldier received 5000 Attic drachmas, each centurion double, and each tribune of infantry and praefect of cavalry fourfold that sum. To each plebeian citizen also was given an Attic mina. He gave also various spectacles with horses and music, a combat of foot-soldiers, 1000 on each side, and a cavalry fight of 200 on each side. There was also another combat of horse and foot together. There was a combat of elephants, twenty against twenty, and a naval engagement of 4000 oarsmen, where 1000 fighting men contended on each side. He erected a temple to Venus, his ancestress, as he had vowed to do when he was about to begin the battle of Pharsalus, and he laid out ground around the temple which he intended to be a forum for the Roman people, not for buying and selling, but a meeting-place for the transaction of public business, like the public squares of the Persians, where the people assemble to seek justice or to learn the laws. He placed a beautiful image of Cleopatra by the side of the goddess, which stands there to this day. He caused an enumeration of the people to be made, and it is said that it was found to be only one-half of the number existing before this war. To such a degree had the rivalry of these two men reduced the city.

Edition note

The corresponding passage in Plutarch (Life of Cœsar, 55) says: After the games the census was taken and instead of the former 320,000 inhabitants the whole number amounted to 150,000. This seems incredible. A note on this passage in Langhorne’s Plutarch says that Rualdus has not only proved by other testimony that this is erroneous but has shown how the error came to be made. He says that Plutarch, for want of a thorough knowledge of Latin, was misled by a passage in Suetonius which says that Caesar made a new census (recensum) not in the usual manner or place (in the Campus Martius), but street by street, by means of the chief men of the tenement-house districts (insularum), and reduced the number of those receiving corn from the public stores from 320,000 to 150,000. The recensus was taken for the purpose of determining the number of persons entitled to receive public corn. The Epitome of Livy (CXV.) says: he took a new census (recensum) by which it was ascertained that the number of citizens (civium capita) was 150,000, meaning probably the number entitled to receive corn.

Edition note

Y.R. 709

2.15.103 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.15.103

αὐτὸς δὲ ἤδη τέταρτον ὑπατεύων ἐπὶ τὸν νέον Πομπήιον ἐστράτευεν ἐς Ἰβηρίαν, ὅσπερ αὐτῷ λοιπὸς ἦν ἔτι πόλεμος ἐμφύλιος, οὐκ εὐκαταφρόνητος· τῶν τε γὰρ ἀρίστων ὅσοι διεπεφεύγεσαν ἐκ Λιβύης, ἐκεῖ συνέδραμον, καὶ στρατὸς ὁ μὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς Λιβύης τε καὶ Φαρσάλου τοῖς ἡγεμόσι συνῆλθεν, ὁ δὲ ἐξ Ἰβήρων τε καὶ Κελτιβήρων, ἔθνους ἀλκίμου καὶ χαίροντος ἀεὶ μάχαις. πολὺς δὲ καὶ δούλων ὅμιλος ἐστρατεύετο τῷ Πομπηίῳ· καὶ τέταρτον ἔτος εἶχον ἐν τοῖς γυμνασίοις καὶ γνώμην ἕτοιμον ἀγωνίσασθαι μετὰ ἀπογνώσεως. ᾧ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα σφαλεὶς ὁ Πομπήιος οὐκ ἀνεβάλλετο τὴν μάχην, ἀλλʼ εὐθὺς ἐλθόντι τῷ Καίσαρι συνεμάχετο, καίτοι τῶν πρεσβυτέρων αὐτῷ παραινούντων ἐκ πείρας ὧν ἀμφί τε Φάρσαλον καὶ Λιβύην ἐπεπόνθεσαν, ἐκτρίβειν τῷ χρόνῳ τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ ἐς ἀπορίαν ὡς ἐν ἀλλοτρίᾳ γῇ περιφέρειν. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἧκε μὲν ἀπὸ Ῥώμης ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσιν ἡμέραις, βαρυτάτῳ στρατῶ μακροτάτην ὁδὸν ἐπελθών· δέος δʼ οἷον οὐ πρότερον ἐνέπιπτεν αὐτοῦ τῷ στρατῷ κατὰ δόξαν τῶν πολεμίων τοῦ τε πλήθους καὶ ἀσκήσεως καὶ ἀπογνώσεως.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.15.103

Caesar, now in his fourth consulship, marched against young Pompeius in Spain. This was all that was left of the civil war, but it was not to be despised, for such of the nobility as had escaped from Africa had assembled here. The army was composed of soldiers from Pharsalus and Africa itself, who had come hither with their leaders, and of Spaniards and Celtiberians, a strong and warlike race. There was a great number of emancipated slaves also in Pompeius’ camp. All had been under discipline four years and were ready to fight with desperation. Pompeius was misled by this fact and did not postpone the battle, but engaged Caesar straightway on his arrival, although the older ones, who had learned by experience at Pharsalus and Africa, advised him to wear Caesar out by delay and reduce him to want, as he was in a hostile country. Caesar made the journey from Rome in twenty-seven days, coming with a heavily-laden army by a very long route. Fear fell upon his soldiers as never before, in consequence of the reports received of the numbers, the discipline, and the desperate valor of the enemy.

Edition note

B.C. 45

2.15.104 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.15.104

διʼ ἃ καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτὸς ἐβράδυνεν, ἔστε πού τι αὐτῷ κατασκεπτομένῳ προσπελάσας ὁ Πομπήιος ὠνείδισεν ἐς δειλίαν. καὶ τὸ ὄνειδος οὐκ ἐνεγκὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐξέτασσε παρὰ πόλιν Κορδύβην, σύνθημα καὶ τότε δοὺς Ἀφροδίτην· ἔδωκε δὲ καὶ ὁ Πομπήιος Εὐσέβειαν. ὡς δὲ καὶ συνιόντων ἤδη τοῦ Καίσαρος στρατοῦ τὸ δέος ἥπτετο καὶ ὄκνος ἐπεγίγνετο τῷ φόβῳ, θεοὺς πάντας ὁ Καῖσαρ ἱκέτευε, τὰς χεῖρας ἐς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνίσχων, μὴ ἑνὶ πόνῳ τῷδε πολλὰ καὶ λαμπρὰ ἔργα μιῆναι, καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐπιθέων παρεκάλει τό τε κράνος τῆς κεφαλῆς ἀφαιρῶν ἐς πρόσωπον ἐδυσώπει καὶ προύτρεπεν. οἱ δὲ οὐδʼ ὥς τι μετέβαλλον ἀπὸ τοῦ δέους, ἕως ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτὸς ἁρπάσας τινὸς ἀσπίδα καὶ τοῖς ἀμφʼ αὐτὸν ἡγεμόσιν εἰπών· ἔσται τοῦτο τέλος ἐμοί τε τοῦ βίου καὶ ὑμῖν τῶν στρατειῶν, προύδραμε τῆς τάξεως ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον, ὡς μόνους αὐτῶν ἀποσχεῖν δέκα πόδας καὶ διακόσια αὐτῷ δόρατα ἐπιβληθῆναι καὶ τούτων τὰ μὲν αὐτὸν ἐκκλῖναι, τὰ δὲ ἐς τὴν ἀσπίδα ἀναδέξασθαι. τότε γὰρ δὴ τῶν τε ἡγεμόνων προθέων ἕκαστος ἵστατο παρʼ αὐτόν, καὶ ὁ στρατὸς ἅπας ἐμπεσὼν μετὰ ὁρμῆς ὅλην ἠγωνίζετο τὴν ἡμέραν, προύχων τε καὶ ἡττώμενος αἰεὶ παρὰ μέρος, μέχρις ἐς ἑσπέραν μόλις ἐνίκησεν, ὅτε καὶ φασὶν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν, ὅτι πολλάκις μὲν ἀγωνίσαιτο περὶ νίκης, νῦν δὲ καὶ περὶ ψυχῆς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.15.104

For this reason Caesar himself also was ready to move slowly until Pompeius approached him at a certain place where he was reconnoitering and accused him of cowardice. Caesar could not endure this reproach. He drew up his forces for battle near Corduba and then, too, gave Venus for his watchword. Pompeius, on the other hand, gave Piety for his. When battle was joined fear seized upon Caesar’s army and hesitation was joined to fear. Caesar, lifting his hands toward heaven, implored all the gods that his many glorious deeds be not stained by this single disaster. He ran up and encourged his soldiers. He took his helmet off his head and shamed them to their faces and exhorted them. As they abated nothing of their fear he seized a shield from a soldier and said to the officers around him, This shall be the end of my life and of your military service. Then he sprang forward in advance of his line of battle toward the enemy so far that he was only ten feet distant from them. Some 200 missiles were aimed at him, some of which he dodged while others were caught on his shield. Then each of the tribunes ran toward him and took position by his side, and the whole army rushed forward and fought the entire day, advancing and retreating by turns until, toward evening, Caesar with difficulty won the victory. It was reported that he said that he had often fought for victory, but that this time he had fought even for existence.

Edition note

The modern Cordova. The unknown author of the Commentaries on Caesar’s war in Spain places this engagement on the plain of Munda, (in campum Mundensem). Plutarch, Florus, Lucan, and the Epitome of Livy say Munda. It is doubtful, however, whether this was the Munda shown on the maps as the site of the modern Monda. The text of the Commentaries, describing the operations following the battle, implies that it was much nearer to Corduba than the present Monda is to Cordova.

Edition note

Here we find one of those parallel passages in Plutarch — parallel in language as well as in idea — which suggest that both Plutarch and Appian drew from a common Greek, not Latin, source. Plutarch quotes the saying of Caesar: πολλάκις μὲν ἀγωνίσαιτο περὶ νίκης νῦν δὲ πρῶτον περὶ ψυχῆς (Life of Caesar, 56), which is the same as the text of Appian, except that the latter has καὶ in place of πρῶτον.

2.15.105 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.15.105

φόνου δὲ πολλοῦ γενομένου καὶ φυγῆς τῶν Πομπηίου στρατιωτῶν ἐς τὴν Κορδύβην, ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ, ἵνα μὴ διαφυγόντες οἱ πολέμιοι πάλιν ἐς μάχην παρασκευάσαιντο, ἐκέλευε τὸν στρατὸν ἐκτειχίσαι τὴν Κορδύβην, οἱ δὲ κάμνοντες τοῖς γεγονόσι τά τε σώματα καὶ τὰ ὅπλα τῶν ἀνῃρημένων ἐπεφορουν ἀλλήλοις καὶ δόρασιν αὐτὰ διαπηγνύντες ἐς τὴν γῆν ἐπὶ τοιοῦδε τείχους ηὐλίσαντο. τῆς δʼ ἐπιούσης ἑάλω μὲν ἡ πόλις, τῶν δὲ ἡγεμόνων τοῦ Πομπηίου Σκάπλας μὲν νήσας πυρὰν ἑαυτὸν ἐνέπρησεν, Οὐάρου δὲ καὶ Λαβιηνοῦ καὶ ἑτέρων ἀνδρῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἐκομίσθησαν αἱ κεφαλαὶ Καίσαρι. Πομπήιος δʼ αὐτὸς διέφυγε μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ἥττης σὺν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα ἱππεῦσιν ἐπὶ Καρθαίας, ἔνθα αὐτῷ νεῶν στόλος ἦν, καὶ παρῆλθεν ἐς τὰ νεώρια λαθὼν ὥς τις ἰδιώτης, φορείῳ κομιζόμενος· ὁρῶν δὲ καὶ τούτους ἀπογιγνώσκοντας ἑαυτῶν ἔδεισε περὶ ἐκδόσεως καὶ ἔφευγεν αὖθις, ἐπιβαίνων σκάφους. ἐμπλακέντα δʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν πόδα καλῳδίῳ, κόπτων τις τὸ καλώδιον ξιφιδίῳ, τὸν ταρσὸν ἔτεμεν ἀντὶ τοῦ καλωδίου τοῦ ποδός· καὶ διαπλεύσας ἔς τι χωρίον ἐθεραπεύετο. ζητούμενος δὲ κἀνταῦθα ἔφευγε διὰ δυσβάτου καὶ ἀκανθώδους ὁδοῦ, τὸ τραῦμα περικεντούμενος, μέχρι κάμνων ὑπό τι δένδρον ἐκαθέζετο καὶ τῶν ζητητῶν ἐπιπεσόντων οὐκ ἀγεννῶς αὐτοὺς ἀμυνόμενος κατεκόπη. τοῦδε μὲν δὴ τὴν κεφαλὴν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐνεχθεῖσάν οἱ προσέταξέ τινι θάψαι, καὶ ὁ πόλεμος ἑνὶ ἔργῳ καὶ ὅδε παρὰ δόξαν ἐλέλυτο· τοὺς δʼ ἐξ αὐτοῦ διαφυγόντας ἤθροιζεν ὁ τοῦδε τοῦ Πομπηίου νεώτερος ἀδελφός, Πομπήιος μὲν καὶ ὅδε ὤν, Σέξστος δὲ καλούμενος τῷ προτέρῳ τῶν ὀνομάτων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.15.105

After a great slaughter the Pompeians fled to Corduba, and Caesar, in order to prevent the fugitives from preparing for another battle, ordered a siege of that place. The soldiers, wearied with toil, piled the bodies and arms of the slain together, fastened them to the earth with spears, and encamped behind this kind of a wall. On the following day the city was taken. Scapula, one of the Pompeian leaders, erected a funeral pile on which he consumed himself. The heads of Varus, Labienus, and other distinguished men were brought to Caesar. Pompeius himself fled from the scene of his defeat with 150 horsemen toward Carteia, where he had a fleet, and entered the dockyard secretly as a private individual borne in a litter. When he saw that the men here despaired of their safety he feared lest he should be delivered up, and took to flight again. While going on board a small boat his foot was caught by a rope, and a man who attempted to cut the rope with his sword cut the sole of his foot instead. So he sailed to a certain place for medical treatment. Being pursued thither he fled by a rough and thorny road that aggravated his wound, until fagged out he took a seat under a tree. Here his pursuers came upon him and he was cut down while defending himself bravely. His head was brought to Caesar who gave orders for its burial. Thus this war also, contrary to expectation, was brought to an end in one battle. A younger brother of this Pompeius, also named Pompeius but called by his first name, Sextus, collected those who escaped from this fight; but as yet he kept moving about in concealment and lived by robbery.

Edition note

The writer of the Commentaries says that Labienus and Varus were killed in the battle of Munda, and that their funeral obsequies were performed where they fell.

2.16.106 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.16.106

ἀλλʼ ὅδε μὲν ἔτι λανθάνων καὶ διαδιδράσκων ἐλῄστευεν, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐς Ῥώμην ἠπείγετο, τὰ ἐμφύλια πάντα καθελών, ἐπὶ φόβου καὶ δόξης, οἵας οὔ τις πρὸ τοῦ· ὅθεν αὐτῷ τιμαὶ πᾶσαι, ὅσαι ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπον, ἀμέτρως ἐς χάριν ἐπενοοῦντο, θυσιῶν τε πέρι καὶ ἀγώνων καὶ ἀναθημάτων ἐν πᾶσιν ἱεροῖς καὶ δημοσίοις χωρίοις, ἀνὰ φυλὴν ἑκάστην καὶ ἐν ἔθνεσιν ἅπασι, καὶ ἐν βασιλεῦσιν, ὅσοι Ῥωμαίοις φίλοι. σχήματά τε ἐπεγράφετο ταῖς εἰκόσι ποικίλα, καὶ στέφανος ἐκ δρυὸς ἦν ἐπʼ ἐνίαις ὡς σωτῆρι τῆς πατρίδος, ᾧ πάλαι τοὺς ὑπερασπίσαντας ἐγέραιρον οἱ περισωθέντες. ἀνερρήθη δὲ καὶ πατὴρ πατρίδος, καὶ δικτάτωρ ἐς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ βίον ᾑρέθη καὶ ὕπατος ἐς δέκα ἔτη, καὶ τὸ σῶμα ἱερὸς καὶ ἄσυλος εἶναι καὶ χρηματίζειν ἐπὶ θρόνων ἐλεφαντίνων τε καὶ χρυσέων, καὶ θύειν μὲν αὐτὸν αἰεὶ θριαμβικῶς ἠμφιεσμένον, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἀνὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον, αἷς αὐτὸς ἡμέραις ἐν παρατάξεσιν ἐνίκα, ἱερέας δὲ καὶ ἱερείας ἀνὰ πενταετὲς εὐχὰς δημοσίας ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ τίθεσθαι, καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς εὐθὺς καθισταμένας ὀμνύναι μηδενὶ τῶν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ὁριζομένων ἀντιπράξειν. ἔς τε τιμὴν τῆς γενέσεως αὐτοῦ τὸν Κυϊντίλιον μῆνα Ἰούλιον ἀντὶ Κυϊντιλίου μετωνόμασαν εἶναι. καὶ νεὼς ἐψηφίσαντο πολλοὺς αὐτῷ γενέσθαι καθάπερ θεῷ καὶ κοινὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ Ἐπιεικείας, ἀλλήλους δεξιουμένων· οὕτως ἐδεδοίκεσαν μὲν ὡς δεσπότην, εὔχοντο δὲ σφίσιν ἐπιεικῆ γενέσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.16.106

Having ended the civil wars Caesar hastened to Rome, honored and feared as no one had ever been before. All kinds of honors were devised for his gratification without stint, even such as were superhuman — sacrifices, games, statues in all the temples and public places, by every tribe, by all the provinces, and by the kings in alliance with Rome. His likeness was painted in various forms, in some cases crowned with oak as the savior of his country, by which crown the citizens were accustomed formerly to reward those to whom they owed their safety. He was proclaimed the Father of his Country and chosen dictator for life and consul for ten years, and his person was declared sacred and inviolable. It was decreed that he should transact business on a throne of ivory and gold; that he should perform his sacerdotal functions always in triumphal costume; that each year the city should celebrate the days on which he had won his victories; that every five years the priests and Vestal virgins should offer up public prayers for his safety; and that the magistrates immediately upon their inauguration should take an oath not to oppose any of Caesar’s decrees. In honor of his gens the name of the month Quintilis was changed to July. Many temples were decreed to him as to a god, and one was dedicated in common to him and the goddess Clemency, who were represented as clasping hands.

2.16.107 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.16.107

εἰσὶ δʼ οἳ καὶ βασιλέα προσειπεῖν ἐπενόουν, μέχρι μαθὼν αὐτὸς ἀπηγόρευσε καὶ ἠπείλησεν ὡς ἀθέμιστον ὄνομα μετὰ τὴν τῶν προγόνων ἀράν. σπεῖραι δʼ ὅσαι στρατηγίδες αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν πολέμων ἔτι ἐσωματοφυλάκουν, ἀπέστησε τῆς φυλακῆς καὶ μετὰ τῆς δημοσίας ὑπηρεσίας ἐπεφαίνετο μόνης. ὧδε δʼ ἔχοντι καὶ χρηματίζοντι πρὸ τῶν ἐμβόλων, τὸ ψήφισμα τῶν προλελεγμένων τιμῶν ἡ βουλή, τῶν ὑπάτων ἡγουμένων, ἐν κόσμῳ τῷ πρέποντι ἑκάστῳ προσέφερον. ὁ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐδεξιοῦτο μέν, οὐχ ὑπανέστη δὲ προσιοῦσιν οὐδʼ ἐπιμένουσιν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς διαβάλλουσιν αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν τῆς βασιλικῆς προσηγορίας καὶ τόδε παρέσχε. τὰς δὲ ἄλλας τιμὰς χωρὶς τῆς δεκαετοῦς ὑπατείας προσέμενος ὑπάτους ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἀπέφηνεν αὑτόν τε καὶ Ἀντώνιον, τὸν ἵππαρχον ἑαυτοῦ, Λεπίδῳ προστάξας ἱππαρχεῖν ἀντὶ τοῦ Ἀντωνίου, ἄρχοντι μὲν Ἰβηρίας, ἡγεμονεύοντι δʼ αὐτῆς διὰ φίλων. κατεκάλει δὲ καὶ τοὺς φεύγοντας ὁ Καῖσαρ, πλὴν εἴ τις ἐπὶ ἀνηκέστοις ἔφσυγε· καὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς διηλλάσσετο καὶ τῶν πεπολεμηκότων οἱ πολλοὺς προῆγεν ἀθρόως ἐς ἐτησίους ἀρχὰς ἢ ἐς ἐθνῶν ἢ στρατοπέδων ἡγεμονίας. ᾧ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα ὑπαχθεὶς ὁ δῆμος ἤλπιζε καὶ τὴν δημοκρατίαν αὐτὸν αὑτοῖς ἀποδώσειν, καθάπερ Σύλλας ἐς ἴσον αὐτῷ δυναστεύσας ἐποίησεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.16.107

Thus while they feared his power they besought his clemency. There were some who proposed to give him the title of king, but when he learned of their purpose he forbade it with threats, saying that it was an inauspicious name by reason of the curse of their ancestors. He dismissed the praetorian cohorts that had served as his bodyguard during the wars, and showed himself with the ordinary public attendance only. To him in this state and while he was transacting business in front of the rostra, the Senate, preceded by the consuls, each one in his robes of office, brought the decree awarding him the honors aforesaid. He extended his hand to them, but did not rise when they approached nor while they remained there, which afforded his slanderers a pretext for accusing him of wishing to be greeted as a king. He accepted all the honors conferred upon him except the ten-year consulship. As consuls for the ensuing year he designated himself and Antony, his master of horse, and he appointed Lepidus, who was then governor of Spain, but was administering it by his friends, master of horse in place of Antony. Caesar also recalled the exiles, except those who were banished for some very grave offence. He pardoned his enemies and forthwith advanced many of those who had fought against him to the yearly magistracies, or to the command of provinces and armies. Therefore the wearied people especially hoped that he would restore the republic to them as Sulla did after he had grasped the same power. But in this they were disappointed.

Edition note

Plutarch says that his friends advised him to have a body-guard and many of them offered their services in this capacity, but he refused, saying that it was better to die once than to be always afraid of death. (Life of Cœsar, 57.) Velleius records the same fact. (ii. 57.)

Edition note

Caesar had a clear conception of facts when he said, according to Suetonius, the republic is a mere name without substance or semblance. Sulla did not know his A B C’s (nescisse litteras) when he laid down the dictatorship. (Jul. 77.)

Edition note

Y.R. 710

2.16.108 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.16.108

ἀλλὰ τοῦδε μὲν ἐσφάλησαν, εἰκόνα δʼ αὐτοῦ τις τῶν ὑπερεθιζόντων τὸ λογοποίημα τῆς βασιλείας ἐστεφάνωσε δάφναις, ἀναπεπλεγμένης ταινίας λευκῆς· καὶ αὐτὸν οἱ δήμαρχοι Μάρυλλός τε καὶ Καισήτιος ἀνευρόντες ἐς τὴν φυλακὴν ἐσέβαλον, ὑποκρινάμενοί τι καὶ τῷ Καίσαρι χαρίζεσθαι, προαπειλήσαντι τοῖς περὶ βασιλείας λέγουσιν. ὁ δὲ τοῦτο μὲν ἤνεγκεν εὐσταθῶς, ἑτέρων δʼ αὐτὸν ἀμφὶ τὰς πύλας ἰόντα ποθὲν βασιλέα προσειπόντων καὶ τοῦ δήμου στενάξαντος, εὐμηχάνως εἶπε τοῖς ἀσπασαμένοις· οὐκ εἰμὶ Βασιλεύς, ἀλλὰ Καῖσαρ, ὡς δὴ περὶ τὸ ὄνομα ἐσφαλμένοις. οἱ δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Μάρυλλον καὶ τῶνδε τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὸν ἀρξάμενον ἐξεῦρον καὶ τοῖς ὑπηρέταις ἐκέλευον ἄγειν ἐς δίκην ἐπὶ τὸ ἀρχεῖον αὑτῶν. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐκέτι ἐνεγκὼν κατηγόρησεν ἐπὶ τῆς βουλῆς τῶν περὶ τὸν Μάρυλλον ὡς ἐπιβουλευόντων οἱ μετὰ τέχνης ἐς τυραννίδος διαβολήν, καὶ ἐπήνεγκεν ἀξίους μὲν αὐτοὺς εἶναι θανάτου, μόνης δʼ αὐτοὺς ἀφαιρεῖσθαι καὶ παραλύειν τῆς τε ἀρχῆς καὶ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου. ὃ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα αὐτὸν διέβαλεν ὡς ἐπιθυμοῦντα τῆς ἐπικλήσεως καὶ τὰς ἐς τοῦτο πείρας καθιέντα καὶ τυραννικὸν ὅλως γεγονότα· ἥ τε γὰρ πρόφασις τῆς κολάσεως περὶ τῆς βασιλικῆς ἐπωνυμίας ἦν, ἥ τε τῶν δημάρχων ἀρχὴ ἱερὰ καὶ ἄσυλος ἦν ἐκ νόμου καὶ ὅρκου παλαιοῦ· τήν τε ὀργὴν ὀξεῖαν ἐποίει τὸ μηδʼ ἀναμεῖναι τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ ὑπόλοιπον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.16.108

Some person among those who wished to spread the report of his desire to be king placed a crown of laurel on his statue, bound with a white fillet. The tribunes, Marullus and Caesetius, sought out this person and put him in prison, pretending to gratify Caesar in this way, as he had threatened any who should talk about making him king. Caesar was well satisfied with their action. Some others who met him at the city gates as he was returning from some place greeted him as king, and when the people groaned, he said with happy readiness to those who had thus saluted him, I am no king, I am Caesar, as though they had mistaken his name. The attendants of Marullus found out which man began the shouting and ordered the officers to bring him to trial before his tribunal. Caesar was at last vexed and accused the faction of Marullus before the Senate of conspiring to make him odious by artfully accusing him of aiming at royalty. He added that they were deserving of death, but that it would be sufficient if they were deprived of their office and expelled from the Senate. Thus he confirmed the suspicion that he desired the title, and that he was privy to the attempts to confer it upon him, and that his tyranny was already complete; for the cause of their punishment was their zeal against the title of king, and, moreover, the office of tribune was sacred and inviolable according to law and the ancient oath. By not waiting for the expiration of their office he sharpened the public indignation.

Edition note

B.C. 44

2.16.109 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.16.109

ὧν καὶ αὐτὸς αἰσθανόμενος καὶ μετανοῶν καὶ τόδε πρῶτον ἡγούμενος ἄνευ πολεμικῆς ἀρχῆς ἐν εἰρήνῃ βαρὺ καὶ δυσχερὲς διαπεπρᾶχθαι, λέγεται τοῖς φίλοις αὑτὸν ἐντείλασθαι φυλάσσειν ὡς δεδωκότα τοῖς ἐχθροῖς λαβὴν ζητοῦσι καθʼ αὑτοῦ. πυθομένων δʼ ἐκείνων, εἰ συγχωρεῖ πάλιν αὐτὸν σωματοφυλακεῖν τὰς Ἰβηρικὰς σπείρας, οὐδὲν ἀτυχέστερον, ἔφη, διηνεκοῦς φυλακῆς· ἔστι γὰρ αἰεὶ δεδιότος. οὐ μὴν αἵ γε περὶ τῆς βασιλείας πεῖραι κατεπαύοντο οὐδʼ ὥς, ἀλλὰ θεώμενον αὐτὸν ἐν ἀγορᾷ τὰ Λουπερκάλια ἐπὶ θρόνου χρυσέου, πρὸ τῶν ἐμβόλων, Ἀντώνιος ὑπατεύων σὺν αὐτῷ Καίσαρι καὶ διαθέων τότε γυμνὸς ἀληλιμμένος, ὥσπερ εἰώθασιν οἱ τῆσδε τῆς ἑορτῆς ἱερέες, ἐπὶ τὰ ἔμβολα ἀναδραμὼν ἐστεφάνωσε διαδήματι. κρότου δὲ πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν παρʼ ὀλίγων γενομένου καὶ στόνου παρὰ τῶν πλειόνων, ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀπέρριψε τὸ διάδημα. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος αὖθις ἐπέθηκε, καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ αὖθις ἀπερρίπτει. καὶ ὁ δῆμος διεριζόντων μὲν ἔτι ἡσύχαζε, μετέωρος ὤν, ὅπῃ τελευτήσειε τὸ γιγνόμενον, ἐπικρατήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἀνεβόησαν ἥδιστον καὶ αὐτὸν ἅμα εὐφήμουν οὐ προσέμενον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.16.109

When Caesar perceived this he repented, and, reflecting that this was the first severe and arbitrary act that he had done without military authority and in time of peace, it is said that he ordered his friends to protect him, since he had given his enemies the handle they were seeking against him. But when they asked him if he would bring together again his Spanish cohorts as a body-guard, he said, There is nothing more unlucky than perpetual watching; that is the part of one who is always afraid. Nor were the attempts to claim royal honors for him brought to an end even thus, for, while he was in the forum looking at the games of the Lupercal, seated on his golden chair before the rostra, Antony, his colleague in the consulship, who was running naked and anointed, as was the priests’ custom at that festival, sprang upon the rostra and put a diadem on his head. At this sight some few clapped their hands, but the greater number groaned, and Caesar threw off the diadem. Antony again put it on him and again Caesar threw it off. While they were thus contending the people remained silent, being in suspense to see how it would end. When they saw that Caesar prevailed they shouted for joy, and at the same time applauded him because he did not accept it.

Edition note

At the Lupercalia the priests of Pan (Luperci) ran through the city naked, except for a goatskin tied about the loins, bearing a strap cut from the hide of the sacrificial goat, with which they slapped married women who placed themselves in the way. This was supposed to be a cure for barrenness.

Edition note

Suetonius, Velleius, Plutarch, and Cicero in his second Philippic mention this affair. Plutarch says that Antony offered the diadem to Caesar three times. Suetonius says several times. Velleius says that he put it away, but in such a manner that he did not seem offended. The words that Shakespeare puts in the mouth of Casca in the play of Julius Cœsar (Act 1, Sc. 2), were evidently taken from Plutarch and Velleius.

2.16.110 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.16.110

ὁ δέ, εἴτε ἀπογνούς, εἴτε κάμνων καὶ ἐκκλίνων ἤδη τήνδε τὴν πεῖραν ἢ διαβολήν, εἴτε τισὶν ἐχθροῖς τῆς πόλεως ἀφιστάμενος, εἴτε νόσημα τοῦ σώματος θεραπεύων, ἐπιληψίαν καὶ σπασμὸν αἰφνίδιον ἐμπίπτοντα αὐτῷ μάλιστα παρὰ τὰς ἀργίας, ἐπενόει στρατείαν μακρὰν ἔς τε Γέτας καὶ Παρθυαίους, Γέταις μὲν αὐστηρῷ καὶ φιλοπολέμῳ καὶ γείτονι ἔθνει προεπιβουλεύων, Παρθυαίους δὲ τινύμενος τῆς ἐς Κράσσον παρασπονδήσεως. στρατιὰν δὴ προύπεμπεν ἤδη τὸν Ἰόνιον περᾶν, ἑκκαίδεκα τέλη πεζῶν καὶ ἱππέας μυρίους. καὶ λόγος ἄλλος ἐφοίτα, Σιβύλλειον εἶναι προαγόρευμα μὴ πρὶν ὑπακούσεσθαι Ῥωμαίοις Παρθυαίους, εἰ μὴ βασιλεὺς αὐτοῖς ἐπιστρατεύσειε. καί τινες ἀπὸ τοῦδε ἐτόλμων λέγειν, ὅτι χρὴ Ῥωμαίων μὲν αὐτόν, ὥσπερ ἦν, δικτάτορα καὶ αὐτοκράτορα καλεῖν καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς ἀντὶ βασιλείας ὀνόματα, τῶν δὲ ἐθνῶν, ὅσα Ῥωμαίοις ὑπήκοα, ἄντικρυς ἀνειπεῖν βασιλέα. ὁ δὲ καὶ τόδε παρῃτεῖτο καὶ τὴν ἔξοδον ὅλως ἐπετάχυνεν, ἐπίφθονος ὢν ἐν τῇ πόλει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.16.110

And now Caesar, either renouncing his hope, or tired out, and wishing to avoid the plot and accusation, or giving up the city to certain of his enemies, or to cure his bodily ailment of epilepsy and convulsions, which came upon him suddenly and especially when he was inactive, conceived the idea of a long campaign against the Getae and the Parthians. The Getae, a hardy, warlike, and neigh-boring nation, were to be attacked first. The Parthians were to be punished for their perfidy toward Crassus. He sent across the Adriatic in advance sixteen legions of foot and 10,000 horse. And now another rumor gained currency that the Sibylline books had predicted that the Parthians would never submit to the Romans until the latter should be commanded by a king. For this reason some people ventured to say that Caesar ought to be called dictator and emperor of the Romans, as he was in fact, or whatever other name they might prefer to that of king, and that he ought to be distinctly named king of the nations that were subject to the Romans. Caesar declined this also, and was wholly engaged in hastening his departure from the city in which he was exposed to such envy.

2.16.111 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.16.111

ἐξιέναι δʼ αὐτὸν μέλλοντα πρὸ τετάρτης ἡμέρας οἱ ἐχθροὶ κατέκανον ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ, εἴτε διὰ ζῆλον εὐτυχίας τε καὶ δυνάμεως ὑπερόγκου πάνυ γενομένης, εἴθʼ, ὡς ἔφασκον αὐτοί, τῆς πατρίου πολιτείας ἐπιθυμίᾳ, εὖ γὰρ ᾔδεσαν αὐτόν, μὴ καὶ τάδε τὰ ἔθνη προσλαβὼν ἀναμφιλόγως γένοιτο βασιλεύς. ταύτης δὲ σκοπῶν ἡγοῦμαι τῆς προσθήκης ἀφορμὴν λαβεῖν ἐγχειρήσεως, ἐς ὄνομα μόνον αὐτοῖς διαφερούσης, ἔργῳ δὲ καὶ τοῦ δικτάτορος ὄντος ἀκριβῶς βασιλέως. συνεστήσαντο δὲ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν μάλιστα δύο ἄνδρε, Μᾶρκός τε Βροῦτος, ὁ Καιπίων ἐπίκλην, Βρούτου τοῦ κατὰ Σύλλαν ἀνῃρημένου παῖς αὐτῷ τε Καίσαρι προσφυγὼν ἐκ τοῦ κατὰ Φάρσαλον ἀτυχήματος, καὶ Γάιος Κάσσιος, ὁ τὰς τριήρεις κατὰ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐγχειρίσας τῷ Καίσαρι, οἵδε μὲν ἄμφω τῆς Πομπηίου μοίρας γεγονότε, τῶν δʼ αὐτῷ Καίσαρι φιλτάτων Δέκμος Βροῦτος Ἀλβῖνος, ἅπαντες αἰεὶ παρὰ Καίσαρι τιμῆς καὶ πίστεως χρηματίζοντες ἄξιοι· οἷς γε καὶ πράξεις ἐνεχείρισε μεγίστας καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν ἐν Λιβύῃ πόλεμον ἀπιὼν στρατεύματα ἔδωκε καὶ τὴν Κελτικὴν ἐπέτρεψε, τὴν μὲν ὑπὲρ Ἄλπεων Δέκμῳ, τὴν δʼ ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων Βρούτῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.16.111

Four days before his intended departure he was slain by his enemies in the senate-house, either from jealousy of his fortune and power, now grown to enormous proportions, or, as they themselves alleged, from a desire to restore the republic of their fathers; for they well knew that if he should conquer those nations he would be a king without a doubt. But I think that they took, as a pretext for their own design, this plan for an additional title, which really made no difference to them except in name, for in fact a dictator is exactly the same as a king. Chief among the conspirators were two men, Marcus Brutus, surnamed Caepio (son of the Brutus who was put to death during the Sullan revolution), who had sided with Caesar after the disaster of Pharsalus, and Gaius Cassius, the one who had surrendered his triremes to Caesar in the Hellespont, both having been of Pompey’s party. Among the conspirators also was Decimus Brutus Albinus, one of Caesar’s dearest friends. All of them had been held in honor and trust by Caesar at all times. He had employed them in the largest affairs. When he went to the war in Africa he gave them the command of armies, putting Decimus Brutus in charge of Transalpine, and Marcus Brutus of Cisalpine, Gaul.

Edition note

I have followed Schweighäuser’s Latin rendering of this passage, although it is not free from objection. The Didot version is: or, as they alleged, from a desire to restore the republic (for they knew Caesar well), lest, if he should conquer those nations also, he should presently become king of the Romans without a doubt. Geslen considered the passage corrupt and substituted ἔδεισαν (they feared) for ᾔδεσαν (they knew) in the text. Tollius curiously adopted Geslen’s Latin version, but adhered to the original text.

Edition note

This is another troublesome sentence. Schweighäuser says that the older translators dodged the difficulty by ignoring the words σκοπὸν and προσθήκης, for which he gives the Latin equivalent propositum illius accessionis. The latter interpretation is followed in the Didot edition, although Schweighäuser himself preferred the participle σκοπῶν (contemplating) instead of the noun σκοπὸν (a plan). The Augsburg codex reads σκοπῶν and this would make Appian say: I think upon reflection, etc.

2.16.112 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.16.112

μέλλοντες δὲ ὁμοῦ τότε τῆς πόλεως στρατηγήσειν ὁ Βροῦτος καὶ ὁ Κάσσιος ἐς ἀλλήλους διήριζον περὶ τῆς καλουμένης πολιτικῆς στρατηγίας, ἣ τῶν ἄλλων προτιμᾶται, εἴτε τῷ ὄντι φιλοτιμούμενοι περὶ αὐτήν, εἴθʼ ὑπόκρισις ἦν τοῦ μὴ πάντα συμπράσσειν ἀλλήλοις νομίζεσθαι. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτοῖς διαιτῶν λέγεται πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἰπεῖν, ὡς τὰ μὲν δίκαια Κάσσιος ἀποφαίνοι, Βρούτῳ δʼ αὐτὸς χαρίζοιτο· τοσῇδε ἐν ἅπασιν εὐνοίᾳ καὶ τιμῇ πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα ἐχρῆτο. καὶ γὰρ αὐτῷ καὶ παῖς ἐνομίζετο εἶναι, Σερουιλίας τῆς Κάτωνος ἀδελφῆς ἐρασθείσης τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὅτε ὁ Βροῦτος ἐγίγνετο. διὸ καὶ νικῶν ἐν Φαρσάλῳ μετὰ σπουδῆς λέγεται τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν εἰπεῖν Βροῦτον, ὅπῃ δύναιντο, περισῴζειν. ἀλλʼ εἴτε ἀχάριστος ὢν ὁ Βροῦτος, εἴτε τὰ τῆς μητρὸς ἁμαρτήματα ἀγνοῶν ἢ ἀπιστῶν ἢ αἰδούμενος, εἴτε φιλελεύθερος ὢν ἄγαν καὶ τὴν πατρίδα προτιμῶν, εἴθʼ ὅτι ἔκγονος ὢν Βρούτον τοῦ πάλαι τοὺς βασιλέας ἐξελάσαντος ἐρεθιζόμενος καὶ ὀνειδιζόμενος μάλιστα ἐς τοῦτο ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου (πολλὰ γὰρ τοῖς ἀνδριᾶσι τοῦ πάλαι Βρούτου καὶ τῷ δικαστηρίῳ τοῦδε τοῦ Βρούτου τοιάδε ἐπεγράφετο λάθρᾳ· Βροῦτε δωροδοκεῖς; Βροῦτε νεκρὸς εἶ; ἤ ὤφελές γε νῦν περιεῖναι ἤ ἀνάξιά σου τὰ ἔκγονα ἤ οὐδʼ ἔκγονος εἶ σὺ τοῦδε), ταῦτα καὶ τοιουτότροπα ἄλλα πολλὰ τὸν νεανίαν ἐξέκαυσεν ἐπὶ τὸ ἔργον ὡς ἑαυτοῦ προγονικόν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.16.112

Brutus and Cassius, who had been designated as praetors at the same time, had a controversy with each other as to which of them should be the city praetor, this being the place of highest honor, either because they were really ambitious of the distinction or as a pretence so that they might not seem to have a common understanding with each other. Caesar, who was chosen umpire between them, is reported to have said to his friends that justice seemed to be on the side of Cassius, but that he must nevertheless favor Brutus. He exhibited the same affection and preference for this man in all things. It was even thought that Brutus was his son, as Caesar was the lover of his mother, Servilia (Cato’s sister) at the time of his birth, for which reason, when he won the victory at Pharsalus, it is said that he gave an immediate order to his officers to save Brutus by all means. Whether Brutus was ungrateful, or ignorant of his mother’s fault, or disbelieved it, or was ashamed of it; whether he was such an ardent lover of liberty that he preferred his country to everything, or whether it was because he was a descendant of that Brutus of the olden time who expelled the kings, he was aroused and shamed to this deed principally by people who secretly affixed to the statues of the elder Brutus and also to the tribunal of Brutus himself such writings as these, Brutus, are you corrupted by bribes. Brutus, are you dead? or would that you were still alive! or, your posterity is unworthy of you, or, you are not the descendant of that Brutus. These and many like incentives fired the young man to a deed like that of his own ancestor.

Edition note

Plutarch relates the following anecdote in his Life of Cato Minor (24), where he describes the part taken by the latter in the debate on the conspiracy of Catiline: As we ought not to omit even the smallest indications that show the mental image of the man, it is said that while Caesar was engaged in a severe struggle and controversy with Cato on this subject, and the Senate was hanging on their words, a little tablet was brought in to Caesar. Cato considered this a suspicious circumstance and slandered him so that some of the senators were moved to ask that the contents be read. Caesar handed the tablet to Cato, who was standing near. It was an immodest letter from his own sister Servilia to Caesar, with whom she was in love, and by whom she had been seduced. Cato, after reading it, threw it back to Caesar, saying: Keep it, you debauchee, and then went on with his speech.

2.16.113 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.16.113

ἀκμάζοντος δʼ ἔτι τοῦ περὶ βασιλείας λόγου καὶ συνόδου μελλούσης ἔσεσθαι τῆς βουλῆς μετʼ ὀλίγον, ὁ Κάσσιος ἐμβαλὼν τὴν χεῖρα τῷ Βρούτῳ τί ποιήσομεν, ἔφη, παρὰ τὸ βουλευτήριον, ἂν οἱ κόλακες τοῦ Καίσαρος γνώμην περὶ βασιλείας προθῶσι; καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος οὐκ ἔφη παρέσεσθαι τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ. ἐπανερομένου δὲ τοῦ Κασσίου· τί δʼ, ἂν ἡμᾶς καλῶσιν ὡς στρατηγούς, τί ποιήσομεν, ὦ ἀγαθὲ Βροῦτε; ἀμυνῶ τῇ πατρίδι, ἔφη, μέχρι θανάτου. καὶ ὁ Κάσσιος αὐτὸν ἀσπασάμενος τίνα δʼ, ἔφη, οὐ προσλήψῃ τῶν ἀρίστων οὕτω φρονῶν; ἤ σοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ χειροτέχναι καὶ κάπηλοι καταγράφειν σου τὸ δικαστήριον ἀσήμως μᾶλλον ἢ οἱ Ῥωμαίων ἄριστοι, παρὰ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων στρατηγῶν θέας αἰτοῦντες ἵππων ἢ θηρίων, παρὰ δὲ σοῦ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ὡς σὸν προγονικὸν ἔργον; οἱ μὲν δὴ τάδε ἄρα ἐκ πολλοῦ διανοούμενοι τότε πρῶτον ἐς τὸ φανερὸν ἀλλήλοις προύφερον καὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἑκάτερος φίλων ἀπεπειρῶντο καὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος, οὓς εὐτολμοτάτους ἑκατέρων ᾔδεσαν. καὶ συνήγειραν ἐκ μὲν τῶν σφετέρων ἀδελφὼ δύο, Καικίλιόν τε καὶ Βουκολιανόν, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις Ῥούβριον Ῥῆγα καὶ Κόιντον Λιγάριον καὶ Μᾶρκον Σπόριον καὶ Σερουίλιον Γάλβαν καὶ Σέξστιον Νάσωνα καὶ Πόντιον Ἀκύλαν, τούσδε μὲν ἐκ τῶν οἰκείων σφίσιν, ἐκ δὲ τῶν αὐτοῦ φίλων Καίσαρος Δέκμον τε, περὶ οὗ μοι προείρηται, καὶ Γάιον Κάσκαν καὶ Τρεβώνιον καὶ Τίλλιον καὶ Κιμβρον καὶ Μινούκιον καὶ Βάσιλον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.16.113

While the talk about the kingship was going on, and just before there was to be a meeting of the Senate, Cassius met Brutus, and, seizing him by the hand, said, What shall we do in the senate-house if Caesar’s flatterers propose a decree making him king? Brutus replied that he would not be there. Then Cassius asked him further, What if we are summoned there as praetors, what shall we do then, my good Brutus? I will defend my country to the death, he replied. Cassius embraced him, saying, Which of the nobility will you allow to share your thought? Do you think that artisans and shopkeepers have written those clandestine messages on your tribunal, or rather the noblest Romans, those who ask from the other praetors games, horse-races, and combats of wild beasts, but from you liberty, as a boon worthy of your ancestry? Thus did they disclose to each other what they had been privately thinking about for a long time. Each of them tested those of their own friends, and of Caesar’s also, whom they considered the most courageous of either faction. Of their own friends they inveigled two brothers, Caesilius and Bucolianus, and besides these Rubrius Ruga, Quintus Ligarius, Marcus Spurius, Servilius Casca, Servius Galba, Sextius Naso, and Pontius Aquila. These were of their own faction. Of Caesar’s friends they secured Decimus Brutus, whom I have already mentioned, also Gaius Casca, Trebonius, Tillius Cimber, and Minucius Basillus.

Edition note

Mention should be made of two wise men who did not join the conspiracy. Plutarch gives this account of them: Of his other companions Brutus omitted Statilius the Epicurean, and Favonius an adherent of Cato, because when he sounded them in a roundabout way by conversing with them on philosophical subjects, Favonius answered that a civil war was worse than an illegal monarchy, and Statilius said that it was not the part of a wise man to expose himself to danger and to stir up disorder for the sake of worthless and foolish people. (Life of Brutus, 12.)

2.16.114 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.16.114

ὡς δὲ σφίσιν ἐδόκουν ἅλις ἔχειν καὶ πλέοσιν ἐκφέρειν οὐκ ἐδοκίμαζον, συνέθεντο μὲν ἀλλήλοις ἄνευ τε ὅρκων καὶ ἄνευ σφαγίων, καὶ οὐδεὶς μετέθετο οὐδὲ προύδωκε, καιρὸν δʼ ἐζήτουν καὶ τόπον· ὁ μὲν δὴ καιρὸς ὑπερήπειγεν ὡς Καίσαρος ἐς τετάρτην ἡμέραν ἐξιόντος ἐπὶ τὰς στρατείας, καὶ φυλακῆς αὐτὸν αὐτίκα περιεξούσης στρατιωτικῆς· χωρίον δʼ ἐπενόουν τὸ βουλευτήριον ὡς τῶν βουλευτῶν, εἰ καὶ μὴ προμάθοιεν, προθύμως, ὅτε ἴδοιεν τὸ ἔργον, συνεπιληψομένων, ὃ καὶ περὶ Ῥωμύλον τυραννικὸν ἐκ βασιλικοῦ γενόμενον ἐλέγετο συμβῆναι. δόξειν τε τὸ ἔργον, ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνο καὶ τόδε ἐν βουλευτηρίῳ γενόμενον, οὐ κατʼ ἐπιβουλήν, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως πεπρᾶχθαι ἀκίνδυνόν τε, ὡς κοινόν, ἔσεσθαι παρὰ τῷ Καίσαρος στρατῷ· καὶ τὴν τιμὴν σφίσι μενεῖν, οὐκ ἀγνοουμένοις, ὅτι ἦρξαν. διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐπελέγοντο πάντες ὁμαλῶς· περὶ δὲ τοῦ τρόπου διεφέροντο, οἱ μὲν καὶ Ἀντώνιον συναναιρεῖν ἀξιοῦντες, ὕπατόν τε ὄντα σὺν τῷ Καίσαρι καὶ φίλον αὐτοῦ δυνατώτατον καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις γνωριμώτατον· ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος ἔλεγεν ἐπὶ μὲν τῷ Καίσαρι μόνῳ δόξαν οἴσεσθαι τυραννοκτόνων ὡς βασιλέα ἀναιροῦντες, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς φίλοις αὐτοῦ ἐχθρῶν ὡς Πομπηίου στασιῶται.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.16.114

When they thought that they had a sufficient number, and that it would not be wise to divulge the plot to any more, they pledged each other without oaths or sacrifices, yet no one changed his mind or betrayed the secret. They sought a time and place. Time was pressing because Caesar was to depart on his campaign four days hence and would thereupon have a body-guard of soldiers. They chose the Senate as the place, believing that, even though the senators did not know of it beforehand, they would join heartily when they saw the deed. It was said that this happened in the case of Romulus when he changed from a king to a tyrant. They thought that this deed, like that one of old, taking place in open Senate, would seem to be performed not by private plotters, but in behalf of the country, and that, being in the public interest, there would be no danger from Caesar’s army. At the same time they thought the honor would be theirs because the public would not be ignorant that they took the lead. For these reasons they unanimously chose the Senate as the place, but they were not agreed as to the mode. Some thought that Antony ought to be killed also because he was consul with Caesar, and was his most powerful friend, and the one of most repute with the army; but Brutus said that they would win the glory of tyrannicide from the death of Caesar alone, because that would be the killing of a king. If they should kill his friends also, the deed would be imputed to private enmity and to the Pompeian faction.

2.16.115 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.16.115

καὶ οἱ μὲν τῷδε μάλιστα ἀναπεισθέντες τὴν προσιοῦσαν αὐτίκα τῆς βουλῆς σύνοδον ἐφύλασσον· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ πρὸ μιᾶς τοῦδε τοῦ βουλευτηρίου χωρῶν ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἐς Λέπιδον τὸν ἵππαρχον, ἐπήγετο Δέκμον Βροῦτον Ἀλβῖνον ἐς τὸν πότον καὶ λόγον ἐπὶ τῇ κύλικι προύθηκε, τίς ἄριστος ἀνθρώπῳ θάνατος· αἱρουμένων δὲ ἕτερα ἑτέρων αὐτὸς ἐκ πάντων ἐπῄνει τὸν αἰφνίδιον. καὶ ὁ μὲν ὧδε προυμαντεύετο ἑαυτῷ καὶ ἐλεσχήνευε περὶ τῶν ἐς τὴν αὔριον ἐσομένων· ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ πότῳ νυκτὸς αὐτῷ τὸ σῶμα νωθρὸν ἐγίγνετο, καὶ ἡ γυνὴ Καλπουρνία ἐνύπνιον αἵματι πολλῷ καταρρεόμενον ἰδοῦσα κατεκώλυε μὴ προελθεῖν. θυομένῳ τε πολλάκις ἦν τὰ σημεῖα φοβερά. καὶ πέμπειν ἔμελλεν Ἀντώνιον διαλύσοντα τὴν βουλήν. ἀλλὰ Δέκμος παρὼν ἔπεισε μὴ λαβεῖν ὑπεροψίας διαβολήν, αὐτὸν δὲ αὐτὴν ἐπελθόντα διαλῦσαι. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦτο ἐκομίζετο φορείῳ, θέαι δʼ ἦσαν ἐν τῷ Πομπηίου θεάτρῳ, καὶ βουλευτήριον ἔμελλε τῶν τις περὶ αὐτὸ οἴκων ἔσεσθαι, εἰωθὸς ἐπὶ ταῖς θέαις ὧδε γίγνεσθαι. οἱ δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον ἕωθεν κατὰ τὴν στοὰν τὴν πρὸ τοῦ θεάτρου τοῖς δεομένοις σφῶν ὡς στρατηγῶν εὐσταθέστατα ἐχρημάτιζον, πυνθανόμενοι δὲ περὶ τῶν γιγνομένων ἱερῶν τῷ Καίσαρι καὶ τῆς ἀναθέσεως τοῦ βουλευτηρίου πάνυ ἠποροῦντο. καί τις, αὐτῶν ὧδε ἐχόντων, τῆς Κάσκα χειρὸς λαβόμενος εἶπε· σὺ μὲν ὄντα με φίλον ἀπέκρυψας, Βροῦτος δʼ ἀνήνεγκέ μοι. καὶ ὁ μὲν Κάσκας ὑπὸ τοῦ συνειδότος ἄφνω τεθορύβητο, ὁ δʼ ἐπιμειδιάσας ἔφη· πόθεν οὖν ἔσται σοι τὰ χρήματα τῆς ἀγορανομίας; καὶ ὁ Κάσκας ἀνήνεγκεν. αὐτὸν δὲ Βροῦτον καὶ Κάσσιον σύννους τε ὄντας καὶ συλλαλοῦντας ἀλλήλοις τῶν τις βουλευτῶν ἐπισπάσας, Ποπίλιος Λαίνας, ἔφη συνεύχεσθαι περὶ ὧν ἔχουσι κατὰ νοῦν, καὶ παρῄνει ἐπιταχύνειν. οἱ δὲ ἐθορυβήθησαν μέν, ὑπὸ δὲ ἐκπλήξεως ἐσιώπων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.16.115

The day before the meeting of the Senate Caesar went to sup with Lepidus, his master of horse, taking Decimus Brutus Albinus with him to the drinking-bout. While they were in their cups the conversation turned on the question, What is the best kind of death for a man? Various opinions were given, but Caesar alone expressed the preference for a sudden death. In this way he foretold his own end, and conversed about what was to happen on the morrow. After the banquet a certain bodily faintness came over him in the night, and his wife, Calpurnia, had a dream, in which she saw him streaming with blood, for which reason she tried to prevent him from going out in the morning. When he offered sacrifice there were many unfavorable signs. He was about to send Antony to dismiss the Senate when Decimus, who was with him, persuaded him, in order not to incur the charge of disregard for the Senate, to go there and dismiss it himself. Accordingly he was borne thither in a litter. Games were going on in Pompey’s theatre, and the Senate was about to assemble in one of the adjoining buildings, as was the custom when the games were taking place. Brutus and Cassius were early at the portico in front of the theatre, very calmly engaging in public business as praetors with those seeking their services. When they heard of the bad omens at Caesar’s house and that the Senate was to be dismissed, they were greatly disconcerted. While they were in this state of mind a certain person took Casca by the hand and said, You kept the secret from me, although I am your friend, but Brutus has told me all. Casca was suddenly conscience-stricken and shuddered, but his friend, smiling, continued, Where shall you get the money to stand for the aedileship? Then Casca recovered himself. While Brutus and Cassius were conferring and talking together, Popillius Laena, one of the senators, drew them aside and said that he joined them in his prayers for what they had in mind, and he urged them to make haste. They were confounded, but remained silent from terror.

Edition note

ἐς τὸν πότον. Three of the codices read ἐς τὸν πόντον (to the sea) which is absurd. Mendelssohn considers the words troublesome in either case.

Edition note

It was customary for the magistrate who called the meeting of the Senate to designate at the same time the place of meeting. Plutarch says that the place where this meeting was held was a building erected by Pompey as an addition to and ornament of his theatre, and that it contained his own statue. This singular fact proves to Plutarch that Caesar was led to this place by divine interposition.

Edition note

Here again there is a close resemblance in words between Plutarch and Appian, but the former uses the direct discourse συνεύχομαι and the latter the indirect συνεύχεσθαι.

2.16.116 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.16.116

φερομένου δὲ ἤδη τοῦ Καίσαρος, τῶν οἰκείων τις αὐτῷ περὶ τῆσδε τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς μαθὼν ἔθει μηνύσων, ὃ ἔμαθεν. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐς Καλπουρνίαν ἦλθε καὶ τοσόνδε μόνον εἰπών, ὅτι χρῄζοι Καίσαρος ὑπὲρ ἔργων ἐπειγόντων, ἀνέμενεν αὐτὸν ἐπανελθεῖν ἀπὸ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου, οὐκ εἰς τέλος ἄρα τὰ γιγνόμενα πάντα πεπυσμένος. ὁ δʼ ἐν Κνίδῳ γεγονὼς αὐτῷ ξένος Ἀρτεμίδωρος ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐσδραμὼν εὗρεν ἄρτι ἀναιρούμενον. ὑπὸ δʼ ἄλλου καὶ βιβλίον περὶ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἐπιδοθὲν αὐτῷ προθυομένῳ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου καὶ εὐθὺς ἐσιόντι, μετὰ χεῖρας εὑρέθη τεθνεῶτος. ἄρτι δʼ ἐκβαίνοντι τοῦ φορείου Λαίνας, ὁ τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον πρὸ ὀλίγου συνευξάμενος, ἐντυχὼν διελέγετο ἰδίᾳ μετὰ σπουδῆς. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἥ τε ὄψις αὐτίκα τοῦ γιγνομένου κατέπλησσε καὶ τὸ μῆκος τῆς ἐντεύξεως, καὶ διένευον ἀλλήλοις διαχρήσασθαι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς πρὸ συλλήψεως· προϊόντος δὲ τοῦ λόγου τὸν Λαίναν ὁρῶντες οὐ μηνύοντι μᾶλλον ἢ περί του δεομένῳ καὶ λιπαροῦντι ἐοικότα, ἀνέφερον, ὡς δʼ ἐπὶ τῷ λόγῳ καὶ ἀσπασάμενον εἶδον, ἀνεθάρρησαν. ἔθος δʼ ἐστὶ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἐς τὴν βουλὴν ἐσιοῦσιν οἰωνίζεσθαι προσιοῦσι. καὶ πάλιν τῶν ἱερῶν ἦν τῷ Καίσαρι τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἄνευ καρδίας ἤ, ὡς ἕτεροι λέγουσιν, ἡ κεφαλὴ τοῖς σπλάγχνοις ἔλειπε. καὶ τοῦ μάντεως εἰπόντος θανάτου τὸ σημεῖον εἶναι, γελάσας ἔφη τοιοῦτον αὑτῷ καὶ περὶ Ἰβηρίαν γενέσθαι πολεμοῦντι Πομπηίῳ. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ τοῦ μάντεως, ὅτι καὶ τότε κινδυνεύσειε λαμπρῶς καὶ νῦν ἐπιθανατώτερον εἴν τὸ σημεῖον, αὖθις αὐτὸν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐκέλευε θύεσθαι. καὶ οὐδενὸς οὐδʼ ὣς καλλιερουμένου, τὴν βουλὴν βραδύνουσαν αἰδούμενος καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ὡς φίλων ἐπειγόμενος ἐσῄει τῶν ἱερῶν καταφρονήσας· χρῆν γὰρ ἃ ἐχρῆν Καίσαρι γενέσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.16.116

While Caesar was being borne to the Senate one of his intimates, who had learned of the conspiracy, ran to his house to tell what he knew. When he arrived there and found only Calpurnia he merely said that he wanted to speak to Caesar about urgent business, and then waited for him to come back from the Senate, because he did not know all the particulars of the affair. Meantime Artemidorus, whose hospitality Caesar had enjoyed at Cnidus, ran to the Senate and found him already murdered. A tablet informing him of the conspiracy was put into Caesar’s hand by another person while he was sacrificing in front of the curia, but he went in immediately and it was found in his hand after his death. Directly after he stepped out of the litter Popillius Laena, who a little before had joined his prayers with the party of Cassius, accosted Caesar and engaged him aside in earnest conversation. The sight of this proceeding and especially the length of the conversation struck terror into the hearts of the conspirators, and they made signs to each other that they would kill themselves rather than be captured. As the conversation was prolonged they saw that Laena did not seem to be revealing anything to Caesar, but rather to be urging some petition. They recovered themselves and when they saw him return thanks to Caesar after the conversation they took new courage. It was the custom of the magistrates, when about to enter the Senate, to take the auspices at the entrance. Here again Caesar’s first victim was without a heart, or, as some say, the beginning of the entrails was wanting. A soothsayer said that this was a sign of death. Caesar, laughing, said that the same thing had happened to him when he was beginning his campaign against Pompeius in Spain. The soothsayer replied that he had been in very great danger then and that now the omen was still more entitled to credence. So Caesar ordered him to sacrifice again. None of the victims were more propitious; but being ashamed to keep the Senate waiting, and being urged by his enemies in the guise of friends, he went in disregarding the omens. For it was fated that Caesar should meet his doom.

Edition note

ἔτι πιθανώτερον: here we encounter a curiosity in the text. In Sec. 153 infra the author says: As Caesar was entering the Senate for the last time, as I have shortly before related, the same omens were observed, but he said jestingly that the same thing happened to him in Spain. The soothsayer replied that he was in danger then and that the omen was now more deadly, ἐπιθανατώτερον. The close resemblance of the text of the two phrases suggested to Musgrave the query whether Appian had not written the same in both places. Schweighäuser thought that it was altogether probable, but as all the codices agreed he did not venture to change the text. Mendelssohn has changed it in the Teubner edition, while the Didot edition adheres to the original.

2.16.117 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.16.117

οἱ δʼ Ἀντώνιον μὲν πρὸ θυρῶν ἀποδιατρίβειν ἐν ὁμιλίᾳ Τρεβώνιον ἐξ ἑαυτῶν ὑπελίποντο, Καίσαρα δʼ ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου προκαθίσαντα περιέστησαν οἷα φίλοι σὺν λεληθόσι ξιφιδίοις. καὶ αὐτῶν Τίλλιος μὲν Κίμβερ, ἐντυχὼν ἐς πρόσωπον, ἀδελφῷ φυγάδι κάθοδον ᾔτει· ἀνατιθεμένου δὲ καὶ ἀντιλέγοντος ὅλως τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὁ μὲν Κίμβερ αὐτοῦ τῆς πορφύρας ὡς ἔτι δεόμενος ἐλάβετο καὶ τὸ εἷμα περισπάσας ἐπὶ τὸν τράχηλον εἷλκε, βοῶν· τί βραδύνετε ὦ φίλοι; Κάσκας δʼ ἐφεστὼς ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ἐπὶ τὴν σφαγὴν τὸ ξίφος ἤρεισε πρῶτος, παρολισθὼν δὲ ἐνέτεμε τὸ στῆθος. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ τό τε ἱμάτιον ἀπὸ τοῦ Κίμβερος ἐπισπάσας καὶ τῆς χειρὸς τοῦ Κάσκα λαβόμενος καὶ καταδραμὼν ἀπὸ τοῦ θρόνου καὶ ἐπιστραφεὶς τὸν Κάσκαν εἵλκυσε σὺν βίᾳ πολλῇ. οὕτω δʼ ἔχοντος αὐτοῦ τὸ πλευρὸν ἕτερος, ὡς ἐπὶ συστροφῇ τεταμένον, διελαύνει ξιφιδίῳ· καὶ Κάσσιος ἐς τὸ πρόσωπον ἔπληξε καὶ Βροῦτος ἐς τὸν μηρὸν ἐπάταξε καὶ Βουκολιανὸς ἐς τὸ μετάφρενον, ὥστε τὸν Καίσαρα ἐπὶ μέν τι σὺν ὀργῇ καὶ βοῇ καθάπερ θηρίον ἐς ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ἐπιστρέφεσθαι, μετὰ δὲ τὴν Βρούτου πληγήν, […: gap in edition] εἴτε ἀπογινώσκοντα ἤδη, τὸ ἱμάτιον περικαλύψασθαι καὶ πεσεῖν εὐσχημόνως παρὰ ἀνδριάντι Πομπηίου· οἱ δὲ καὶ ὣς ἐνύβριζον αὐτῷ πεσόντι, μέχρι τριῶν ἐπὶ εἴκοσι πληγῶν· πολλοί τε διωθιζόμενοι μετὰ τῶν ξιφῶν ἀλλήλους ἔπληξαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.16.117

The conspirators had left Trebonius, one of their number, to engage Antony in conversation at the door. The others, with concealed daggers, stood around Caesar like friends as he sat in his chair. Then one of them, Tillius Cimber, came up in front of him and petitioned him for the recall of his brother, who had been banished. When Caesar answered that the matter must be deferred, Cimber seized hold of his purple robe as though still urging his petition, and pulled it away so as to expose his neck, exclaiming, Friends, what are you waiting for? Then first Casca, who was standing over Caesar’s head, drove his dagger at his throat, but missed his aim and wounded him in the breast. Caesar snatched his toga from Cimber, seized Casca’s hand, sprang from his chair, turned around, and hurled Casca with great violence. While he was in this position another one stabbed him with a dagger in the side, which was exposed by his turning around, Cassius wounded him in the face, Brutus smote him in the thigh, and Bucolianus between the shoulder-blades. With rage and outcries Caesar turned now upon one and now upon another like a wild animal, but after receiving the wound from Brutus he despaired and, veiling himself with his robe, he fell in a decent position at the foot of Pompey’s statue. They continued their attack after he had fallen until he had received twenty-three wounds. Several of them while thrusting with their swords wounded each other.

Edition note

ὡς ἐπὶ συστροφῇ τεταμένον. Literally, which was in a state of tension by reason of his turning and twisting.

Edition note

The account of the assassination given by Suetonius (Jul. 82) is as follows: The conspirators stood around him as he was seated, pretending to pay their respects, and directly Tillius Cimber, who had assumed the initiative, advanced nearer as if to ask some favor, and when Caesar made a motion with his head to signify that the matter must be deferred he seized his toga at both shoulders. Caesar exclaimed this is violence, and then another of Casca’s party wounded him in the back a little below the neck. Caesar seized Casca’s arm and pierced it with a stylus, and while trying to rush forward was hindered by another wound. When he saw himself assailed on all sides with drawn daggers he drew his toga around his head and at the same time with his left hand arranged the fold over his lower limbs so that he might fall more decently, with the lower part of his body covered. In this way he was stabbed with twenty-three wounds, having uttered no cry but only a single groan at the first blow, although some say that when Marcus Brutus attacked him he exclaimed καὶ σὺ τέκνον, (and you, my son). He lay there dead for some time, all having fled, until three of his slaves placed him on a litter with his arm hanging down, and carried him home. Among so many wounds, according to the physician Antistius, there was only one that was mortal, and that was the second one, which he had received in the breast.

2.17.118 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.17.118

Ἐκτελεσθέντος δὲ τοῖς φονεῦσι τοσοῦδε ἄγους ἐν ἱερῷ χωρίῳ καὶ ἐς ἄνδρα ἱερὸν καὶ ἄσυλον, φυγή τε ἦν ἀνὰ τὸ βουλευτήριον αὐτίκα καὶ ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν ὅλην, καὶ ἐτρώθησάν τινες τῶν βουλευτῶν ἐν τῷδε τῷ θορύβῳ καὶ ἀπέθανον ἕτεροι. πολὺς δὲ καὶ ἄλλος ἀστῶν τε καὶ ξένων ἐγίγνετο φόνος, οὐ προβεβουλευμένος, ἀλλʼ οἷος ἐκ θορύβου πολιτικοῦ καὶ ἀγνωσίας τῶν ἐπιλαβόντων, οἵ τε γὰρ μονομάχοι, ὡπλισμένοι ἕωθεν ὡς ἐπὶ δή τινα θέας ἐπίδειξιν, ἐκ τοῦ θεάτρου διέθεον ἐς τὰ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου παραφράγματα, καὶ τὸ θέατρον ὑπὸ ἐκπλήξεως σὺν φόβῳ καὶ δρόμῳ διελύετο, τά τε ὤνια ἡρπάζετο· καὶ τὰς θύρας ἅπαντες ἀπέκλειον καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν τεγῶν ἐς ἄμυναν ἡτοιμάζοντο, Ἀντώνιός τε τὴν οἰκίαν ὠχύρου, τεκμαιρόμενος συνεπιβουλεύεσθαι τῷ Καίσαρι. καὶ Λέπιδος ὁ ἵππαρχος ἐν ἀγορᾷ μὲν ὢν ἐπύθετο τοῦ γεγονότος, ἐς δὲ τὴν ἐν τῷ ποταμῷ νῆσον διαδραμών, ἔνθα ἦν αὐτῷ τέλος στρατιωτῶν, ἐς τὸ πεδίον αὐτοὺς μετεβίβαζεν ὡς ἑτοιμοτέρους ἕξων ἐς τὰ παραγγελλόμενα ὑπʼ Ἀντωνίου· Ἀντωνίῳ γὰρ ἐξίστατο, φίλῳ τε τοῦ Καίσαρος ὄντι μᾶλλον καὶ ὑπάτῳ. καὶ αὐτοῖς σκεπτομένοις ὁρμὴ μὲν ἦν ἀμύνειν τῷ Καίσαρι τοιάδε παθόντι, τὴν δὲ βουλὴν πρὸς τῶν ἀνδροφόνων ἐσομένην ἐδεδοίκεσαν καὶ τὸ μέλλον ἔτι περιεσκόπουν. ἀμφὶ δὲ αὐτῷ Καίσαρι στρατιωτικὸν μὲν οὐκ ἦν, οὐ γὰρ δορυφόροις ἠρέσκετο, ἡ δὲ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ὑπηρεσία μόνη καὶ αἱ πλέονες ἀρχαὶ καὶ πολὺς ὅμιλος ἄλλος ἀστῶν καὶ ξένων καὶ πολὺς θεράπων καὶ ἐξελεύθερος αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας παρεπεπόμφεισαν, ὧν ἀθρόως διαφυγόντων τρεῖς θεράποντες μόνοι παρέμειναν, οἳ τὸ σῶμα ἐς τὸ φορεῖον ἐνθέμενοι διεκόμισαν οἴκαδε ἀνωμάλως, οἷα τρεῖς, τὸν πρὸ ὀλίγου γῆς καὶ θαλάττης προστάτην.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.17.118

When the murderers had perpetrated their crime, in a sacred place, on one whose person was sacred and inviolable, there was an immediate flight from the curia and throughout the whole city. Some senators were wounded in the tumult and others killed. Many other citizens and strangers were murdered also, not designedly, but as such things happen in public commotions, by the mistakes of those into whose hands they fell. Gladiators, who had been armed early in the morning for that day’s spectacles, ran out of the theatre into the balcony of the Senate. The theatre itself was emptied in haste and panic-terror, and the markets were plundered. All citizens closed their front doors and put themselves in a posture of defence on their roofs. Antony fortified his house, apprehending that the conspiracy was against him as well as Caesar. Lepidus, the master of horse, being in the forum at the time, learned what had been done and ran to the island in the river where he had a legion of soldiers, which he transferred to the plain in order to be in greater readiness to execute Antony’s orders; for he yielded to Antony as a closer friend of Caesar and also as consul. While pondering over the matter they were strongly moved to avenge the death of Caesar, but they feared lest the Senate should espouse the side of the murderers and so they concluded to await events. There had been no military guard around Caesar, for he did not like guards except the usual attendants of the magistracy. Many civilian officers and a large crowd of citizens and strangers, of slaves and freedmen, had accompanied him from his house to the Senate, but had fled en masse, all except three slaves, who placed the body in a litter and, with uneven step (being an uneven number), bore him homeward who, a little before, had been master of the earth and sea.

Edition note

Caesar’s person was sacred and inviolable under Roman law both as pontifex maximus and as dictator.

2.17.119 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.17.119

οἱ δὲ σφαγεῖς ἐβούλοντο μέν τι εἰπεῖν ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ, οὐδενὸς δὲ παραμείναντος τὰ ἱμάτια ταῖς λαιαῖς ὥσπερ ἀσπίδας περιπλεξάμενοι καὶ τὰ ξίφη μετὰ τοῦ αἵματος ἔχοντες ἐβοηδρόμουν βασιλέα καὶ τύραννον ἀνελεῖν. καὶ πῖλόν τις ἐπὶ δόρατος ἔφερε, σύμβολον ἐλευθερώσεως ἐπί τε τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν παρεκάλουν καὶ Βρούτου τοῦ πάλαι καὶ τῶν τότε σφίσιν ὀμωμοσμένων ἐπὶ τοῖς πάλαι βασιλεῦσιν ἀνεμίμνησκον συνέθεον δὲ αὐτοῖς τινες χρησάμενοι ξιφίδια, οἳ τοῦ ἔργου μὴ μετασχόντες προσεποιοῦντο τὴν δόξαν, Λέντλος τε ὁ Σπινθὴρ καὶ Φαώνιος καὶ Ἀκουῖνος καὶ Δολοβέλλας καὶ Μοῦρκος καὶ Πατίσκος· οἳ τῆς μὲν δόξης οὐ μετέσχον, τῆς δὲ τιμωρίας τοῖς ἁμαρτοῦσι συνέτυχον. τοῦ δήμου δὲ αὐτοῖς οὐ προσθέοντος ἠπόρουν καὶ ἐδεδοίκεσαν, τῇ μὲν βουλῇ, καὶ εἰ αὐτίκα ὑπʼ ἀγνοίας καὶ θορύβου διέφυγε, θαρροῦντες ὅμως, συγγενέσι τε σφῶν καὶ φίλοις οὖσι βαρυνομένοις τε τὴν τυραννίδα ὁμοίως, τὸν δὲ δῆμον ὑφορώμενοι καὶ τοὺς ἐστρατευμένους τῷ Καίσαρι πολλοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει τότε παρόντας, τοὺς μὲν ἄρτι τῆς στρατείας ἀφειμένους καὶ ἐς κληρουχίας διατεταγμένους, τοὺς δὲ προαπῳκισμένους μέν, ἐς δὲ παραπομπὴν τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐξιόντος ἀφιγμένους. Λέπιδόν τε ἐδεδοίκεσαν καὶ τὸν ὑπὸ τῷ Λεπίδῳ στρατὸν ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ Ἀντώνιον ὑπατεύοντα, μὴ ἀντὶ τῆς βουλῆς τῷ δήμῳ μόνῳ χρώμενος ἐργάσαιτό τι δεινὸν αὑτούς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.17.119

The murderers wished to make a speech in the Senate, but as nobody remained there they wrapped their togas around their left arms to serve as shields, and, with swords still reeking with blood, ran, crying out that they had slain a king and tyrant. One of them bore a cap on the end of a spear as a symbol of freedom and exhorted the people to restore the government of their fathers and recall the memory of the elder Brutus and of those who took the oath together against the ancient kings. With them ran some with drawn swords who had not participated in the deed, but wanted to share the glory, among whom were Lentulus Spinther, Favonius, Aquinus, Dolabella, Murcus, and Patiscus. These did not share the glory, but they suffered punishment with the guilty. As the people did not flock to them they were disconcerted and alarmed. Although the Senate had at first fled through ignorance and alarm, they had confidence in it nevertheless as being their own relatives and friends, and oppressed equally with themselves by the tyranny. They had apprehensions of the plebeians and of Caesar’s soldiers, many of whom were then present in the city, some lately dismissed from the service and to whom lands had been allotted; others who had been already settled, but had come in to serve as an escort for Caesar on his departure from the city. The assassins had fears of Lepidus, too, and of the army under him in the city, and also of Antony in his character as consul, lest he should consult the people alone, instead of the Senate, and bring some fearful punishment upon them.

2.17.120 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.17.120

οὕτω δʼ ἔχοντες τὸ Καπιτώλιον σὺν τοῖς μονομάχοις ἀνέθορον. καὶ αὐτοῖς βουλευομένοις ἔδοξεν ἐπὶ τὰ πλήθη μισθώματα περιπέμπειν· ἤλπιζον γάρ, ἀρξαμένων τινῶν ἐπαινεῖν τὰ γεγενημένα, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους συνεπιλήψεσθαι λογισμῷ τε τῆς ἐλευθερίας καὶ πόθῳ τῆς πολιτείας. ἔτι γὰρ ᾤοντο τὸν δῆμον εἶναι Ῥωμαῖον ἀκριβῶς, οἷον ἐπὶ τοῦ πάλαι Βρούτου τὴν τότε βασιλείαν καθαιροῦντος ἐπυνθάνοντο γενέσθαι· καὶ οὐ συνίεσαν δύο τάδε ἀλλήλοις ἐναντία προσδοκῶντες, φιλελευθέρους ὁμοῦ καὶ μισθωτοὺς σφίσιν ἔσεσθαι χρησίμως τοὺς παρόντας. ὧν θάτερον εὐχερέστερον ἦν, διεφθαρμένης ἐκ πολλοῦ τῆς πολιτείας. παμμιγές τε γάρ ἐστιν ἤδη τὸ πλῆθος ὑπὸ ξενίας, καὶ ὁ ἐξελεύθερος αὐτοῖς ἰσοπολίτης ἐστὶ καὶ ὁ δουλεύων ἔτι τὸ σχῆμα τοῖς δεσπόταις ὅμοιος· χωρὶς γὰρ τῆς βουλευτικῆς ἡ ἄλλη στολὴ τοῖς θεράπουσίν ἐστιν ἐπίκοινος. τό τε σιτηρέσιον τοῖς πένησι χορηγούμενον ἐν μόνῃ Ῥώμῃ τὸν ἀργὸν καὶ πτωχεύοντα καὶ ταχυεργὸν τῆς Ἰταλίας λεὼν ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐπάγεται. τό τε πλῆθος τῶν ἀποστρατευομένων, οὐ διαλυόμενον ἐς τὰς πατρίδας ἔτι ὡς πάλαι καθʼ ἕνα ἄνδρα δέει τοῦ μὴ δικαίους πολέμους ἐνίους πεπολεμηκέναι, κοινῇ δὲ ἐς κληρουχίας ἀδίκους ἀλλοτρίας τε γῆς καὶ ἀλλοτρίων οἰκιῶν ἐξιόν, ἄθρουν τότε ἐστάθμευεν ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς καὶ τεμένεσιν ὑφʼ ἑνὶ σημείῳ καὶ ὑφʼ ἑνὶ ἄρχοντι τῆς ἀποικίας, τὰ μὲν ὄντα σφίσιν ὡς ἐπὶ ἔξοδον ἤδη διαπεπρακότες, εὔωνοι δʼ ἐς ὅ τι μισθοῖντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.17.120

In this frame of mind they hastened up to the Capitol with their gladiators. There they took counsel and decided to bribe the populace, hoping that if some would begin to praise the deed others would join in from love of liberty and longing for the republic. They thought that the Roman people were still exactly the same as they had heard that they were at the time when the elder Brutus expelled the kings. They did not perceive that they were counting on two incompatible things, namely, that people could be lovers of liberty and bribe-takers at the same time. The latter class were much easier to find of the two, because the government had been corrupt for a long time. The plebeians were now much mixed with foreign blood, freedmen had equal rights of citizenship with them, and slaves were dressed in the same fashion as their masters. Except in the case of the senatorial rank the same costume was common to slaves and to free citizens. Moreover the distribution of corn to the poor, which took place in Rome only, drew thither the lazy, the beggars, the vagrants of all Italy. The multitude of discharged soldiers no longer returned one by one to their native places as formerly, fearing that some of them might be accused of having engaged in iniquitous wars, but were sent in groups to unjust allotments of lands and houses belonging to others. These were now encamped in temples and sacred enclosures under one standard, and one person appointed to lead them to their colony, and as they had already sold their own be longings preparatory to their departure they were in readiness to be bought for any purpose.

Edition note

The text here is very obscure.

Edition note

This is a very strong picture of the corruption of Roman society at that time and of its incapacity for self-government.

2.17.121 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.17.121

ὅθεν οὐ δυσχερῶς ἐκ τοσῶνδε καὶ τοιῶνδε ἀνδρῶν πλῆθός τι τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν εὐθὺς ἀγήγερτο· οἳ καίπερ ὄντες ἔμμισθοι τὰ μὲν γενόμενα ἐπαινεῖν οὐκ ἐθάρρουν, δεδιότες τὴν Καίσαρος δόξαν καὶ τὸ πρὸς τῶν ἑτέρων ἐσόμενον, ὡς δʼ ἐπὶ συμφέροντι κοινῷ τὴν εἰρήνην ἐπεβόων καὶ θαμινὰ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς παρεκάλουν, τέχνασμα τοῦτο ἐς τὴν τῶν ἀνδροφόνων σωτηρίαν ἐπινοοῦντες· οὐ γὰρ ἔσεσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην μὴ γενομένης αὐτοῖς ἀμνηστίας. ὧδε δὲ αὐτοῖς ἔχουσι πρῶτος ἐπιφαίνεται Κίννας στρατηγός, οἰκεῖος ὢν ἐξ ἐπιγαμίας τῷ Καίσαρι, καὶ παρὰ δόξαν ἐπελθὼν ἐς μέσους τήν τε ἐσθῆτα τὴν στρατηγικὴν ἀπεδύσατο, ὡς παρὰ τυράννου δεδομένης ὑπερορῶν, καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα τύραννον ἐκάλει καὶ τοὺς ἀνελόντας τυραννοκτόνους, καὶ τὸ πεπραγμένον ἐσέμνυνεν ὡς ὁμοιότατον μάλιστα τῷ προγονικῷ καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς εὐεργέτας καλεῖν ἐκέλευεν ἐκ τοῦ Καπιτωλίου καὶ γεραίρειν. καὶ Κίννας μὲν οὕτως ἔλεξεν, οἱ δὲ τὸ καθαρὸν τοῦ πλήθους οὐχ ὁρῶντες ἐπιμιγνύμενον αὑτοῖς οὐκ ἐκάλουν τοὺς ἄνδρας οὐδέ τι πλέον ἢ περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης μόνης αὖθις παρεκάλουν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.17.121

From so many men of this kind a considerable crowd was drawn speedily and without difficulty to the party of Cassius in the forum. These, although bought, did not dare to praise the murder, because they feared Caesar’s reputation and doubted what course the rest of the people might take. So they shouted for peace as being for the public advantage, and with one accord recommended this policy to the magistrates, intending by this device to secure the safety of the murderers; for there could be no peace without amnesty to them. While they were thus engaged the praetor Cinna, a relative of Caesar by marriage, made his appearance, advanced unexpectedly into the middle of the forum, laid aside his praetorian robe, as if disdaining the gift of a tyrant, and called Caesar a tyrant and his murderers tyrannicides. He extolled their deed as exactly like that of their ancestors, and ordered that the men themselves should be called from the Capitol as benefactors and rewarded with public honors. So spake Cinna, but when the hirelings saw that the unbought portion of the crowd did not agree with them they did not call for the men in the Capitol, nor did they do anything else but continually demand peace.

Edition note

The text of all the codices except the Vatican reads: παρεκάλουν (τέχνασμα τοῦτό ἐστι τῶν ἀνδροφονῶν) σοτηρίαν ἐπινοοῦντες; which means that this shouting for peace was a device of the murderers themselves. which is not unlikely, but it presents grammatical difficulties which led Schweighäuser to change the word ἐστι to ἐς τὴν and to reject the parenthesis, as Geslen had done before him. The Vatican codex has this very reading, as Mendelssohn points out.

2.17.122 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.17.122

ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Δολοβέλλας, νέος ἀνὴρ καὶ περιώνυμος, ὑπατεύειν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος ἐς τὸ ἐπίλοιπον τοῦ ἔτους ᾑρημένος, ὅτε ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐξορμήσειε τῆς πόλεως, τὴν μὲν ὕπατον ἐσθῆτα ἠμφιέσατο καὶ τὰ σημεῖα τῆς ἀρχῆς περιεστήσατο, τὸν δὲ ταῦτά οἱ παρασχόντα δεύτερος ὅδε ἐλοιδόρει καὶ συνεγνωκέναι τοῖς ἐπʼ αὐτῷ βεβουλευμένοις ὑπεκρίνετο καὶ μόνης ἄκων τῆς χειρὸς ἀπολειφθῆναι ʽεἰσὶ δʼ οἳ καὶ λέγουσιν αὐτὸν εἰσηγήσασθαι τὴν ἡμέραν θέσθαι τῇ πόλει γενέθλιον̓, τότε δὴ καὶ οἱ μεμισθωμένοι ἀνεθάρρουν ὡς καὶ στρατηγοῦ καὶ ὑπάτου σφίσι συγγνωμόνων ὄντων καὶ τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ κατεκάλουν. οἱ δὲ ἥδοντο μὲν τῷ Δολοβέλλᾳ καὶ ἐνόμιζον ἄνδρα νέον καὶ γνώριμον καὶ ὕπατον ἕξειν ἐς ἐναντίωσιν Ἀντωνίου, κατῄεσαν δὲ αὐτῶν μόνοι Κάσσιός τε καὶ Βροῦτος ὁ Μᾶρκος, ᾑμαγμένος τὴν χεῖρα· συγκατήνεγκαν γὰρ δὴ τὰς πληγὰς ἐπὶ τὸν Καίσαρα Κάσσιός τε καὶ Βροῦτος. ἐπεὶ δὲ παρῆλθον ἐς τὸ μέσον, οὐδὲν ταπεινὸν οὐδέτερος εἶπεν, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἐπὶ καλοῖς ὁμολογουμένοις ἀλλήλους ἐπῄνουν καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐμακάριζον καὶ Δέκμῳ μάλιστα ἐμαρτύρουν, ὅτι τοὺς μονομάχους σφίσιν ἐν καιρῷ παράσχοι. τόν τε δῆμον ἐξώτρυνον ὅμοια τοῖς προγόνοις ἐργάσασθαι τοῖς καθελοῦσι τοὺς βασιλέας, οὐκ ἐκ βίας ἄρχοντας ὥσπερ ὁ Καῖσαρ, ἀλλʼ ᾑρημένους ὑπὸ νόμοις· Σέξστον τε Πομπήιον, τὸν Πομπηίου Μάγνου, τοῦ Καίσαρι περὶ τῆς δημοκρατίας πεπολεμηκότος, καλεῖν ἠξίουν, πολεμούμενον ἔτι πρὸς τῶν Καίσαρος στρατηγῶν ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ, καὶ τοὺς δημάρχους Καισήτιον καὶ Μάρυλλον, οἳ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἀφαιρεθέντες ἠλῶντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.17.122

But after Dolabella, a young man of noble family who had been chosen by Caesar as consul for the remainder of his own year when he was about to leave the city, and who had put on the consular garb and taken the other insignia of the office, came forward next and railed against the man who had advanced him to this dignity and pretended to have been privy to the conspiracy against him, and that his hand alone was unwillingly absent — some say that he even proposed a decree that this day should be consecrated as the birthday of the republic — then the hirelings took new courage, seeing that they had both a praetor and a consul on their side, and demanded that Cassius and his friends be summoned from the Capitol. They were delighted with Dolabella and thought that now they had a young optimate, who was also consul, to oppose against Antony. Only Cassius and Marcus Brutus came down, the latter with his hand still bleeding from the wound he had received when he and Cassius were dealing blows at Caesar. When they reached the forum neither of them said anything which betokened humility. On the contrary they praised each other as for something confessedly admirable. They considered the city fortunate and bore special testimony to the merits of Decimus Brutus because he had furnished them gladiators at a critical moment. They exhorted the people to be like their ancestors, who had expelled the kings, although the latter were exercising the government not by violence like Caesar, but had been chosen according to law. They advised the recall of Sextus Pompey (the son of Pompey the Great, the defender of the republic against Caesar), who was still warring against Caesar’s lieutenants in Spain. They also recommended that the tribunes, Caesetius and Marullus, who had been deposed by Caesar, should be recalled from exile.

Edition note

Dolabella had married Cicero’s daughter Tullia. He was a great scoundrel and turncoat.

2.17.123 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.17.123

τοιάδε μὲν εἶπον οἱ περὶ τὸν Κάσσιον καὶ ἐπανῆλθον αὖθις ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον· οὐ γὰρ ἐθάρρουν πω τοῖς παροῦσι. τῶν δʼ οἰκείων σφίσι καὶ συγγενῶν τότε πρῶτον ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐλθεῖν πρὸς αὐτοὺς δυνηθέντων ᾑρέθησαν οἱ πρεσβεύσοντες ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἐς Λέπιδόν τε καὶ Ἀντώνιον ὁμονοίας πέρι καὶ προνοίας τῆς ἐλευθερίας καὶ φειδοῦς τῶν ἐσομένων τῇ πατρίδι κακῶν, εἰ μὴ συμφρονοῖεν. καὶ ἐδέοντο οἱ πεμφθέντες, οὐκ ἐπαινοῦντες μὲν τὸ πεπραγμένον (οὐ γὰρ ἐθάρρουν ἐν φίλοις Καίσαρος), γενόμενον δʼ ἐνεγκεῖν ἀξιοῦντες ἐλέῳ τε τῶν δεδρακότων αὐτὸ οὐ κατὰ μῖσος, ἀλλʼ ἐπʼ εὐνοίᾳ τῆς πατρίδος καὶ οἴκτῳ τῆς πόλεως κεκενωμένης στάσεσιν ἤδη συνεχέσιν, εἰ καὶ τοὺς ὑπολοίπους ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας ἡ μέλλουσα στάσις διολέσει. οὐδὲ γὰρ ὅσιον, εἴ τις αὐτοῖς ἔστιν ἔχθρα πρὸς ἐνίους, ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις κινδύνοις ἐξερίζειν, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ἐν τοῖς κοινοῖς καὶ τὰ ἴδια καταθέσθαι ἤ, εἴ τις ἀνηκέστως ἔχει, τὰ ἴδια ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀναθέσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.17.123

After they had thus spoken Cassius and Brutus returned directly to the Capitol, because they had not yet entire confidence in the present posture of affairs. Having first enabled their friends and relatives to come to them in the temple, they chose from among them messengers to treat on their behalf with Lepidus and Antony for conciliation and the preservation of liberty, and for warding off the evils that would befall the country if they should not come to an agreement. This the messengers asked, not extolling the deed that had been done, however, for they did not dare to do this in the presence of Caesar’s friends. They asked that it be tolerated now that it was done, out of pity for the perpetrators (who had been actuated, not by hatred toward Caesar, but by love of country), and out of compassion for the city exhausted by long-continued civil strife, and which a new sedition might deprive of the good men still remaining. If enmity were entertained against certain persons, they said, it would be an act of impiety to gratify it in a time of public danger. It would be far preferable to sink private animosity in the public weal, or, if anybody were irreconcilable, at least to postpone his private grievances for the present.

2.17.124 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.17.124

Ἀντώνιος δὲ καὶ Λέπιδος ἐβούλοντο μὲν ἀμύνειν Καίσαρι, ὥς μοι προείρηται, εἴτε φιλίας ἕνεκα εἴτε τῶν ὀμωμοσμένων, εἴτε καὶ ἀρχῆς ὀρεγόμενοι καὶ νομίζοντες εὐμαρέστερα σφίσιν ἅπαντα ἔσεσθαι τοιῶνδε καὶ τοσῶνδε ἀνδρῶν ἀθρόως ἐκποδὼν γενομένων· τοὺς δὲ φίλους καὶ συγγενεῖς αὐτῶν ἐδεδοίκεσαν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην βουλὴν ἐπιρρέπουσαν ἐς ἐκείνους, Δέκμον τε μάλιστα, τῆς ὁμόρου Κελτικῆς ᾑρημένον ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἄρχειν, στρατὸν πολὺν ἐχούσης. ἐδόκει δὴ καραδοκεῖν ἔτι τὰ γενησόμενα καὶ τεχνάζειν εἰ δύναιντο περισπάσαι πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς τὴν στρατιὰν τὴν Δέκμου, ἄθυμον ἤδη τοῖς ἀτρύτοις πόνοις γεγενημένην. οὕτω δὲ δόξαν αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἀντώνιος τοὺς εἰπόντας ἠμείψατο· κατὰ μὲν ἔχθραν ἰδίαν οὐδὲν ἐργασόμεθα· ἕνεκα δὲ τοῦ μύσους καὶ ὧν Καίσαρι πάντες ὠμόσαμεν, φύλακες αὐτῷ τοῦ σώματος ἢ τιμωροὶ παθόντι τι ἔσεσθαι, εὔορκον ἦν τὸ ἄγος ἐξελαύνειν καὶ μετʼ ὀλιγωτέρων καθαρῶν βιοῦν μᾶλλον ἢ πάντας ἐνόχους ὄντας ταῖς ἀραῖς. ἀλλὰ διʼ ὑμᾶς οἷς οὕτω δοκεῖ, σκεψόμεθα μεθʼ ὑμῶν ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ καὶ νομιοῦμεν εὐαγὲς ἔσεσθαι τῇ πόλει, ὅ τι ἂν κοινῇ δοκιμάσητε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.17.124

Antony and Lepidus wished to avenge Caesar, as I have already said, either on the score of friendship, or of the oaths they had sworn, or because they were aiming at the supreme power themselves and thought that their course would be easier if so many men of such rank were put out of the way at once. But they feared the friends and relatives of these men and the leaning of the rest of the Senate toward them, and especially they feared Decimus Brutus, who had been chosen by Caesar governor of Cisalpine Gaul, which had a large army. So they decided to watch a future opportunity and to try if possible to draw over to themselves the army of Decimus, which was already disheartened by its protracted labors. Having come to this decision, Antony replied to the messengers, We shall do nothing from private enmity, yet in consequence of the crime and of the oaths we have all sworn to Caesar, that we would either protect his person or avenge his death, a solemn regard for our oath requires us to drive out the guilty and to live with a smaller number of innocent men rather than that all should be liable to the divine curse. Yet for our own part, although this seems to us the proper course, we will consider the matter with you in the Senate and we will agree to whatever may be decided in common to be propitious for the city.

2.17.125 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.17.125

ὁ μὲν ἀσφαλῶς οὕτως ἀπεκρίνατο. οἱ δὲ χάριν τε ᾔδεσαν καὶ ἀπεχώρουν ἐν ἐλπίδι βεβαίῳ τὰ πάντα θέμενοι· τὴν γὰρ βουλὴν σφίσι συμπράξειν ἐς πάντα ἐπεποίθεσαν. ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἐκέλευσε νυκτοφυλακεῖν τὴν πόλιν, ἐκ διαστήματος ἐν μέσῳ προκαθημένας ὥσπερ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ· καὶ ἦσαν πυραὶ πανταχοῦ κατὰ τὸ ἄστυ καὶ διʼ αὐτῶν ἔθεον ἀνὰ τὴν νύκτα πᾶσαν ἐς τὰς τῶν βουλευτῶν οἰκίας οἱ τῶν ἀνδροφόνων οἰκεῖοι, παρακαλοῦντες ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίου πολιτείας· ἀντιπαρέθεον δὲ καὶ οἱ τῶν κληρούχων ἡγεμόνες ἀπειλοῦντες, εἰ μή τις αὐτοῖς φυλάξει τὰς κληρουχίας τάς τε ἤδη δεδομένας καὶ τὰς ἐπηγγελμένας. ἤδη δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀστῶν ὁ καθαρώτατος λεὼς ἀνεθάρρει, τὴν ὀλιγότητα τῶν δεδρακότων πυθόμενοι· καὶ ἐς μνήμην τοῦ Καίσαρος ὑπεφέροντο καὶ ταῖς γνώμαις διῃροῦντο. τῆς δʼ αὐτῆς νυκτὸς καὶ τὰ χρήματα τοῦ Καίσαρος καὶ τὰ ὑπομνήματα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον μετεκομίζετο, εἴτε τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτὰ τῆς Καίσαρος ἐξ ἐπικινδύνου τότε οἰκίας ἐς ἀκινδυνοτέραν τὴν Ἀντωνίου μεταφερούσης, εἴτε τοῦ Ἀντωνίου κελεύσαντος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.17.125

Thus did Antony make a safe answer. The messengers returned their thanks and went away full of hope, for they had entire confidence that the Senate would cooperate with them. Antony ordered the magistrates to have the city watched by night, stationing guards at intervals as in the daytime, and he had fires lighted throughout the city. By this means the friends of the murderers were enabled to traverse the city the whole night, going to the houses of the senators and beseeching them in behalf of these men and of the republic. On the other hand, the leaders of the colonized soldiers ran about uttering threats lest they should fail to hold the lands set apart, either already assigned or proclaimed to them. And now the more honest citizens began to recover courage when they learned how small was the number of the conspirators, and when they remembered Caesar’s merits they became much divided in opinion. That same night Caesar’s money and his official papers were transferred to Antony’s house, either because Calpurnia thought that they would be safer there or because Antony ordered it.

2.18.126 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.18.126

γιγνομένων δὲ τούτων διάγραμμα νυκτὸς ἀνεγινώσκετο Ἀντωνίον τὴν βουλὴν συγκαλοῦντος ἔτι πρὸ ἡμέρας ἐς τὸ τῆς Γῆς ἱερόν, ἀγχοτάτω μάλιστα ὂν τῆς οἰκίας Ἀντωνίου· οὔτε γὰρ ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐθάρρει κατελθεῖν, ὑποκείμενον τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ, τῶν μονομάχων ὄντων ἐκείνοις συνεργῶν, οὔτε στρατιὰν ἐσαγαγὼν ἐς τὴν πόλιν διαταράξαι· Λέπιδος δὲ ὅμως εἰσήγαγε. πλησιαζούσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας οἵ τε ἄλλοι βουλευταὶ συνέθεον ἐς τὸ τῆς Γῆς ἱερὸν καὶ Κίννας ὁ στρατηγός, αὖθις ἐπικείμενος τὴν στρατηγικὴν ἐσθῆτα, ἣν ἐχθὲς ὡς τυράννου δόντος ἐξερρίφει. θεασάμενοι δʼ αὐτόν τινες τῶν ἀδεκάστων καὶ τῶν ἐστρατευμένων τῷ Καίσαρι, διʼ ὀργῆς ἔχοντες ὅτι πρῶτος ἐπὶ τῷ Καίσαρι, καίπερ οἰκεῖος ὢν αὐτοῦ, βλασφήμως ἐδημηγόρησε, λίθοις ἔβαλλον καὶ ἐδίωκον· καὶ ἐς οἰκίαν τινὰ συμφυγόντα, ξύλα συμφέροντες, ἐμπρήσειν ἔμελλον, εἰ μὴ Λέπιδος μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπελθὼν ἐκώλυσε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.18.126

While these things were taking place Antony, by means of a notice sent around by night, called the Senate to meet before daybreak at the temple of Tellus, which was very near his own house, because he did not dare to go to the senate-house situated just below the Capitol, where the gladiators were aiding the conspirators, nor did he wish to disturb the city by bringing in the army. Lepidus, however, did that. As daylight was approaching the senators assembled at the temple of Tellus, including the praetor Cinna, clothed again in the robe of office which he had cast off the previous day as the gift of a tyrant. Some of the unbribed people and some of Caesar’s veterans, when they saw him, were indignant that he, although a relative of Caesar, should have been the first to slander him in a public speech, threw stones at him, pursued him, and when he had taken refuge in a house brought fagots and were about to set it on fire when Lepidus came up with his soldiers and stopped them. This was the first decided expression of opinion in favor of Caesar. The hirelings, and the murderers themselves, were alarmed by it.

2.18.127 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.18.127

τοῦτο μὲν δὴ πρῶτον ἔργον παρρησίας ἦρξεν ἐπὶ τῷ Καίσαρι, καὶ αὐτὸ κατέδεισαν οἵ τε μισθωτοὶ καὶ οἱ σφαγεῖς αὐτοί· ἐν δὲ τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ βραχὺ μὲν ἦν τὸ καθαρεῦον σπουδῆς βιαίου καὶ ἀγανακτοῦν, οἱ δὲ πλέονες σὺν παρασκευῇ ποικίλῃ τοῖς ἀνδροφόνοις συνήργουν. καὶ πρῶτα μὲν αὐτοὺς ἀξιοπίστως ἠξίουν καὶ παρεῖναι σφίσι καὶ συνεδρεύειν, ἐξ ὑπευθύνων ἐς κριτὰς μεταφέροντες. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος οὐκ ἐκώλυεν, εἰδὼς οὐκ ἐλευσομένους· οὐδὲ ἦλθον. εἶτα ἐπὶ διαπείρᾳ τῆς βουλῆς οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν μάλα θρασέως τὸ πεπραγμένον ἐπῄνουν ἄντικρυς καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐκάλουν τυραννοκτόνους καὶ γεραίρειν ἐκέλευον, οἱ δὲ τὰ μὲν γέρα περιῄρουν, ὡς οὐδὲ ἐκείνων δεομένων οὐδὲ ἐπὶ τῷδε αὐτὰ πραξάντων. εὐφημεῖν δὲ μόνον αὐτοὺς ἐδικαίουν ὡς εὐεργέτας· οἱ δὲ καὶ τὴν εὐφημίαν ὑπανῄρουν καὶ φείδεσθαι μόνον αὐτῶν ἠξίουν. καὶ οἱ μὲν τάδε ἐτέχναζον καὶ περιεώρων, ὅ τι πρῶτον αὐτῶν ἐνδεξαμένη μάλιστα ἡ βουλὴ πρὸς τὰ λοιπὰ κατʼ ὀλίγον εὐεπιχείρητος αὑτοῖς ἔσοιτο· οἱ δὲ καθαρώτεροι τὸ μὲν ἔργον ὡς ἄγος ἀπεστρέφοντο, αἰδοῖ δὲ μεγάλων οἴκων περισῴζειν αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἐκώλυον, ἠγανάκτουν δέ, εἰ καὶ τιμήσουσιν ὡς εὐεργέτας. οἱ δὲ ἀντέλεγον μὴ χρῆναι περισῴζοντας φθονεῖν τῶν περισσῶν ἐς ἀσφάλειαν. ὡς δέ τις εἶπε τὴν τούτων τιμὴν ὕβριν Καίσαρι φέρειν, οὐκ εἴων ἔτι τὸν τεθνεῶτα τῶν περιόντων προτιθέναι. ἑτέρου δὲ ἐγκρατῶς εἰπόντος, ὅτι χρὴ δύο τῶνδε πάντως τὸ ἕτερον, ἢ Καίσαρα τύραννον προαποφαίνειν ἢ τούτους ἐξ ἐλέου περισῴζειν, τούτου μόνου δεξάμενοι τὸ λεχθὲν οἱ ἕτεροι ᾔτουν σφίσι ψῆφον ἀναδοθῆναι περὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐπὶ ὅρκῳ, καὶ εἰ καθαρῶς ἐθέλουσι κρῖναι, μηδένʼ αὑτοῖς ἐπιθεάσαι τὰ ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἐψηφισμένα ἄρχοντι ἤδη, ὧν οὐδὲν ἑκόντας οὐδὲ πρὶν ἢ δεῖσαι περὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν. ἀνῃρημένου τε Πομπηίου καὶ ἐπὶ Πομπηίῳ μυρίων ἄλλων, ψηφίσασθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.18.127

In the Senate only a small number were free from sympathy with the act of violence and indignant at the murder. Most of them sought to aid the murderers in various ways. They proposed first to invite them to be present under a pledge of safety and sit in council with them, thus changing them from criminals to judges. Antony did not oppose this because he knew they would not come; and they did not come. Then, in order to test the feeling of the Senate, some of them extolled the deed openly and without disguise, called the men tyrannicides, and proposed that they should be rewarded. Others were opposed to giving rewards, saying that the men did not want them and had not done the deed for the sake of reward, but thought that they should merely be thanked as public benefactors. Still others were opposed to thanking them and thought that it would be sufficient to grant them impunity. Such were the devices to which they resorted, and were trying to discover which of these courses the Senate would be inclined to accept first, hoping that after a little that body would be more easily led on by them to the other measures. The honester portion revolted at the murder as impious, but out of respect for the great families of the murderers would not oppose the granting of impunity, yet they were indignant at the proposal to honor them as public benefactors. Others argued that if impunity were granted it would not be fitting to refuse the most ample means of safety. When one speaker said that honoring them would be dishonoring Caesar, it was answered that it was not permissible to prefer the interests of the dead to those of the living. Another having said plainly that one of two things must be decided beforehand — either that Caesar was a tyrant or that his murderers were to be pardoned as an act of clemency — the others [Caesar’s enemies] seized upon this simple proposition and asked that an opportunity be given them of expressing themselves by vote concerning the character of Caesar, under the solemn pledge that, if they voluntarily should give their unbiased judgment, the penalty of the oath should not befall them for having previously voted Caesar’s decrees under compulsion — never willingly and never until they were in fear for their own lives, after the killing of Pompey and of numberless others besides Pompey.

2.18.128 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.18.128

ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος ἐφορῶν αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐφεδρεύων, ἐπειδὴ λόγων ὕλην οὐκ ἄπορον οὐδὲ ἀναμφίλογον εἶδεν ἐσφερομένην, ἔγνω τὸ ἐνθύμημα αὐτῶν οἰκείῳ φόβῳ καὶ φροντίδι περὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν διαχέαι. εἰδὼς οὖν τῶν βουλευτῶν αὐτῶν πολὺ πλῆθος ἔς τε τὰς ἀρχὰς τὰς ἐν ἄστει καὶ ἐς ἱερωσύνας καὶ ἐθνῶν ἢ στρατοπέδων ἡγεμονίας ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος εἰς τὸ μέλλον ᾑρημένους ʽὡς γὰρ ἐπὶ χρόνιον στρατείαν ἐξιὼν ἐπὶ πενταετὲς ᾕρητὀ, σιωπὴν ὡς ὕπατος ἐπικηρύξας ἔφη· τοῖς αἰτοῦσι περὶ Καίσαρος ψῆφον ἀνάγκη τάδε προειδέναι, ὅτι ἄρχοντος μὲν αὐτοῦ καὶ αἱρετοῦ προστάτου γενομένου τὰ πεπραγμένα καὶ δεδογμένα πάντα κύρια μενεῖ, δόξαντος δʼ ἐπὶ βίᾳ τυραννῆσαι τό τε σῶμα ἄταφον τῆς πατρίδος ὑπερορίζεται καὶ τὰ πεπραγμένα πάντα ἀκυροῦται. ἔστι δέ, ὡς ὅρῳ περιλαβεῖν, ἐπὶ πᾶσαν ἀφικνούμενα γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν, καὶ τὰ πολλὰ αὐτῶν οὐδὲ βουλομένοις ἡμῖν ὑπακούσεται· καὶ δείξω μετʼ ὀλίγον. ὃ δέ ἐστι μόνον ἐφʼ ἡμῖν, ὅτι καὶ περὶ μόνων ἐστὶν ἡμῶν, τοῦτο ὑμῖν προθήσω πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων, ὡς ἂν ἐν τῷ εὐμαρεῖ τὴν εἰκόνα τῶν δυσχερεστέρων προλάβοιτε. ἡμεῖς γὰρ αὐτοὶ σχεδὸν ἅπαντες οἱ μὲν ἤρξαμεν ὑπὸ τῷ Καίσαρι, οἱ δὲ ἔτι ἄρχομεν αἱρετοὶ πρὸς ἐκείνου γενόμενοι, οἱ δὲ ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἄρχειν κεχειροτονήμεθα· ἐς γὰρ πενταετες, ὡς ἴστε, καὶ τὰ ἀστικὰ ἡμῖν καὶ τὰ ἐτήσια τὰς τῶν ἐθνῶν ἢ στρατοπέδων ἡγεμονίας διετάξατο. εἰ δὴ ταῦτα ὑμεῖς ἑκόντες ἀποθήσεσθε ʽἐστὲ γὰρ ὑμεῖς τοῦδε μάλιστα κύριοἰ, τόδε πρῶτον ὑμᾶς ἀξιῶ κρῖναι· καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ἐποίσω.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.18.128

When Antony, who had been looking on and waiting, saw that sufficient material for discussion had been introduced which was not open to dispute, he resolved to balk their scheme by exciting fear and anxiety for themselves. Seeing a great number of these senators themselves who had been designated by Caesar for city magistracies, priestly offices, and the command of provinces and armies (for, as he was going on a long expedition, he had appointed them for five years), Antony proclaimed silence as consul and said: Those who are asking for a vote on the character of Caesar ought to consider in the first place that all the things done and decreed under his government and while he was the chosen ruler of the state remain in full force. If it is decided that he usurped the government by violence, his body should be cast out unburied and all his acts annulled. These acts, to speak briefly, embrace the whole earth and sea, and most of them will stand whether we like them or not, as I shall presently show. Those things which alone belong to us to decide, because they concern us alone, I will propose to you first, so that you may gain a conception of the more difficult questions from a consideration of the easier ones. Almost all of us have held office under Caesar; or do so still, having been chosen thereto by him; or will do so soon, having been designated in advance by him; for, as you know, he had disposed of the city offices, the yearly magistracies, and the command of provinces and armies for five years. If you are willing to resign these offices (for this is entirely in your power), I will put that question to you first and then I will take up the remaining ones.

2.18.129 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.18.129

ὁ μὲν δὴ τοιοῦτον αὐτοῖς οὐ περ Καίσαρος, ἀλλὰ περὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν δαλὸν ἐξάψας ἡσύχαζεν· οἱ δʼ εὐθὺς ἀνεπήδων ἀθρόοι μετὰ βοῆς, οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες ἐπὶ χειροτονίαις ἄλλαις οὐδʼ ἐπὶ τῷ δήμῳ γενέσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ βεβαίως ἔχειν, ἃ ἔλαβον. τοῖς δὲ καὶ ἡλικίας τι νεώτερον ἢ ἄλλη πρὸς χειροτονίαν ἐναντίωσις ὑποῦσα ἀνηρέθιζε. καὶ τῶνδε αὐτὸς ὁ ὕπατος ἐξῆρχε Δολοβέλλας· οὐ γὰρ αὐτῷ δυνατὸν ἐφαίνετο κατʼ ἔννομον χειροτονίαν ὑπατεῦσαι, πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν ἐνιαυτῶν ὄντι. ὀξεῖα δὴ τοῦ χθὲς ὑποκριναμένου μετασχεῖν τῶν γεγονότων ἐγίγνετο μεταβολή, λοιδορουμένου τοῖς πολλοῖς, εἰ τοὺς ἀνδροφόνους τιμᾶν ἀξιοῦντες τοὺς ἄρχοντας σφῶν ἀτιμώσουσιν ἐς εὐπρέπειαν τῆς ἐκείνων σωτηρίας. οἱ δὲ αὐτόν τε τὸν Δολοβέλλαν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐπήλπιζον χάριν ἐκ τοῦ δήμου λαβόντες ἐς τὰς αὐτὰς ἀρχὰς ἀποφανεῖν αὐτίκα καὶ οὐκ ἀρχόντων ἀλλαγήν, ἀλλὰ μόνης ἔσεσθαι χειροτονίας ἐπὶ τὸ νομιμώτερον ἐκ τοῦ μοναρχικοῦ· ὃ καὶ κόσμον αὐτοῖς οἴσειν ἔν τε μοναρχίᾳ καὶ δημοκρατίᾳ τὰ ὅμοια προτιμωμένοις. καὶ τούτων ἔτι λεγομένων ἔνιοι τῶν στρατηγῶν τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἐπὶ ἐνέδρᾳ τῶν ἀντιλεγόντων ἀπετίθεντο, ὡς καὶ αὐτοὶ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων αὐτὰς ἀντιληψόμενοι νομιμώτερον. τοῖς δὲ ἥ τε ἐνέδρα κατεφαίνετο, καὶ οὐδὲ κυρίους ἔτι τῆσδε τῆς χειροτονίας ἐσομένους ᾔδεσαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.18.129

Having lighted this kind of a firebrand among them, not in reference to Caesar, but to themselves, Antony relapsed into silence. They rose immediately en masse, and with loud clamor protested against new elections or submitting their claims to the people. They preferred to keep a firm hold on what they possessed. Some were opposed to new elections because they were not of lawful age, or for some other unavowed reason, and among these was the consul Dolabella himself, who could not legally stand for an election to that office as he was only twenty-five years old. Although he had pretended yesterday that he had a share in the conspiracy, a sudden change came over him, and now he reviled the majority for seeking to confer honor on murderers and dishonoring their own magistrates under the pretext of securing the safety of the former. Some encouraged Dolabella himself and the other magistrates to believe that they would obtain for them the same positions from the people’s gratitude without any change of officers, but simply by the more legal method of election in place of monarchical appointment, and that it would be an additional honor to them to hold the same places under the monarchy and the republic. While these speakers were still talking some of the praetors, in order to ensnare the opposing faction, laid aside their robes of office as if they were about to exchange them for a more legal title to their places, in common with the others; but the others did not fall into the trap. They knew that these men could not control the future election.

2.18.130 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.18.130

ὧδε δὲ ἔτι ἐχόντων, ὁ Ἀντώνιος καὶ ὁ Λέπιδος ἐκ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου προῆλθον· καὶ γάρ τινες αὐτοὺς ἐκ πολλοῦ συνδραμόντες ἐκάλουν ὡς δὲ ὤφθησαν ἐκ μετεώρου καὶ σιγὴ κεκραγότων μόλις ἐγίγνετο, εἷς μέν τις ἐβόησεν, εἴτε κατὰ γνώμην ἰδίαν εἴτε παρεσκευασμένος· φυλάσσεσθε παθεῖν ὅμοια. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος αὐτῷ παραλύσας τι τοῦ χιτωνίσκου θώρακα ἐντὸς ἐπεδείκνυεν, ὑπερεθίζων ἄρα τοὺς ὁρῶντας ὡς οὐκ ἐνὸν σῴζεσθαι χωρὶς ὅπλων οὐδὲ ὑπάτοις. ἐπιβοώντων δʼ ἑτέρων τὸ πεπραγμένον ἐπεξιέναι καὶ τῶν πλεόνων περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης παρακαλούντων, τοῖς μὲν περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης ἔφη· περὶ τούτου σκοποῦμεν, ὡς ἔσται τε καὶ γενομένη διαμενεῖ· δυσεύρετον γὰρ ἤδη τὸ ἀσφαλὲς αὐτῆς, ὅτι μηδὲ Καίσαρα ὤνησαν ὅρκοι τοσοίδε καὶ ἀραί. ἐς δὲ τοὺς ἐπεξιέναι παρακαλοῦντας ἐπιστραφεὶς ἐπῄνει μὲν ὡς εὐορκότερα καὶ εὐσεβέστερα αἱρουμένους καί αὐτὸς ἄν, ἔφη, συνετασσόμην ὑμῖν καὶ τὰ αὐτὰ πρῶτος ἐβόων, εἰ μὴ ὕπατος ἦν, ᾧ τοῦ λεγομένου συμφέρειν μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦ δικαίου μέλει· ὧδε γὰρ ἡμῖν οἱ ἔνδον παραινοῦσιν. οὕτω δέ που καὶ Καῖσαρ αὐτός, οὓς εἷλε πολέμῳ τῶν πολιτῶν, διὰ τὸ συμφέρον τῆς πόλεως περισώσας ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ἀπέθανε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.18.130

While affairs were proceeding thus, Antony and Lepidus went out of the Senate, having been called for by a crowd that had been assembling for some time. When they were perceived in an elevated place, and the shouters had been with difficulty silenced, one of their number, either of his own volition or because he was prompted, called out, Have a care lest you suffer a like fate. Antony loosened his tunic and showed him a coat-of-mail inside, thus exciting the beholders, as though it were impossible even for consuls to be safe without arms. Some cried out that the deed must be avenged, but a greater number demanded peace. To those who called for peace Antony said, That is what we are striving for, that it may come and be permanent, but it is hard to get security for it when so many oaths and solemnities were of no avail in the case of Caesar. Then, turning to those who demanded vengeance, he praised them as more observant of the obligations of oaths and religion, and added, I myself would join you and would be the first to call for vengeance if I were not the consul, who must care for what is called expedient rather than for what is just. So these people who are inside tell us. So Caesar himself perhaps thought when, for the good of the country, he spared those citizens whom he captured in war, and was slain by them.

2.18.131 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.18.131

τοιαῦτα τοῦ Ἀντωνίου παρὰ μέρος τεχνάζοντος οἱ ἀμύνειν τοῖς γεγονόσιν ἀξιοῦντες Λέπιδον ἠξίουν ἀμύνειν. Λεπίδου δέ τι μέλλοντος λέγειν, οἱ πόρρω συνεστῶτες κατελθεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἠξίουν, ἵνα ὁμαλῶς ἅπαντες ἐπακούσειαν. καὶ ὁ μὲν εὐθὺς ᾔει, νομίζων ἤδη τὸ πλῆθος τρέπεσθαι, καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ ἔμβολα παρελθὼν ἔστενε καὶ ἔκλαιεν ἐν περιόπτῳ μέχρι πολλοῦ, ἀνενεγκὼν δέ ποτε εἶπεν· ἐνταῦθα χθὲς μετὰ Καίσαρος ἱστάμην, ἔνθα νῦν ἀναγκάζομαι ζητεῖν περὶ Καίσαρος ἀνῃρημένου, τί βούλεσθε. ἀναβοησάντων δὲ πολλῶν· ἀμύνειν σε τῷ Καίσαρι, ἀντανεβόησαν οἱ μισθωτοί. τὴν εἰρήνην τῇ πόλει. ὁ δὲ τούτοις μὲν ἔφη· βουλόμεθα. ἀλλὰ ποίαν λέγετε εἰρήνην; ἢ ποίοις ὅρκοις ἀσφαλὴς ἔσται; τοὺς μὲν γὰρ πατρίους πάντας ὠμόσαμεν Καίσαρι καὶ κατεπατήσαμεν, οἱ τῶν ὀμωμοκότων ἄριστοι εἶναι λεγόμενοι. πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἀμύνειν ἀξιοῦντας ἐπιστραφείς ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ ἡμῶν, ἔφη, μεθέστηκεν, ἱερὸς τῷ ὄντι καὶ τίμιος ἀνήρ, τὴν δὲ πόλιν τοὺς ὑπολοίπους αἰδούμεθα βλάψαι. καὶ τάδε, ἔφη, σκοποῦσιν ἡμῶν οἱ πρόβουλοι, καὶ δοκεῖ τοῖς πλέοσιν. ἀνακραγόντων δὲ αὖθις· ἐπέξιθι μόνος, βούλομαι, εἶπε, καὶ εὔορκόν ἐστί μοι καὶ μόνῳ. ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐμὲ καὶ ὑμᾶς βούλεσθαι δεῖ μόνους οὐδὲ μόνους ἀντιτιθέναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.18.131

When Antony had in this way worked upon both parties by turns, those who wanted to have vengeance on the murderers asked Lepidus to execute it. As Lepidus was about to speak those who were standing at a distance asked him to go down to the forum where all could hear him equally well. So he went directly there, thinking that the crowd was now changing its mind, and when he had taken his place on the rostra he groaned and wept in plain sight for some time. Then recovering himself, he said, Yesterday I stood with Caesar here, where now I am com- pelled to ask what you wish me to do about his murder. Many cried out Avenge Caesar. The hirelings shouted on the other side, Peace for the republic. To the latter he replied, Agreed, but what kind of a peace do you mean? By what sort of oaths shall it be confirmed? We all swore the national oaths to Caesar and we have trampled on them — we who are considered the most distinguished of the oath-takers. Then, turning to those who called for vengeance, he said, Caesar, that truly sacred and revered man, has gone from us, but we hesitate to deprive the republic of those who still remain. Our conscript fathers, he added, are considering these matters, and this is the opinion of most of them. They shouted again, Avenge him yourself. I would like to, he replied, and it is right that I should do it even alone, but it is not fitting that you and I should wish to do it alone, or alone set ourselves up against them.

2.18.132 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.18.132

τοιαῦτα καὶ τοῦτον τεχνάζοντα οἱ μισθωτοὶ φιλότιμον εἰδότες ἐπῄνουν καὶ ᾑροῦντο ἐπὶ τὴν Καίσαρος ἱερωσύνην. τοῦ δὲ ἥψατο μὲν ἡ ἡδονή, μέμνησθε, δὲ ἔφη, μοι τοῦδε καὶ ὕστερον, ἂν ἄξιος εἶναι δοκῶ. μᾶλλον οὖν ἔτι παρρησίᾳ διὰ τὴν ἱερωσύνην ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰρήνης τῶν μισθωτῶν ἐνισταμένων, ἀσεβὲς μέν, ἔφη, καὶ παράνομον, ἐργάσομαι δὲ ὅμως, ὃ βούλεσθε. καὶ εἰπὼν ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἀνέτρεχεν, ἐν ᾧ πάντα τὸν χρόνον τόνδε ὁ Δολοβέλλας ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐνίστατο ἀσχημόνως. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος, ἀναμένων ἅμα τὰ ἐν τῷ δήμῳ γιγνόμενα, σὺν γέλωτι αὐτὸν ἐφεώρα· καὶ γὰρ ἤστην διαφόρω. ὡς δὲ ἅλις ἔσχε τῆς ὄψεως καὶ οὐδʼ ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τι γεγένητο θερμότερον, τοὺς μὲν οὖν ἄνδρας ἔγνω περισῴζειν ὑπὸ ἀνάγκης, ἐπικρύπτων τὴν ἀνάγκην καὶ ὡς ἐν βαρυτάτῃ χάριτι περισῴζων, τὰ δὲ τῷ Καίσαρι πεπραγμένα κυροῦν συμβόλῳ καὶ τὰ βεβουλευμένα συντελεῖν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.18.132

While Lepidus was employing such devices the hirelings, who knew that he was ambitious, praised him and offered him Caesar’s place as pontifex maximus. He was delighted. Mention this to me later, he said, if you consider me worthy of it, whereupon the mercenaries, encouraged by their offer of the priesthood, insisted still more strongly on peace. Although it is contrary to religion and law, he said, I will do what you wish. So saying he returned to the Senate, where Dolabella had consumed all the intervening time in unseemly talk about his own office. Antony, who was waiting to see what the people would do, looked at Dolabella with derision, for the two were at variance with each other. After enjoying the spectacle sufficiently and perceiving that the people would not do anything rashly, he decided, under compulsion, to extend protection to the murderers (concealing the necessity, however, and pretending to act in this way as a matter of the greatest favor), and at the same time to have Caesar’s acts ratified and his plans carried into effect by common agreement. Accordingly he commanded silence again and spoke as follows:—

2.18.133 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.18.133

σιωπήν τε κατακηρύξας αὖθις ἔλεγεν· ἐγὼ περὶ μὲν τῶν ἁμαρτόντων πολιτῶν, ὦ ἄνδρες ὁμότιμοι, σκεπτομένοις ὑμῖν οὐδὲν ἐπεφθεγγόμην· περὶ δὲ Καίσαρος ἀντʼ ἐκείνων ψῆφον αἰτοῦσιν ἓν ἐκ τῶν Καίσαρος ἔργων προύθηκα μέχρι νῦν, καὶ τοσούτους ἡμῖν τὸ ἓν ἀγῶνας ἤγειρεν, οὐκ ἀλόγως· εἰ γὰρ ἀποθησόμεθα τὰς ἀρχάς, ὁμολογήσομεν ἄνδρες τοσοίδε καὶ τοιοίδε ἀναξίως αὐτῶν τετυχηκέναι. ὅσα δʼ οὖν μηδὲ ἐπακούσεται ῥᾳδίως, ἐπισκέψασθε νῦν αὐτὰ καὶ συναριθμεῖτε κατά τε πόλεις καὶ κατὰ ἔθνη καὶ βασιλέας καὶ δυνάστας. πάντα γὰρ δὴ σχεδὸν εἰπεῖν, ὅσα ἐξ ἠοῦς ἐπὶ δύσιν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἡμῖν ἐχειρώσατο δυνάμει καὶ κράτει, συνεστήσατο, νόμοις καὶ χάρισι καὶ φιλανθρωπίαις βεβαιωσάμενος· ὧν τίνας ὑποστήσεσθαι δοκεῖτε ἀφαιρουμένους, ἃ ἔλαβον, εἰ μὴ πάντα ἐμπλῆσαι πολέμων ἐθέλετε, οἳ τῇ πατρίδι ὡς ἀσθενεστάτῃ μάλιστα οὔσῃ τοὺς ἐναγεῖς περισῴζειν ἀξιοῦτε; καὶ τὰ μὲν πορρωτέρω τοῖς τε δεινοῖς ἔτι καὶ τοῖς φόβοις ἀφεστηκότα ἐάσω· ἃ δὲ οὐκ ἀγχοῦ μόνον ἐστὶν ἡμῖν, ἀλλὰ σύνοικα ἀνὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν αὐτήν, τοὺς τὰ νικητήρια λαβόντας καὶ κατὰ πλῆθος ἅμα τοῖς ὅπλοις, ὡς ἐστρατεύοντο, ὑπὸ τῇ αὐτῇ συντάξει συνῳκισμένους ὑπὸ Καίσαρος, ὧν ἔτι πολλαὶ μυριάδες εἰσὶν ἐν τῇ πόλει, τί νομίζετε πράξειν ἀφαιρουμένους, ὧν εἰλήφασιν ἢ προσδοκῶσι λήψεσθαι πόλεών τε καὶ χωρίων; καὶ τοῦδε μὲν ὑμῖν καὶ ἡ παρελθοῦσα νὺξ τὴν εἰκόνα ἔδειξε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.18.133

Fellow-citizens, while you have been considering the case of the offenders I have not joined in the debate. When you called for a vote on Caesar instead of on them, I had brought forward, until this moment, only one of Caesar’s acts. This one threw you into these many present controversies, and not without reason, for if we resign our offices we shall confess that we (so many and of such high rank as we are) came by them undeservedly. Consider the matters that cannot be easily controlled by us. Reckon them up by cities and provinces, by kings and princes. Almost all of these, from the rising to the setting sun, Caesar either subdued for us by force and arms, or organized by his laws, or confirmed in their allegiance by his favors and kindness. Which of these powers do you think will consent to be deprived of what they have received, unless you mean to fill the world with new wars — you who propose to spare these wretches for the sake of your exhausted country? But, omitting the more distant dangers and apprehensions, we have others not only near at hand, but even of our own household throughout Italy itself,— men who are here after receiving the rewards of victory, many of them with arms in their hands and in the same organization in which they fought, men assigned to colonies by Caesar (many thousands of whom are still in the city), — what think you they will do if they are deprived of what they have received, or expect to receive, in town and country? The past night showed you a sample. They were coursing the streets with threats against you who were supplicating in behalf of the murderers.

2.18.134 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.18.134

δεομένοις γὰρ ὑμῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἁμαρτόντων ἀντιπαρέθεον ἐκεῖνοι μετὰ ἀπειλῆς· τὸ δὲ σῶμα τοῦ Καίσαρος συρόμενον καὶ αἰκιζόμενον καὶ ἄταφον ῥιπτούμενον ʽκαὶ γὰρ ταῦτα ἐκ τῶν νόμων τοῖς τυράννοις ἐπιτέτακταἰ περιόψεσθαι νομίζετε τοὺς ἐστρατευμένους αὐτῷ; καὶ τὰ Κελτῶν καὶ Βρεττανῶν νομιεῖν, ἃ εἰλήφασιν, ἕξειν βέβαια τοῦ δόντος ὑβριζομένου; τί δὲ τὸν δῆμον αὐτὸν ἐργάσεσθαι; τί δὲ τοὺς Ἰταλιώτας; πόσον δὲ ὑμῖν ἔσεσθαι φθόνον παρά τε ἀνδρῶν καὶ θεῶν, ἐνυβρίζουσιν ἐς τὸν ὑμῖν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν μέχρις ὠκεανοῦ, ἐπὶ τὴν ἄγνωστον προαγαγόντα; καὶ οὐκ ἐν αἰτίᾳ καὶ καταγνώσει μᾶλλον ἔσεσθαι τὴν τοσήνδε ἡμῶν ἀνωμαλίαν, εἰ τοὺς μὲν ὕπατον ἐν βουλευτηρίῳ καὶ ἱερὸν ἄνδρα ἐν ἱερῷ χωρίῳ, βουλῆς ἀγηγερμένης, ὑπὸ ὄψεσι θεῶν κατακανόντας τιμᾶν ἀξιώσομεν, ἀτιμοῦν δὲ τὸν καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις διʼ ἀρετὴν τίμιον; τούτων μὲν οὖν ὡς οὔτε ὁσίων οὔτε ἐφʼ ἡμῖν ὄντων προλέγω πάμπαν ἀπέχεσθαι· γνώμην δὲ ἐσφέρω τὰ μὲν πεπραγμένα καὶ βεβουλευμένα τῷ Καίσαρι πάντα κυροῦν, τοὺς δὲ ἁμαρτόντας ἐπαινεῖν μὲν οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ ʽοὐ γὰρ ὅσιον οὐδὲ δίκαιον, οὐδὲ σύμφωνον ἔτι τῷ κυροῦν τὰ Καίσαρι πεπραγμένἀ, περισῴζειν δὲ ἐξ ἐλέου μόνον, εἰ ἐθέλοιτε, διὰ τοὺς οἰκείους αὐτῶν καὶ φίλους, εἰ δὴ καὶ τόδε αὐτὸ οἵδε λαμβάνειν ὑπὲρ ἐκείνων ὁμολογοῖεν ἐν χάριτος μέρει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.18.134

Think you that Caesar’s fellow-soldiers will allow his body to be dragged through the streets, dishonored, and cast away unburied — for our laws prescribe such treatment for tyrants? Will they consider the rewards they have received for their victories in Gaul and Britain secure, when he who gave them is treated with contumely? What will the Roman people themselves do? What the Italians? What ill-will of gods and men will attend you if you put ignominy upon one who advanced your dominion to shores of the ocean hitherto unknown? Will not such fickleness on our part be held in greater reprobation and condemnation if we vote to confer honor on those who have slain a consul in the senate-house, an inviolable man in a sacred place, in full senate, under the eyes of the gods, and if we dishonor one whom even our enemies honor for his bravery? I warn you to abstain from these proceedings as being sacrilegious in themselves and not in our power. I move that all the acts and intentions of Caesar be ratified and that the authors of the crime be by no means applauded (for that would be neither pious, nor just, nor consistent with the ratification of Caesar’s acts). Let them be spared, if you please, as an act of clemency only, for the sake of their families and friends, if the latter will accept it in this sense in behalf of the murderers and acknowledge it in the light of a favor.

2.18.135 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.18.135

τοιαῦτα εἰπόντος τοῦ Ἀντωνίου σὺν ἀνατάσει τε καὶ ὁρμῇ βαρυτέρᾳ, γίγνεται δόγμα, ἡσυχαζόντων ἤδη καὶ ἀγαπώντων ἁπάντων, φόνου μὲν οὐκ εἶναι δίκας ἐπὶ τῷ Καίσαρι, κύρια δὲ εἶναι τὰ πεπραγμένα αὐτῷ πάντα καὶ ἐγνωσμένα, ἐπεὶ τῇ πόλει συμφέρει. ἐβιάσαντο γὰρ τόδε ἐς ἀσφάλειαν οἱ τῶν περισῳζομένων οἰκεῖοι προστεθῆναι μάλιστα, ὡς οὐ δικαίως φυλασσόμενα μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ χρείαν. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος αὐτοῖς ἐς τοῦτο ἐνέδωκεν. ἐψηφισμένων δὲ τούτων, ὅσοι τῶν κληρούχων ἡγεμόνες ἦσαν, ἠξίουν ἴδιον περὶ σφῶν ἐπὶ τῷ κοινῷ δόγμα ἕτερον γενέσθαι, βεβαιοῦν αὐτῶν τὰς κληρουχίας. καὶ οὐκ ἐκώλυεν ὁ Ἀντώνιος, ἐπιδεικνὺς τῇ βουλῇ τὸν φόβον. γίγνεται μὲν δὴ καὶ τοῦτο καὶ ἕτερον αὖ περὶ τῶν ἐξιόντων ἐπὶ τὰς ἀποικίας ὅμοιον· Λεύκιον δὲ Πείσωνα, ὅτῳ τὰς διαθήκας ὁ Καῖσαρ παρετίθετο, τοῦτον ἤδη τὸν τρόπον τῆς βουλῆς διαλελυμένης τινὲς περιστάντες παρεκάλουν μήτε τὰς διαθήκας προφέρειν μήτε θάπτειν τὸ σῶμα φανερῶς, μή τι νεώτερον ἕτερον ἐκ τούτων γένοιτο. καὶ οὐ πειθόμενον ἠπείλουν ἐσαγγέλλειν, ὅτι τὸν δῆμον οὐσίαν τηλικαύτην ἀφαιροῖτο γιγνομένην κοινήν, αὖθις ἄρα ἐνσημαινόμενοι τὴν τυραννίδα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.18.135

When Antony had said these things with intense feeling and impetuosity, all the others remaining silent and agreeing, the following decree was passed: There shall be no prosecution for the murder of Caesar, but all of his acts and decrees are confirmed, because this policy is deemed advantageous to the commonwealth. The friends of the murderers insisted that those last words should be added for their security, implying that Caesar’s acts were confirmed as a measure of utility and not of justice; and in this matter Antony yielded to them. When this decree had been voted the leaders of the colonists who were present asked for another act special to themselves, in addition to the general one, in order to confirm their colonies. Antony did not oppose this, but rather intimidated the Senate to pass it. So this was adopted, and another like it concerning the colonists who had been already sent out. The Senate was thereupon dismissed, and a number of senators collected around Lucius Piso, whom Caesar had made the custodian of his will and urged him not to make the will public, and not to give the body a public funeral, lest some new disturbance should arise therefrom. As he would not yield they threatened him with a public prosecution for defrauding the people of such an amount of wealth which ought to go into the public treasury; thus giving new signs that they were suspicious of a tyranny.

Edition note

Suetonius says that Caesar deposited his will with the eldest of the Vestal virgins. His account is as follows: At the instance of Lucius Piso, his father-in-law, Caesar’s will was opened and read in the house of Antony, which will he had made on the preceding ides of September, in his Lavican villa, and had deposited with the eldest of the Vestal virgins. Quintus Tubero relates that Pompey had been constantly made his heir in the wills written by him from his first consulship to the beginning of the civil war, and that this fact was publicly made known to the army. In his latest will he made the three grandsons of his sisters his heirs, giving to Gaius Octavius three-fourths and to Lucius Pinarius and Quintus Pedius the remaining fourth. (Jul. 83.) The epitome of Livy (cxvi.) says that the will gave Octavius one-half.

2.19.136 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.19.136

ἐκβοήσας οὖν ὁ Πείσων ὅτι μέγιστον καὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους ἔτι παροῦσάν οἱ τὴν βουλὴν ἀξιώσας συναγαγεῖν, εἶπεν· οἱ τύραννον λέγοντες ἕνα ἀνῃρηκέναι τοσοίδε ἡμῶν ἀνθʼ ἑνὸς ἤδη τυραννοῦσιν· οἳ θάπτειν με κωλύουσι τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ τὰς διαθήκας ἀπειλοῦσι προφέροντι καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν δημεύουσιν αὖθις ὡς τυράννου. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις αὐτῷ πεπραγμένα κεκύρωται· ἃ δὲ ἐφʼ ἑαυτῷ κατέλιπεν, ἀκυροῦσιν, οὐ Βροῦτος ἔτι οὐδὲ Κάσσιος, ἀλλʼ οἱ κἀκείνους ἐς τόνδε τὸν ὄλεθρον ἐκριπίσαντες. τῆς μὲν οὖν ταφῆς ὑμεῖς ἐστε κύριοι, τῶν δὲ διαθηκῶν ἐγώ· καὶ οὔποτε ἃ ἐπιστεύθην προδώσω, πρὶν κἀμέ τις ἐπανέλῃ. θορύβου δὲ καὶ ἀγανακτήσεως γενομένης παρὰ πάντων, καὶ μάλιστα τῶν τι καὶ ἐλπιζόντων ἐκ τῶν διαθηκῶν αὑτοῖς ἔσεσθαι, τάς τε διαθήκας ἐς τὸ μέσον ἔδοξε προφέρειν καὶ θάπτειν τὸν ἄνδρα δημοσίᾳ. καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖσδε ἡ βουλὴ διελύθη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.19.136

Then Piso called out with a loud voice and demanded that the consuls should reconvene the senators, who were still present, which was done, and then he said: These men who talk of having killed a tyrant are already so many tyrants over us in place of one. They forbid the burying of a Pontifex Maximus and they threaten me when I produce his will. Moreover, they intend to confiscate his property as that of a tyrant. They have ratified Caesar’s acts as regards themselves, but they annul those which relate to him. It is no longer Brutus or Cassius who do this, but those who instigated them to the murder. Of his burial you are the masters. Of his will I am, and never will I betray what has been intrusted to me unless somebody kills me also. This speech excited clamor and indignation on all sides, and especially among those who hoped that they should obtain something from the will. It was decreed that the will should be read in public and that Caesar should have a public funeral. Thereupon the Senate adjourned.

Edition note

ἀλλ’ οἱ κἀκείνους ἐς τόνδε τὸν ὄλεθρον ἐκριπίσαντες. Combes-Dounous translates these words: Those who have hurled Brutus and Cassius into the abyss, an error due perhaps to a hasty reading of the last word and deriving it from ἐκρίπτω, to cast away, instead of ἐκριπίζω, to instigate.

2.19.137 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.19.137

Βροῦτος δὲ καὶ Κάσσιος αἰσθόμενοι τῶν γεγονότων ἐς τὸ πλῆθος περιέπεμπον καὶ παρεκάλουν πρὸς αὑτοὺς ἀνελθεῖν ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον. συνδραμόντων δὲ ὀξέως πολλῶν ὁ Βροῦτος ἔλεγεν· ἐνταῦθα ὑμῖν ἐντυγχάνομεν, ὦ πολῖται, οἱ χθὲς κατʼ ἀγορὰν ἐντυχόντες, οὔτε ὡς ἐς ἱερὸν καταφυγόντες ʽοὐ γὰρ ἡμάρτομεν’ οὔτε ὡς ἐπὶ κρημνόν, οἳ τὰ καθʼ ἑαυτοὺς ἐπιτρέπομεν ὑμῖν. ἀλλὰ τὸ Κίννα πάθος, ὀξύτερόν τε καὶ ἀλογώτερον αὐτῷ γενόμενον, οὕτως ἠνάγκασεν. ᾐσθόμην δὲ τῶν ἐχθρῶν διαβαλλόντων ἡμᾶς ἐς ἐπιορκίαν καὶ ἐς αἰτίαν ἀπορίας εἰρήνης ἀσφαλοῦς. ἃ δὴ περὶ τούτων ἔχομεν εἰπεῖν, ἐν ὑμῖν ἐροῦμεν, ὦ πολῖται, μεθʼ ὧν καὶ τἆλλα δημοκρατουμένων πράξομεν. ἐπειδὴ Γάιος Καῖσαρ ἐκ Γαλατίας ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα ἤλασε σὺν ὅπλοις πολεμίοις καὶ Πομπήιος μὲν ὁ δημοκρατικώτατος ὑμῶν ἔπαθεν, οἷα ἔπαθεν, ἐπὶ δʼ αὐτῷ πλῆθος ἄλλο πολιτῶν ἀγαθῶν ἔς τε Λιβύην καὶ Ἰβηρίαν ἐλαυνόμενοι διωλώλεσαν, εἰκότως αὐτῷ δεδιότι καὶ βέβαιον ἔχοντι τὴν τυραννίδα ἀμνηστίαν αἰτοῦντι ἔδομεν καὶ ὠμόσαμεν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς. εἰ δὲ ἡμῖν ὀμνύναι προσέταττεν οὐ τὰ παρελθόντα μόνον οἴσειν ἐγκρατῶς, ἀλλὰ δουλεύσειν ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἑκόντας, τί ἂν ἔπραξαν οἱ νῦν ἐπιβουλεύοντες ἡμῖν; ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ ὄντας γε Ῥωμαίους οἶμαι πολλάκις ἀποθανεῖν ἂν ἑλέσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ δουλεύειν ἑκόντας ἐπὶ ὅρκῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.19.137

When Brutus and Cassius learned what had been done they sent messengers to the plebeians, whom they invited to come up to them at the Capitol. Presently a large number came together and Brutus addressed them as follows: Here, citizens, we meet you, we who yesterday met together with you in the forum. We have come hither, not as taking refuge in a sanctuary (for we have done nothing wrong), nor in a citadel (for as regards our own affairs we intrust ourselves to you), but the sudden and unexpected attack made upon Cinna compelled us to do so. I know that our enemies accuse us of perjury and say that we render a lasting peace difficult. What we have to reply to these accusations we will say in your presence, citizens, with whose help we shall do what remains to be done for the restoration of democratic government. After Gaius Caesar advanced from Gaul with hostile arms against his country, and Pompey, the most popular man among you, suffered as he did, and after him a great number of other good citizens, who had been driven into Africa and Spain, had perished, Caesar was naturally apprehensive, although his power was firmly intrenched, and we granted him amnesty at his request and confirmed it by oath. If he had required us to swear not only to condone the past, but to be willing slaves for the future, what would our present accusers have done? For my part I think that, being Romans, they would have chosen to die many times rather than take an oath of voluntary servitude.

2.19.138 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.19.138

εἰ μὲν δὴ μηδὲν ἔτι εἰς δουλείαν εἰργάζετο ὁ Καῖσαρ, ἐπιωρκήσαμεν· εἰ δὲ οὔτε τὰς ἀρχὰς τὰς ἐν ἄστει οὔτε τὰς τῶν ἐθνῶν ἡγεμονίας οὔτε στρατείας ἢ ἱερωσύνας ἢ κληρουχίας ἢ τιμὰς ἄλλας ὑμῖν ἀπέδωκεν οὐδὲ προεβούλευεν ἡ βουλὴ περὶ οὐδενὸς οὐδʼ ὁ δῆμος ἐπεκύρου, ἀλλὰ πάνθʼ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἦν ἅπασιν ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος καὶ οὐδὲ κόρος αὐτῷ τοῦ κακοῦ τις ἐγίγνετο, οἷος ἐγένετο Σύλλᾳ, ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν τοὺς ἐχθροὺς καθελὼν ἀπέδωκεν ὑμῖν τὴν πολιτείαν, ὁ δʼ ἐπὶ ἄλλην στρατείαν χρόνιον ἀπιὼν ἐς πενταετὲς ὑμῶν τὰ ἀρχαιρέσια προελάμβανε, ποία ταῦτα ἦν ἐλευθερία, ἧς οὐδʼ ἐλπὶς ὑπεφαίνετο ἔτι; τί δὲ οἱ τοῦ δήμου προστάται Καισήτιος καὶ Μάρυλλος; οὐχ ἱερὰν καὶ ἄσυλον ἄρχοντες ἀρχὴν ἐξηλαύνοντο σὺν ὕβρει; καὶ ὁ μὲν νόμος ὁ τῶν προγόνων καὶ ὁ ὅρκος οὐδʼ ἐπάγεσθαι δίκην ἔτι οὖσι δημάρχοις ἐπιτρέπουσιν· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ αὐτοὺς ἐξήλασεν, οὐδὲ δίκην ἐπαγαγών. πότεροι οὖν ἐς τοὺς ἀσύλους ἡμάρτανον; ἢ Καῖσαρ μὲν ἱερὸς καὶ ἄσυλος, ὅτῳ ταῦτα οὐχ ἑκόντες, ἀλλʼ ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης οὐδὲ πρὶν ἐπελθεῖν αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν πατρίδα σὺν ὅπλοις καὶ τοσούσδε καὶ τοιούσδε ἀγαθοὺς πολίτας κατακανεῖν, ἐθέμεθα· τὴν δὲ τῶν δημάρχων ἀρχὴν οὐχ ἱερὰν καὶ ἄσυλον οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν ἐν δημοκρατίᾳ χωρὶς ἀνάγκης ὤμοσάν τε καὶ ἐπηράσαντο ἐς ἀεὶ ἔσεσθαι; ποῦ δὲ οἱ φόροι τῆς ἡγεμονίας καὶ λογισμοὶ συνεφέροντο; τίς δʼ ἡμῶν ἀκόντων ἤνοιγε τὰ ταμιεῖα; τίς τῶν ἀψαύστων καὶ ἐπαράτων ἐκίνει χρημάτων καὶ ἑτέρῳ δημάρχῳ κωλύοντι θάνατον ἠπείλει;

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.19.138

If Caesar did no more against your liberty then are we perjured. But if he restored to you neither the magistracies of the city nor those of the provinces, neither the command of armies, the priestly offices, the leadership of colonies, nor any other posts of honor; if he neither consulted the Senate about anything nor asked the authority of the people, but if Caesar’s command was all in all; if he was not even ever satiated with our misfortunes as Sulla was (for Sulla, when he had destroyed his enemies restored to you the government of the commonwealth, but Caesar, as he was going away for another long military expedition, anticipated by his appointments your elections for five years), what sort of freedom was this in which not a ray of hope could be any longer discerned? What shall I say of the defenders of the people, Caesetius and Marullus? Were not the incumbents of a sacred and inviolable office ignominiously banished? Although the law and the oath prescribed by our ancestors forbid calling the tribunes to account during their term of office, Caesar banished them even without a trial. Have we then, or has he, done violence to inviolable persons — unless you say that Caesar was sacred and inviolable, upon whom we conferred that distinction not of our own free will, but by compulsion, and not until he had invaded his country with arms and killed a great number of our noblest and best citizens? Did not our fathers in a democracy and without compulsion take an oath that the office of tribune should be sacred and inviolable, and declare with maledictions that it should remain so forever? What has become of the public tribute? What of the public accounts? Who opened the public treasury without our consent? Who removed part of the consecrated money? Who threatened with death another tribune who opposed him?

2.19.139 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.19.139

ἀλλὰ τίς, φασίν, ἔτι ὅρκος ἐς ἀσφάλειαν εἰρήνης ἂν γένοιτο; εἰ μὲν οὐ τυραννήσει τις, οὐδὲ ὅρκων δεῖ οὐδὲ γὰρ τοῖς πατράσιν ἡμῶν ἐδέησεν οὐδέποτε· εἰ δʼ ἐπιθυμήσει τις ἄλλος τυραννίδος, οὐδὲν πιστόν ἐστι Ῥωμαίοις πρὸς τύραννον οὐδʼ εὔορκον. καὶ τάδε προλέγομεν ἔτι ὄντες ὑπὸ τῷ κινδύνῳ καὶ προεροῦμεν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος αἰεί· καὶ γὰρ ὄντες ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ τιμῇ παρὰ Καίσαρι τὴν πατρίδα τῆς ἡμετέρας τιμῆς προετιμήσαμεν. διαβάλλουσι δʼ ἡμᾶς καὶ ἐπὶ ταῖς κληρουχίαις, ἐρεθίζοντες ὑμᾶς. εἰ δή τινες τῶν ᾠκισμένων ἢ οἰκισθησομένων πάρεστε, χαρίσασθέ μοι καὶ ἐπισημήνασθε ἑαυτούς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.19.139

But what kind of an oath after this will be a guarantee of peace? they ask. If there is no tyrant there will be no need of oaths. Our fathers never needed any. If anybody else seeks to establish tyranny, no faith, no oath, will ever bind Romans to the tyrant. This we said before, while we were still in danger; this we will continue to say forever for our country’s sake. We, who held places of honor securely at the hands of Caesar, had a higher regard for our country than for our offices. They slander us about the colonies and so excite you against us. If there are any present who have been settled in colonies, or are about to be settled, you will gratify me by making yourselves known.

2.19.140 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.19.140

ἐπισημηναμένων δὲ πολλῶν εὖ γε, εἶπεν, ὦ ἄνδρες, τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐποιήσατε συνελθόντες. χρὴ δὲ ὑμᾶς, τὰ εἰκότα τιμωμένους τε καὶ περιποιουμένους ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος, τὰ ἴσα τὴν ἐκπέμπουσαν ἀντιγεραίρειν. ὑμᾶς δὲ ὁ δῆμος ἔδωκεν ἐπὶ Κελτοὺς καὶ Βρεττανοὺς τῷ Καίσαρι, καὶ ἀριστεύοντας ἔδει τιμῶν καὶ ἀριστείων τυχεῖν. ὁ δὲ ὑμᾶς τοῖς ὅρκοις προλαβὼν ἐπήγαγε μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν μάλʼ ἀβουλοῦντας, ἐπήγαγε δὲ τοῖς ἀρίστοις τῶν πολιτῶν ἐς Λιβύην ὀκνοῦντας ὁμοίως. εἰ μὴν δὲ μόνα ταῦτα ὑμῖν ἐπέπρακτο, ᾐδεῖσθε ἂν ἴσως ἐπὶ τοιούτοις αἰτεῖν ἀριστεῖα· ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐδεὶς φθόνος ἢ χρόνος ἢ ἀνθρωπίνη λήθη τὰ ἐπὶ Κελτοῖς καὶ Βρεττανοῖς ὑμῶν ἔργα σβέσει, ὑπὲρ τούτων ὑμῖν ἐστι τὰ ἀριστεῖα· ἃ καὶ τοῖς πάλαι στρατευομένοις ὁ δῆμος ἐδίδου, οἰκείων μὲν ἀνδρῶν ἢ ἀναμαρτήτων οὔ ποτε γῆν ἀφαιρούμενος οὐδʼ ἑτέροις ἐπινέμων τὰ ἀλλότρια οὐδʼ ἡγούμενος δεῖν ἀμείβεσθαι διʼ ἀδικημάτων. τῶν δὲ πολεμίῳν ὅτε κρατήσαιεν, οὐδὲ τούτων ἅπασαν τὴν γῆν ἀφηροῦντο, ἀλλὰ ἐμερίζοντο καὶ ἐς τὸ μέρος ᾤκιζον τοὺς ἐστρατευμένους, φύλακας εἶναι τῶν πεπολεμηκότων· καὶ οὐκ ἀρκούσης ἐνίοτε τῆς δορικτήτου γῆς καὶ τὴν δημοσίαν ἐπένεμον ἢ ἐωνοῦντο ἑτέραν. οὕτω μὲν ὑμᾶς ὁ δῆμος συνῴκιζεν ἀλύπως ἅπασι· Σύλλας δὲ καὶ Καῖσαρ, οἱ σὺν ὅπλοις ἐς τὴν πατρίδα ὡς πολεμίαν ἐμβαλόντες, ἐπὶ αὐτῇ τῇ πατρίδι φρουρῶν καὶ δορυφόρων δεόμενοι, οὔτε διέλυσαν ὑμᾶς ἐς τὰς πατρίδας, οὔτε γῆν ὑμῖν ἐωνοῦντο ἢ τὴν τῶν δεδημευμένων ἀνδρῶν ἐπένεμον, οὔτε τὰς τιμὰς τοῖς ἀφαιρουμένοις ἐς παρηγορίαν ἐδίδοσαν, πολλὰ μὲν ἐκ τῶν ταμιείων ἔχοντες, πολλὰ δὲ ἐκ τῶν δεδημευμένων, ἀλλὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν οὐδὲν ἁμαρτοῦσαν οὐδὲ ἀδικοῦσαν πολέμου νόμῳ καὶ λῃστηρίου νόμῳ τήν τε γῆν ἀφῃροῦντο καὶ οἰκίας καὶ τάφους καὶ ἱερά, ὧν οὐδὲ τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους πολεμίους ἀφῃρούμεθα, ἀλλὰ δεκάτην αὐτοῖς μόνην καρπῶν ἐπετάσσομεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.19.140

A large number did so, whereupon Brutus continued, Bravo, my men, you have done well to come here with the others. You ought, since you receive due honors and bounties from your country, to give her equal honor in return as she sends you forth. The Roman people gave you to Caesar to fight against the Gauls and Britons, and your valiant deeds call for recognition and recompense. But Caesar, taking advantage of your military oath, led you against your country much against your will. He led you against our best citizens in Africa, in like manner against your will. If this were all that you had done you would perhaps be ashamed to ask reward for such exploits, but since neither envy, nor time, nor the forgetfulness of men can extinguish the glory of your deeds in Gaul and Britain, you shall have the rewards due to them, such as the people gave to those who served in the army of old, yet not by taking land from your unoffending fellow-citizens, nor by dividing other people’s property with new-comers, nor by considering it proper to requite your services by means of acts of injustice. When our ancestors overcame their enemies they did not take from them all their land. They shared it with them and colonized a portion of it with Roman soldiers, who were to serve as guards over the vanquished. If the conquered territory was not sufficient for the colonies, they added some of the public domain or bought other land with the public money. In this way the people colonized you without harm to anybody. But Sulla and Caesar, who invaded their country like a foreign land and needed guards and garrisons against their own country, did not dismiss you to your homes, nor buy land for you, nor divide among you the property of citizens which they confiscated, nor did they make compensation for the relief of those who were despoiled, although those who despoiled them had plenty of money from the treasury and plenty from confiscated estates. They took, by the law of war, — nay, by the practice of robbery, — from Italians who had committed no offence, who had done no wrong, their land and houses, tombs and temples, which we do not take away even from foreign enemies, except a mere tenth of their produce by way of tax.

2.19.141 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.19.141

οἱ δὲ ὑμῖν τὰ τῶν ὑμετέρων ὁμοεθνῶν διένεμον, τῶν ἐπὶ Κελτοὺς ὑμᾶς αὐτῷ Καίσαρι στρατευσάντων καὶ προπεμψάντων καὶ εὐξαμένων πολλὰ κατὰ τῶν ὑμετέρων νικητηρίων. καὶ συνῴκιζον ὑμᾶς ἐς ταῦτα ἀθρόους ὑπὸ σημείοις καὶ συντάξει στρατιωτικῇ, μήτε εἰρηνεύειν δυναμένους μήτε ἀδεεῖς εἶναι τῶν ἐξελαθέντων· ὁ γὰρ ἀλώμενος καὶ τῶν ὄντων ἀφῃρημένος ἔμελλεν ὑμῖν περιπολῶν ἐφεδρεύειν καιροφυλακῶν. τοῦτο δʼ ἦν, ὅπερ οἱ τύραννοι μάλιστα ἐβούλοντο, οὐ γῆν ὑμᾶς λαβεῖν, ἣν δὴ καὶ ἑτέρωθεν εἶχον παρασχεῖν, ἀλλʼ ὅπως ἐχθροὺς ἐφεδρεύοντας ἔχοντες ἀεὶ βέβαιοι φύλακες ἦτε τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς ταῦτα ὑμῖν συναδικούσης· εὔνοια γὰρ ἐς τυράννους γίγνεται δορυφόρων ἐκ τοῦ συναδικεῖν καὶ συνδεδιέναι. καὶ τοῦτο, ὦ θεοί, συνοικισμὸν ἐκάλουν, ᾧ θρῆνος ὁμοφύλων ἀνδρῶν ἐπῆν καὶ ἀνάστασις οὐδὲν ἀδικούντων. ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν ὑμᾶς ἐξεπίτηδες ἐχθροὺς ἐποίουν τοῖς ὁμοεθνέσιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ σφετέρου συμφέροντος· ἡμεῖς δέ, οὓς οἱ νῦν τῆς πατρίδος προστάται φασὶν ἐλέῳ περισῴζειν, τήν τε γῆν ὑμῖν τήνδε αὐτὴν ἐσαεὶ βεβαιοῦμεν καὶ βεβαιώσομεν καὶ μάρτυρα τὸν θεὸν τῶνδε ποιούμεθα. καὶ ἔχετε καὶ ἕξετε, ἃ εἰλήφατε· καὶ οὐ μή τις ὑμᾶς ἀφέληται ταῦτα, οὐ Βροῦτος, οὐ Κάσσιος, οὐχ οἵδε πάντες, οἳ τῆς ὑμετέρας ἐλευθερίας προεκινδυνεύσαμεν. ὃ δʼ ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ μόνον ἐστὶν ἐπίμεμπτον, ἰασόμεθα ἡμεῖς, διαλλακτήριον ὑμῖν ἅμα ἐς τοὺς ὁμοεθνεῖς ἐσόμενον καὶ ἥδιστον ἤδη πυθομένοις. οἷς τὴν τιμὴν τῆσδε τῆς γῆς τοῖς ἀφῃρημένοις ἡμεῖς ἐκ τῶν δημοσίων χρημάτων εὐθὺς ἐκ πρώτης ἀφορμῆς ἀποδώσομεν, ἵνα μὴ βέβαιον ἔχητε μόνον ὑμεῖς τὴν κληρουχίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄφθονον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.19.141

They divided among you the property of your own people, the very ones who sent you with Caesar to the Gallic war, and who offered up their prayers at your festival of victory. They colonized you in that way collectively, under your standards and in your military organization, so that you could neither enjoy peace nor be free from fear of those whom you displaced. The man who is driven out and deprived of his goods will always be watching his opportunity to ensnare you. This was the very thing that the tyrants sought to accomplish, — not to provide you with land, which they could have obtained for you elsewhere; but that you, because always beset by lurking enemies, might be the firm bulwark of a government that was committing wrongs in common with you. A common interest between tyrants and their satellites grows out of common crimes and common fears. And this, ye gods, they call colonization, in which are common the lamentations of a kindred people and the expulsion of innocent men from their homes. They purposely made you enemies to your countrymen for their own advantage. We, the defenders of the republic, to whom our opponents say they grant safety out of pity, confirm this very same land to you and will confirm it forever; and to this promise we call to witness the god of this temple. You have and shall keep what you have received. None of us will take it from you, neither Brutus, nor Cassius, nor any of us who have incurred danger for your freedom. The one thing wanting in this business we will supply — a reconciliation with your fellow-countrymen most agreeable to them now, as they hear that we shall at once pay them out of the public money the price of this land of which they have been deprived; so that not only shall your colony be secure, but it shall not even be exposed to hatred.

Edition note

The temple of the Capitoline Jove.

2.19.142 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.19.142

τοιαῦτα τοῦ Βρούτου λέγοντος ἀκροώμενοί τε ἔτι πάντες καὶ διαλυόμενοι κατὰ σφᾶς ἐπῄνουν ὡς δικαιότατα, καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς ἀκαταπλήκτους δὴ καὶ μάλιστα φιλοδήμους ἐν θαύματι ἐποιοῦντο, καὶ ἐς εὔνοιαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς μετετίθεντο καὶ ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν αὐτοῖς συμπράξειν ἔμελλον. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ οἱ μὲν ὕπατοι τὸ πλῆθος ἐς ἐκκλησίαν συνεκάλουν, καὶ ἀνεγινώσκετο αὐτοῖς τὰ δόξαντα, καὶ Κικέρων πολὺ τῆς ἀμνηστίας ἐγκώμιον ἐπέλεγεν· οἱ δὲ ἡδόμενοι κατεκάλουν ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον. καὶ οἵδε ἀναπέμπειν αὑτοῖς ἐν τοσῷδε ὅμηρα ἐκέλευον, καὶ ἀνεπέμποντο οἱ παῖδες Ἀντωνίου τε καὶ Λεπίδου. ὀφθέντων δὲ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον κρότος ἦν καὶ βοή, καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων εἰπεῖν τι βουλομένων οὐκ ἀνασχόμενοι δεξιώσασθαι αὐτοὺς καὶ συναλλαγῆναι πρότερον ἐκέλευον. καὶ γίγνεται μὲν οὕτω, καὶ διεσείετο μάλιστα τοῖς ὑπάτοις ἡ γνώμη ὑπὸ δέους ἢ φθόνου, ὡς τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα αὑτοὺς ὑπεροισόντων ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.19.142

While Brutus was still speaking in this sort, and after the assembly was dissolved, his discourse was approved by all as being entirely just. He and his associates were admired as men of intrepidity, and as peculiarly the friends of the people. The latter were favorably inclined toward them, and promised to coöperate with them on the following day. At daybreak the consuls called the people to an assembly and communicated to them the decisions of the Senate, and Cicero pronounced a long encomium on the decree of amnesty. The people were delighted with it and invited Cassius and his friends to come down from the Capitol. The latter asked that hostages be sent to them in the meantime, and, accordingly, the sons of Antony and Lepidus were sent. When Brutus and his associates made their appearance they were received with shouts of applause, and when the consuls desired to say something the people would not allow them to do so, but demanded that they should first shake hands with these men and make peace with them, which was done. The minds of the consuls were much disturbed by fear and envy lest the conspirators should get the upper hand of them in other political matters.

2.20.143 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.20.143

διαθῆκαι δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος ὤφθησαν φερόμεναι, καὶ εὐθὺς αὐτὰς τὸ πλῆθος ἐκέλευον ἀναγινώσκειν. θετὸς μὲν δὴ τῷ Καίσαρι παῖς ἐγίγνετο ἐν αὐταῖς ὁ τῆς ἀδελφῆς θυγατριδοῦς Ὀκτάουιος, τῷ δήμῳ δὲ ἦσαν ἐνδιαίτημα οἱ κῆποι δεδομένοι καὶ κατʼ ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων τῶν ὄντων ἔτι ἐν ἄστει πέντε καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα Ἀττικαὶ δραχμαί. καὶ ὑπεσαλεύετο αὖθις ἐς ὀργὴν ὁ δῆμος, τυράννου μὲν κατηγορίας προπεπυσμένοι, διαθήκας δὲ φιλοπόλιδος ἀνδρὸς ὁρῶντες. οἴκτιστον δὲ ἐφάνη μάλιστα αὐτοῖς, ὅτι τῶν ἀνδροφόνων Δέκμος ὁ Βροῦτος ἐν τοῖς δευτέροις κληρονόμοις ἐγέγραπτο παῖς· ἔθος γάρ τι Ῥωμαίοις παραγράφειν τοῖς κληρονόμοις ἑτέρους, εἰ μὴ κληρονομοῖεν οἱ πρότεροι. ἐφʼ ᾧ δὴ καὶ μᾶλλον συνεταράσσοντο καὶ δεινὸν καὶ ἀθέμιστον ἡγοῦντο καὶ Δέκμον ἐπιβουλεῦσαι Καίσαρι, παῖδα αὐτῷ γεγραμμένον εἶναι. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Πείσωνος τὸ σῶμα φέροντος ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν πλῆθός τε ἄπειρον ἐς φρουρὰν συνέδραμον σὺν ὅπλοις, καὶ μετὰ βοῆς καὶ πομπῆς δαψιλοῦς ἐπὶ τὰ ἔμβολα προυτέθη, οἰμωγή τε καὶ θρῆνος ἦν αὖθις ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἐπατάγουν οἱ ὡπλισμένοι καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ἐν μετανοίᾳ τῆς ἀμνηστίας ἐγίγνοντο. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος ὧδε ἔχοντας ἰδὼν οὐ μεθῆκεν, ἀλλὰ ᾑρημένος εἰπεῖν τὸν ἐπιτάφιον οἷα ὕπατος ὑπάτου καὶ φίλος φίλου καὶ συγγενὴς συγγενοῦς (ἦν γὰρ δὴ Καίσαρι κατὰ μητέρα συγγενής) ἐτέχναζεν αὖθις καὶ ἔλεγεν ὧδε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.20.143

Caesar’s will was now produced and the people ordered that it be read at once. In it Octavius, the grandson of his sister, was adopted by Caesar. His gardens were given to the people as a place of recreation, and to every Roman still living in the city he gave seventy-five Attic drachmas. The people were again stirred to anger when they saw the will of this lover of his country, whom they had before heard accused of tyranny. Most of all did it seem pitiful to them that Decimus Brutus, one of the murderers, should have been named by him for adoption in the second degree; for it was customary for the Romans to name alternate heirs in case of the failure of the first. Whereupon there was still greater disturbance among the people, who considered it shocking and sacrilegious that Decimus should have conspired against Caesar when he had been adopted as his son. When Piso brought Caesar’s body into the forum a countless multitude ran together with arms to guard it, and with acclamations and magnificent display placed it on the rostra. Wailing and lamentation were renewed for a long time, the armed men clashed their shields, and gradually they began to repent themselves of the amnesty. Antony, seeing how things were going, did not abandon his purpose, but, having been chosen to deliver the funeral oration, as a consul for a consul, a friend for a friend, a relative for a relative (for he was related to Caesar on his mother’s side), resumed his artful design and spoke as follows:—

Edition note

About $14.

2.20.144 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.20.144

Οὐκ ἄξιον, ὦ πολῖται, τοσοῦδε ἀνδρὸς ἐπιτάφιον ἔπαινον παρʼ ἐμοῦ μᾶλλον, ἑνὸς ὄντος, ἢ παρὰ τῆς πατρίδος ὅλης αὐτῷ γενέσθαι. ὅσα δὴ τῆς ἀρετῆς αὐτὸν ὑμεῖς ἀγάμενοι πάντες ὁμαλῶς, ἥ τε βουλὴ καὶ μετὰ αὐτῆς ὁ δῆμος, ἔτι περιόντι ἐψηφίσασθε, ὑμετέραν καὶ οὐκ Ἀντωνίου τάδε φωνὴν εἶναι τιθέμενος ἀναγνώσομαι. καὶ ἀνεγίνωσκε τῷ μὲν προσώπῳ σοβαρῷ καὶ σκυθρωπῷ, τῇ φωνῇ δʼ ἐνσημαινόμενος ἕκαστα καὶ ἐφιστάμενος, οἷς μάλιστα αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ ψηφίσματι ἐξεθείαζον, ἱερὸν καὶ ἄσυλον ἢ πατέρα πατρίδος ἢ εὐεργέτην ἢ προστάτην οἷον οὐχ ἕτερον ὀνομάζοντες. ἐφʼ ἑκάστῳ δὲ τούτων ὁ Ἀντώνιος τὴν ὄψιν καὶ τὴν χεῖρα ἐς τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐπιστρέφων ἐν παραβολῇ τοῦ λόγου τὸ ἔργον ἐπεδείκνυ. ἐπεφθέγγετο δέ πού τι καὶ βραχὺ ἑκάστῳ, μεμιγμένον οἴκτῳ καὶ ἀγανακτήσει, ἔνθα μὲν τὸ ψήφισμα εἴποι ʼπατέρα πατρίδος,ʼ ἐπιλέγων· τοῦτο ἐπιεικείας ἐστὶ μαρτυρία, ἔνθα δʼ ἦν ʽἱερὸς καὶ ἄσυλοσʼ καὶ ʼἀπαθὴς καὶ ὅστις αὐτῷ καὶ ἕτερος προσφύγοι,ʼ οὐχ ἕτερος, ἔφη, τῷδε προσφεύγων, ἀλλʼ αὐτὸς ὑμῖν ὁ ἄσυλος καὶ ἱερὸς ἀνῄρηται, οὐ βιασάμενος οἷα τύραννος λαβεῖν τάσδε τὰς τιμάς, ἃς οὐδὲ ᾔτησεν. ἀνελευθερώτατοι δὲ ἄρα ἡμεῖς, οἳ τοιάδε τοῖς ἀναξίοις οὐδὲ αἰτοῦσι δίδομεν. ἀλλʼ ὑμεῖς ἡμῶν ὑπεραπολογεῖσθε ὡς οὐκ ἀνελευθέρων, ὦ πιστοὶ πολῖται, τοιαύτῃ καὶ νῦν πρὸς τεθνεῶτα χρώμενοι τιμῇ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.20.144

It is not fitting, citizens, that the funeral oration of so great a man should be pronounced by me alone, but rather by his whole country. The decrees which all of us, in equal admiration of his merit, voted to him while he was alive — the Senate and the people acting together — I will read, so that I may voice your sentiments rather than my own. Then he began to read with a severe and gloomy countenance, pronouncing each sentence distinctly and dwelling especially on those decrees which declared Caesar to be superhuman, sacred, and inviolable, and which named him the father of his country, or the benefactor, or the chieftain without a peer. With each decree Antony turned his face and his hand toward Caesar’s corpse, illustrating his discourse by his action, and at each appellation he added some brief remark full of grief and indignation; as, for example, where the decree spoke of Caesar as the father of his country he added that this was a testimonial of his clemency; and again, where he was made sacred and inviolable and everybody else was to be held unharmed who should find refuge with him,— Nobody, said Antony, who found refuge with him was harmed, but he, whom you declared sacred and inviolable, was killed, although he did not extort these honors from you as a tyrant, and did not even ask for them. Most servile are we if we give such honors to the unworthy who do not ask for them. But you, faithful citizens, vindicate us from this charge of servility by paying such honors as you now pay to the dead.

2.20.145 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.20.145

καὶ αὖθις ἀνεγίνωσκε τοὺς ὅρκους, ἦ μὴν φυλάξειν Καίσαρα καὶ τὸ Καίσαρος σῶμα παντὶ σθένει πάντας ἤ, εἴ τις ἐπιβουλεύσειεν, ἐξώλεις εἶναι τοὺς οὐκ ἀμύναντας αὐτῷ. ἐφʼ ὅτῳ δὴ μάλιστα τὴν φωνὴν ἐπιτείνας καὶ τὴν χεῖρα ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἀνασχών, ἐγὼ μέν, εἶπεν, ὦ Ζεῦ πάτριε καὶ θεοί, ἕτοιμος ἀμύνειν ὡς ὤμοσα καὶ ἠρασάμην· ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῖς ὁμοτίμοις δοκεῖ συνοίσειν τὰ ἐγνωσμένα, συνενεγκεῖν εὔχομαι. θορύβου δʼ ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπὶ τῷδε μάλιστα προφανῶς ἐς αὐτὴν εἰρημένῳ γενομένου, ἐπικαταψήχων αὐτὴν ὁ Ἀντώνιος καὶ παλινῳδῶν ἔφη· ἔοικεν, ὦ πολῖται, τὰ γεγενημένα ἀνδρῶν μὲν οὐδενός, ἀλλά του δαιμόνων ἔργα εἶναι. καὶ χρὴ τὸ παρὸν σκοπεῖν μᾶλλον ἢ τὸ γεγενημένον, ὡς ἐν ἀκμῇ μεγάλων ἐστὶ κινδύνων ἡμῖν τὰ μέλλοντα ἢ τὰ ὄντα μὴ ἐς τὰς προτέρας στάσεις ὑπαχθῶμεν καὶ ἐκτριφθῇ πᾶν, ὅ τι λοιπόν ἐστιν εὐγενὲς τῇ πόλει. προπέμπωμεν οὖν τὸν ἱερὸν τόνδε ἐπὶ τοὺς εὐδαίμονας, τὸν νενομισμένον ὕμνον αὐτῷ καὶ θρῆνον ἐπᾴδοντες.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.20.145

Antony resumed his reading and recited the oaths by which all were pledged to guard Caesar and Caesar’s body with all their strength, and all were devoted to perdition who should not avenge him against any conspiracy. Here, lifting up his voice and extending his hand toward the Capitol, he exclaimed, Jupiter, guardian of this city, and ye other gods, I stand ready to avenge him as I have sworn and vowed, but since those who are of equal rank with me have considered the decree of amnesty beneficial, I pray that it may prove so. A commotion arose among the senators in consequence of this exclamation, which seemed to have special reference to them. So Antony quieted them again and recanted, saying, It seems to me, fellow-citizens, that this deed is not the work of human beings, but of some evil spirit. It becomes us to consider the present rather than the past, since the greatest danger approaches, if it is not already here, lest we be drawn into our former civil commotions and lose whatever remains of noble birth in the city. Let us then conduct this sacred one to the abode of the blest, chanting our accustomed hymn of lamentation for him.

2.20.146 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.20.146

τοιάδε εἰπὼν τὴν ἐσθῆτα οἷά τις ἔνθους ἀνεσύρατο, καὶ περιζωσάμενος ἐς τὸ τῶν χειρῶν εὔκολον, τὸ λέχος ὡς ἐπὶ σκηνῆς περιέστη κατακύπτων τε ἐς αὐτὸ καὶ ἀνίσχων, πρῶτα μὲν ὡς θεὸν οὐράνιον ὕμνει καὶ ἐς πίστιν θεοῦ γενέσεως τὰς χεῖρας ἀνέτεινεν, ἐπιλέγων ὁμοῦ σὺν δρόμῳ φωνῆς πολέμους αὐτοῦ καὶ μάχας καὶ νίκας καὶ ἔθνη, ὅσα προσποιήσειε τῇ πατρίδι, καὶ λάφυρα, ὅσα πέμψειεν, ἐν θαύματι αὐτῶν ἕκαστα ποιούμενος καὶ συνεχῶς ἐπιβοῶν· μόνος ὅδε ἀήττητος ἐκ πάντων τῶν ἐς χεῖρας αὐτῷ συνελθόντων. σὺ δʼ, ἔφη, καὶ μόνος ἐκ τριακοσίων ἐτῶν ὑβρισμένῃ τῇ πατρίδι ἐπήμυνας, ἄγρια ἔθνη τὰ μόνα ἐς Ῥώμην ἐμβαλόντα καὶ μόνα ἐμπρήσαντα αὐτὴν ἐς γόνυ βαλών. πολλά τε ἄλλα ἐπιθειάσας τὴν φωνὴν ἐς τὸ θρηνῶδες ἐκ τοῦ λαμπροτέρου μετεποίει καὶ ὡς φίλον ἄδικα παθόντα ὠδύρετο καὶ ἔκλαιε καὶ ἠρᾶτο τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ψυχὴν ἐθέλειν ἀντιδοῦναι τῆς Καίσαρος. εὐφορώτατα δὲ ἐς τὸ πάθος ἐκφερόμενος τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐγύμνου καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα ἐπὶ κοντοῦ φερομένην ἀνέσειε, λελακισμένην ὑπὸ τῶν πληγῶν καὶ πεφυρμένην αἵματι αὐτοκράτορος. ἐφʼ οἷς ὁ δῆμος οἷα χορὸς αὐτῷ πενθιμώτατα συνωδύρετο καὶ ἐκ τοῦ πάθους αὖθις ὀργῆς ἐνεπίμπλατο. ὡς δʼ ἐπὶ τοῖς λόγοις ἕτεροι θρῆνοι μετὰ ᾠδῆς κατὰ πάτριον ἔθος ὑπὸ χορῶν ἐς αὐτὸν ᾔδοντο καὶ τὰ ἔργα αὖθις αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ πάθος κατέλεγον καί που τῶν θρήνων αὐτὸς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐδόκει λέγειν, ὅσους εὖ ποιήσειε τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐξ ὀνόματος, καὶ περὶ τῶν σφαγέων αὐτῶν ἐπέλεγεν ὥσπερ ἐν θαύματι· ἐμὲ δὲ καὶ τούσδε περισῶσαι τοὺς κτενοῦντάς με, οὐκ ἔφερεν ἔτι ὁ δῆμος, ἐν παραλόγῳ ποιούμενος τὸ πάντας αὐτοῦ τοὺς σφαγέας χωρὶς μόνου Δέκμου, αἰχμαλώτους ἐκ τῆς Πομπηίου στάσεως γενομένους, ἀντὶ κολάσεων ἐπὶ ἀρχὰς καὶ ἡγεμονίας ἐθνῶν καὶ στρατοπέδων προαχθέντας ἐπιβουλεῦσαι, Δέκμον δὲ καὶ παῖδα αὐτῷ θετὸν ἀξιωθῆναι γενέσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.20.146

Having spoken thus,, he gathered up his garments like one inspired, girded himself so that he might have the free use of his hands, took his position in front of the bier as in a play, bending down to it and rising again, and sang first as to a celestial deity. In order to testify to Caesar’s godlike origin, he raised his hands to heaven and with rapid speech recited his wars, his battles, his victories, the nations he had brought under his country’s sway, and the spoils he had sent home, extolling each exploit as miraculous, and all the time exclaiming, Thou alone hast come forth unvanquished from all the battles thou hast fought. Thou alone hast avenged thy country of the out-rage put upon it 300 years ago, bringing to their knees those savage tribes, the only ones that ever broke into and burned the city of Rome. Many other things Antony said in a kind of divine frenzy, and then lowered his voice from its high pitch to a sorrowful tone, and mourned and wept as for a friend who had suffered unjustly, and prayed that his own life might be given in exchange for Caesar’s. Carried away by extreme passion he uncovered the body of Caesar, lifted his robe on the point of a spear and shook it aloft, pierced with dagger-thrusts and red with the dictator’s blood. Whereupon the people, like a chorus, mourned with him in the most lugubrious manner, and from sorrow became again filled with anger. After the discourse other lamentations were chanted with funeral music according to the national custom, by the people in chorus, to the dead; and his deeds and his sad fate were again recited. Somewhere from the midst of these lamentations Caesar himself was supposed to speak, recounting the benefits he had conferred on his enemies by name, and speaking of the murderers themselves, exclaiming, as it were, Oh that I should have spared these men to slay me. The people could endure it no longer. It seemed to them monstrous that all the murderers who, with the single exception of Decimus Brutus, had been made prisoners while belonging to the faction of Pompey, and who, instead of being punished, had been advanced by Caesar to the magistracies of Rome and to the command of provinces and armies, should have conspired against him; and that Decimus should have been deemed by him worthy of adoption as his son.

Edition note

A quotation from the Latin poet Pacuvius. The original is given in Suetonius: Men’ servasse, ut essent qui me perderent!

2.20.147 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.20.147

ὧδε δὲ αὐτοῖς ἔχουσιν ἤδη καὶ χειρῶν ἐγγὺς οὖσιν ἀνέσχε τις ὑπὲρ τὸ λέχος ἀνδρείκελον αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος ἐκ κηροῦ πεποιημένον· τὸ μὲν γὰρ σῶμα, ὡς ὕπτιον ἐπὶ λέχους, οὐχ ἑωρᾶτο. τὸ δὲ ἀνδρείκελον ἐκ μηχανῆς ἐπεστρέφετο πάντῃ, καὶ σφαγαὶ τρεῖς καὶ εἴκοσιν ὤφθησαν ἀνά τε τὸ σῶμα πᾶν καὶ ἀνὰ τὸ πρόσωπον θηριωδῶς ἐς αὐτὸν γενόμεναι. τήνδε οὖν τὴν ὄψιν ὁ δῆμος οἰκτίστην σφίσι φανεῖσαν οὐκέτι ἐνεγκὼν ἀνῴμωξάν τε καὶ διαζωσάμενοι τὸ βουλευτήριον, ἔνθα ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀνῄρητο, κατέφλεξαν καὶ τοὺς ἀνδροφόνους ἐκφυγόντας πρὸ πολλοῦ περιθέοντες ἐζήτουν, οὕτω δὴ μανιωδῶς ὑπὸ ὀργῆς τε καὶ λύπης, ὥστε τὸν δημαρχοῦντα Κίνναν ἐξ ὁμωνυμίας τοῦ στρατηγοῦ Κίννα, τοῦ δημηγορήσαντος ἐπὶ τῷ Καίσαρι, οὐκ ἀνασχόμενοί τε περὶ τῆς ὁμωνυμίας οὐδʼ ἀκοῦσαι, διέσπασαν θηριωδῶς, καὶ οὐδὲν αὐτοῦ μέρος ἐς ταφὴν εὑρέθη. πῦρ δʼ ἐπὶ τὰς τῶν ἄλλων οἰκίας ἔφερον, καὶ καρτερῶς αὐτοὺς ἐκείνων τε ἀμυνομένων καὶ τῶν γειτόνων δεομένων τοῦ μὲν πυρὸς ἀπέσχοντο, ὅπλα δʼ ἠπείλησαν ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν οἴσειν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.20.147

While they were in this temper and were already near to violence, somebody raised above the bier an image of Caesar himself made of wax. The body itself, as it lay on its back on the couch, could not be seen. The image was turned round and round by a mechanical device, showing the twenty-three wounds in all parts of the body and on the face, which gave him a shocking appearance. The people could no longer bear the pitiful sight presented to them. They groaned, and, girding themselves, they burned the senate-chamber where Caesar was slain, and ran hither and thither searching for the murderers, who had fled some time previously. They were so mad with rage and grief that like wild beasts they tore in pieces the tribune Cinna on account of his similarity of name to the praetor Cinna who had made a speech against Caesar, not waiting to hear any explanation about the simhilarity of name, so that no part of him was ever found for burial. They carried fire to the houses of the other murderers, but the domestics valiantly fought them off and the neighbors besought them to desist. So the people abstained from the use of fire, but they threatened to come back with arms on the following day.

Edition note

Waxen images of the deceased were common in the funerals of distinguished persons in Rome.

Edition note

Suetonius (Jul. 85) and Valerius Maximus (ix. 9) agreed with Appian that this victim of error was the tribune Cinna, whose surname was Helvius. Plutarch says that he was a poet, or rather a man of a poetical turn.

Edition note

Merivale (Hist. of the Romans under the Empire, ii. 84) considers this report of Antony’s funeral oration no rhetorical fiction, but a fair representation both in manner and substance of the actual harangue. Cicero bore testimony to the effectiveness of Antony’s discourse when he spoke of it in the second Philippic (36) as that beautiful encomium, that mournful dirge, that appeal to passion. adding: thou, thou I say, didst light the fire that half consumed his body and burned down the house of L. Bellienus. Thou didst precipitate upon our homes that mob of abandoned men, mostly slaves, whom we drove back by force and violence.

2.20.148 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.20.148

καὶ οἱ μὲν σφαγεῖς ἐξέφυγον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως διαλαθόντες, ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐπὶ τὸ λέχος τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐπανελθὼν ἔφερον αὐτὸ ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ὡς εὐαγὲς θάψαι τε ἐν ἱερῷ καὶ μετὰ θεῶν θέσθαι. κωλυόμενοι δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν αὖθις ἔθεσαν, ἔνθα τὸ πάλαι Ῥωμαίοις ἔστι βασίλειον, καὶ ξύλα αὐτῷ καὶ βάθρα, ὅσα πολλὰ ἦν ἐν ἀγορᾷ καὶ εἴ τι τοιουτότροπον ἄλλο συνενεγκόντες, καὶ τὴν πομπὴν δαψιλεστάτην οὖσαν ἐπιβαλόντες, στεφάνους τε ἔνιοι παρʼ ἑαυτῶν καὶ ἀριστεῖα πολλὰ ἐπιθέντες, ἐξῆψαν καὶ τὴν νύκτα πανδημεὶ τῇ πυρᾷ παρέμενον, ἔνθα βωμὸς πρῶτος ἐτέθη, νῦν δʼ ἐστὶ νεὼς αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος, θείων τιμῶν ἀξιουμένου· ὁ γάρ τοι θετὸς αὐτῷ παῖς Ὀκτάουιος, τό τε ὄνομα ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα μεταβαλὼν καὶ κατʼ ἴχνος ἐκείνου τῇ πολιτείᾳ προσιών, τήν τε ἀρχὴν τὴν ἐπικρατοῦσαν ἔτι νῦν, ἐρριζωμένην ὑπʼ ἐκείνου, μειζόνως ἐκρατύνατο καὶ τὸν πατέρα τιμῶν ἰσοθέων ἠξίωσεν· ὧν δὴ καὶ νῦν, ἐξ ἐκείνου πρώτου, Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν ἑκάστοτε τὴν ἀρχὴν τήνδε ἄρχοντα, ἢν μὴ τύχῃ τυραννικὸς ὢν ἢ ἐπίμεμπτος, ἀποθανόντα ἀξιοῦσιν, οἳ πρότερον οὐδὲ περιόντας αὐτοὺς ἔφερον καλεῖν βασιλέας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.20.148

The murderers fled from the city secretly. The people returned to Caesar’s bier and bore it as a consecrated thing to the Capitol in order to bury it in the temple and place it among the gods. Being prevented from doing so by the priests, they placed it again in the forum where in the olden time stood the palace of the kings of Rome. There they collected together sticks of wood and benches, of which there were many in the forum, and anything else they could find of that sort, for a funeral pile, throwing on it the adornments of the procession, some of which were very costly. Some of them cast their own crowns upon it and many military gifts. Then they set fire to it, and the entire people remained by the funeral pile throughout the night. There an altar was first erected, but now there stands the temple of Caesar himself, as he was deemed worthy of divine honors; for Octavius, his son by adoption, who took the name of Caesar, and, following in the footsteps of the latter in political matters, greatly strengthened the government founded by Caesar, and which remains to this day, decreed divine honors to his father. From this example the Romans now pay like honors to each emperor at his death if he has not reigned in a tyrannical manner or made himself odious, although at first they could not bear to call them kings while living.

Edition note

Suetonius gives a similar account of Caesar’s funeral, and adds: They afterward placed in the forum a solid column of Numidian marble nearly twenty feet high and inscribed on it the words To the Father of his Country, at which they continued for a long time to offer sacrifice, to take vows, and to adjust controversies in which the oath was taken in the name of Caesar. (Jul. 85.) This column was demolished by the consul Dolabella, who flung over the Tarpeian rock the free persons who participated in these ceremonies, crucified the slaves, and caused the ground to be repaved. This must have taken place shortly before the first of May, as Cicero, then at Puteoli, wrote a letter to Atticus on that day in which he mentioned it as news just received by him. Oh, my admirable Dolabella, he says, I now call him mine, for believe me, I had some little doubt of him before. The affair presents a great outlook. Over the rock! On the cross! The column demolished, the place itself under contract to be paved. Is it not heroic? He seems to me to have put an end to that appearance of regret for Caesar which was hitherto spreading from day to day, and becoming chronic, so that I feared lest it should prove dangerous to our tyrant-killers. (Ad Att. xiv. 15.)

2.21.149 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.21.149

οὕτω μὲν δὴ Γάιος Καῖσαρ ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν ἡμέραις αἷς καλοῦσιν εἰδοῖς Μαρτίαις, Ἀνθεστηριῶνος μάλιστα μέσου, ἥν τινα ἡμέραν αὐτὸν ὁ μάντις οὐ περιοίσειν προύλεγεν· ὁ δʼ ἐπισκώπτων αὐτὸν ἔφη περὶ τὴν ἕω· πάρεισιν αἱ εἰδοί. καὶ ὁ μὲν οὐδὲν καταπλαγεὶς ἀπεκρίνατο· ἀλλὰ οὐ παρεληλύθασιν, ὁ δὲ καὶ τοιῶνδε προαγορεύσεων αὐτῷ σὺν τοσῷδε τοῦ μάντεως θάρσει γενομένων καὶ σημείων ὧν προεῖπον ἑτέρων ὑπεριδὼν προῆλθε καὶ ἐτελεύτησεν, ἔτος ἄγων ἕκτον ἐπὶ πεντήκοντα, ἀνὴρ ἐπιτυχέστατος ἐς πάντα καὶ δαιμόνιος καὶ μεγαλοπράγμων καὶ εἰκότως ἐξομοιούμενος Ἀλεξάνδρῳ. ἄμφω γὰρ ἐγενέσθην φιλοτιμοτάτω τε πάντων καὶ πολεμικωτάτω καὶ τὰ δόξαντα ἐπελθεῖν ταχυτάτω πρός τε κινδύνους παραβολωτάτω καὶ τοῦ σώματος ἀφειδεστάτω καὶ οὐ στρατηγίᾳ πεποιθότε μᾶλλον ἢ τόλμῃ καὶ τύχῃ. ὧν ὁ μὲν ἄνυδρόν τε πολλὴν ἐς Ἄμμωνος ὥδευεν ὥρᾳ καύματος, καὶ τὸν Παμφύλιον κόλπον τῆς θαλάσσης ἀνακοπείσης διέτρεχε δαιμονίως, καὶ τὸ πέλαγος αὐτῷ τοῦ δαίμονος κατέχοντος, ἔστε παρέλθοι, καὶ καθʼ ὁδὸν ὁδεύοντι ὕοντος. ἀπλώτου τε θαλάσσης ἐν Ἰνδοῖς ἀπεπείρασε, καὶ ἐπὶ κλίμακα πρῶτος ἀνέβη καὶ ἐς πολεμίων τεῖχος ἐσήλατο μόνος καὶ τρισκαίδεκα τραύματα ὑπέστη. καὶ ἀήττητος αἰεὶ γενόμενος ἑνὶ σχεδὸν ἢ δύο ἔργοις ἕκαστον πόλεμον ἐξήνυσε, τῆς μὲν Εὐρώπης πολλὰ βάρβαρα ἑλὼν καὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα χειρωσάμενος, δυσαρκτότατον ἔθνος καὶ φιλελεύθερον καὶ οὐδενὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ πλην Φιλίππῳ κατʼ εὐπρέπειαν ἐς ἡγεμονίαν πολέμου δόξασαν ὑπακούειν ἐπʼ ὀλίγον· τὴν δὲ Ἀσίαν σχεδὸν εἰπεῖν ὅλην ἐπέ δραμε. καὶ ὡς λόγῳ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχην καὶ δύναμιν εἰπεῖν, ὅσην εἶδε γῆν, ἐκτήσατο καὶ περὶ τῆς λοιπῆς ἐνθυμούμενός τε καὶ διανοούμενος ἀπέθανε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.21.149

So died Gaius Caesar on the so-called Ides of March, which correspond nearly with the middle of the Greek month Anthesterion, which day the soothsayer predicted that he should not survive. Caesar jokingly said to him early in the morning, Well, the Ides have come, and the latter, nothing daunted, answered, But they are not past. Despising such prophecies, uttered with so much confidence by the soothsayer, and other prodigies that I have previously mentioned, Caesar went on his way and was killed, being fifty-six years of age. He was a man most fortunate in all things, superhuman, of grand designs, and fit to be compared with Alexander. Both were men of the greatest ambition, both were most skilled in the art of war, most rapid in executing their decisions, most reckless of danger, least sparing of themselves, and relying as much on audacity and luck as on military skill. Alexander made a long journey through the desert in the hot season to visit the oracle of Ammon and crossed the Gulf of Pamphylia against a head sea successfully. A god restrained the waves for him until he had passed over, and sent him rain on his journey by land. In India he ventured upon an unknown sea. Once he was the first to ascend the scaling ladders and leaped over the wall among his enemies alone, and in this condition received thirteen wounds. Yet he was never defeated, and he finished almost every war in one or two battles. He conquered many barbarians in Europe and made himself master of Greece, a people hard to control, fond of freedom, who boasted that they had never obeyed anybody before him, except Philip for a little while under the guise of his leadership in war. He overran almost the whole of Asia. To sum up Alexander’s fortune and power in a word, he acquired as much of the earth as he saw, and died while he was devising means to capture the rest.

Edition note

Mommsen maintains, contrary to the testimony of Suetonius, Plutarch, and Appian, that Caesar was fifty-eight instead of fifty-six years old at the time of his death. He reasons that Caesar must have been born as early as the year 652 in order to hold the offices of aedile, praetor, and consul at the time when he was first elected to them, supposing that he was elected to each as early as he could be legally. Although the age limit was relaxed in special cases, we find no mention of exception in favor of Caesar, and it is hardly possible that three exceptions could have been made in favor of so illustrious a man without any mention of it occurring in ancient writings. There are other facts which tend to corroborate Mommsen’s view, which is now generally accepted by scholars.

2.21.150 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.21.150

Καίσαρι δὲ ἥ τε Ἰόνιος θάλασσα εἶξε, χειμῶνος μέσου πλωτὴ καὶ εὔδιος γενομένη, καὶ τὸν ἑσπέριον ὠκεανὸν ἐπὶ Βρεττανοὺς διέπλευσεν οὔπω γενόμενον ἐν πείρα, κρημνοῖς τε τῶν Βρεττανῶν τοὺς κυβερνήτας ἐποκέλλοντας ἐκέλευε τὰς ναῦς περιαγνύναι. καὶ πρὸς ἄλλον κλύδωνα μόνος ἐν σκάφει σμικρῷ νυκτὸς ἐβιάζετο καὶ τὸν κυβερνήτην ἐκέλευε προχέαι τὰ ἱστία καὶ θαρρεῖν τῇ Καίσαρος τύχῃ μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ θαλάσσῃ. ἔς τε πολεμίους προεπήδησε μόνος ἐκ πάντων δεδιότων πολλάκις, καὶ τριακοντάκις αὐτὸς ἐν Κελτοῖς μόνοις παρετάξατο, μέχρι τετρακόσια αὐτῶν ἐχειρώσατο ἔθνη, οὕτω δή τι Ῥωμαίοις ἐπίφοβα, ὡς νόμῳ τῷ περὶ ἀστρατείας ἱερέων καὶ γερόντων ἐγγραφῆναι ʼπλὴν εἰ μὴ Κελτικὸς πόλεμος ἐπίοιʼ. τότε δὲ καὶ γέροντας καὶ ἱερέας στρατεύεσθαι. περί τε τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν πολεμῶν καὶ ἀποληφθεὶς ἐπὶ γεφύρας μόνος καὶ κακοπαθῶν τὴν πορφύραν ἀπέρριψε καὶ ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν ἐξήλατο καὶ ζητούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἐν τῷ μυχῷ διενήχετο λανθάνων ἐπὶ πολύ, μόνην ἐκ διαστήματος ἀνίσχων τὴν ἀναπνοήν, μέχρι φιλίᾳ νηὶ προσπελάσας ὤρεξε τὰς χεῖρας καὶ ἑαυτὸν ἔδειξε καὶ περιεσώθη. ἐς δὲ τὰ ἐμφύλια τάδε ἢ διὰ δέος, καθάπερ αὐτὸς ἔλεγεν, ἢ ἀρχῆς ἐπιθυμίᾳ συμπεσών, στρατηγοῖς τοῖς καθʼ αὑτὸν ἀρίστοις συνηνέχθη καὶ στρατοῖς πολλοῖς τε καὶ μεγάλοις, οὐ βαρβάρων ἔτι, ἀλλὰ Ῥωμαίων ἀκμαζόντων μάλιστα εὐπραξίαις καὶ τύχαις· καὶ ἁπάντων ἐκράτησε, διὰ μιᾶς καὶ ὅδε πείρας ἑκάστων ἢ διὰ δύο, οὐ μὴν ἀηττήτου καθάπερ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τοῦ στρατοῦ γενομένου, ἐπεὶ καὶ ὑπὸ Κελτῶν ἡττῶντο λαμπρῶς, ὅθʼ ἡ μεγάλη σφᾶς συμφορὰ κατέλαβε Κόττα καὶ Τιτυρίου στρατηγούντων, καὶ ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ Πετρήιος αὐτοὺς καὶ Ἀφράνιος συνέκλεισαν οἷα πολιορκουμένους, ἔν τε Δυρραχίῳ καὶ Λιβύῃ λαμπρῶς ἔφευγον καὶ ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ Πομπήιον τὸν νέον κατεπλάγησαν. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ αὐτὸς ἦν ἀκατάπληκτος καὶ ἐς παντὸς πολέμου τέλος ἀήττητος· τήν τε Ῥωμαίων ἰσχύν, γῆς ἤδη καὶ θαλάσσης ἐκ δύσεων ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν Εὐφράτην κρατοῦσαν, ἐχειρώσατο βίᾳ καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ πολὺ βεβαιότερον καὶ πολὺ ἐγκρατέστερον Σύλλα βασιλέα τε αὑτὸν ἀπέφηνεν ἀκόντων, εἰ καὶ τὴν προσηγορίαν οὐκ ἐδέχετο. καὶ πολέμους ἄλλους καὶ ὅδε διανοούμενος ἀνῃρέθη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.21.150

The Adriatic Sea yielded to Caesar, becoming navigable and quiet in mid-winter. He also crossed the western ocean to Britain, which had never been attempted before, and he ordered his pilots to break their ships in pieces by running them on the rocks of the British coast. He was exposed to the violence of another tempest when alone in a small boat by night, and he ordered the pilot to spread his sails and to keep in mind Caesar’s fortune rather than the waves of the sea. He often dashed against the enemy single-handed when all others were afraid. He fought thirty pitched battles in Gaul alone, where he conquered forty nations so formidable to the Romans previously that in the law which exempted priests and old men from military enrolment an exception was made of a Gallic war, in case of which priests and old men were required to serve in the army. Once in the course of the Alexandrian war, when he was left alone on a bridge in extreme peril, he threw off his purple garment, leaped into the sea, and, being sought by the enemy, swam under water a long distance, coming to the surface only at intervals to take breath, until he came near a friendly ship, when he made himself known by raising his hands, and was saved. In these civil wars, in which he engaged either through apprehension, as he says, or ambition, he was brought in conflict with the first generals of the age and with many large armies, not now of barbarians, but of Romans in the highest state of efficiency and good fortune, and, like Alexander, he overcame them all by one or two engagements with each. His forces were not, like Alexander’s, always victorious, for they were defeated by the Gauls most disastrously under the command of his lieutenants, Cotta and Titurius; and in Spain Petreius and Afranius shut them up like an army besieged. At Dyrrachium and in Africa they were put to flight, and in Spain they were terrified by young Pompey. But Caesar himself was always undaunted and was victorious at the end of every war. He grasped, partly by force, partly by good-will, the Roman power which ruled the earth and sea from the setting sun to the river Euphrates, and held it much more firmly and strongly than Sulla had done, and he showed himself to be a king in spite of opposition, even though he did not accept the title. And, like Alexander, he expired while planning new wars.

Edition note

This is nonsense. Caesar himself says (Gallic War, v. 10) that while he was advancing into the interior of Britain, word was brought to him that a great storm had arisen in the night and dashed almost all of his ships in pieces on the shore, so that he was obliged to abandon his expedition temporarily.

2.21.151 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.21.151

συνέβη δʼ αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰ στρατόπεδα ὁμοίως πρόθυμα μὲν ἐς ἄμφω καὶ μετὰ εὐνοίας γενέσθαι καὶ ἐς μάχας θηριώδεσιν ἐοικότα, δυσπειθῆ δὲ πολλάκις ἑκατέρῳ καὶ πολυστασίαστα διὰ τοὺς πόνους. ἀποθανόντας γε μὴν ὁμοίως ὠδύραντο καὶ ἐπεπόθησαν καὶ θείων τιμῶν ἠξίωσαν. ἐγένοντο δὲ καὶ τὰ σώματα εὐφυεῖς ἄμφω καὶ καλοί. καὶ τὸ γένος ἐκ Διὸς ἤστην ἑκάτερος, ὁ μὲν Αἰακίδης τε καὶ Ἡρακλείδης, ὁ δὲ ἀπʼ Ἀγχίσου τε καὶ Ἀφροδίτης. φιλονικότεροι δὲ τοῖς ἐξερίζουσιν ὄντες ταχύτατοι πρὸς διαλύσεις ἦσαν καὶ συγγνώμονες τοῖς ἁλοῦσιν, ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ συγγνώμῃ καὶ εὐεργέται καὶ οὐδὲν ἢ κρατῆσαι μόνον ἐνθυμούμενοι. καὶ τάδε μὲν ἐς τοσοῦτον συγκεκρίσθω, καίπερ οὐκ ἐξ ἴσης δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁρμήσαντος αὐτῶν ἑκατέρου, ἀλλὰ τοῦ μὲν ἐκ βασιλείας ἠσκημένης ὑπὸ Φιλίππῳ, τοῦ δʼ ἐξ ἰδιωτείας, εὐγενοῦς μὲν καὶ περιφανοῦς, χρημάτων δὲ πάνυ ἐνδεοῦς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.21.151

Their armies were equally zealous and devoted to both, and in battles they fought with the greatest ferocity, but were often disobedient and mutinous on account of the severity of their tasks. Yet they mourned and longed for their commanders when they were dead, and paid them divine honors. Both were well-formed and handsome in person, and both were descended from Jupiter, Alexander through Aeacus and Hercules, Caesar through Anchises and Venus. Both were as prompt to fight their adversaries as they were ready to make peace and grant pardon to the vanquished, and after pardon to confer benefits; for they desired only to conquer. Thus far let the parallel hold good, although they did not both start toward empire from the same footing; Alexander from the monarchy founded by Philip, Caesar from a private station, well born and illustrious indeed, but very short of money.

2.21.152 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.21.152

ἐγένοντο δὲ καὶ σημείων τῶν ἐπὶ σφίσιν ἑκάτερος ὑπερόπτης καὶ τοῖς μάντεσι τὴν τελευτὴν προειποῦσιν οὐκ ἐχαλέπηναν, καὶ τὰ σημεῖα αὐτὰ ὅμοιά τε πολλάκις καὶ ἐς τὸ ὅμοιον ἀμφοῖν συνηνέχθη· ἐγένετο γὰρ ἑκατέρῳ δὶς ἄλοβα, καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα κίνδυνον σφαλερὸν ὑπέδειξεν, Ἀλεξάνδρῳ μὲν ἐν Ὀξυδράκαις, ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν τεῖχος ἀναβάντι πρὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων, καὶ τῆς κλίμακος συντριβείσης ἀποληφθέντι τε ἄνω, καὶ ὑπὸ τόλμης ἐς τὸ ἐντὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐξαλομένῳ καὶ πληγέντι τὰ στέρνα χαλεπῶς καὶ ἐς τὸν τράχηλον ὑπέρῳ βαρυτάτῳ, καὶ πίπτοντι ἤδη καὶ περισωθέντι μόλις ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀναρρηξάντων τὰς πύλας ὑπὸ δέους, Καίσαρι δὲ ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ, τοῦ στρατοῦ περιφόβου τε ὄντος ἐπὶ Πομπηίῳ τῷ νέῳ καὶ ὀκνοῦντος ἐς μάχην ἰέναι, προδραμόντι πάντων ἐς τὸ μεταίχμιον καὶ διακόσια ἀναδεξαμένῳ δόρατα ἐς τὴν ἀσπίδα, μέχρι καὶ τόνδε ὁ στρατὸς ἐπιδραμὼν ὑπὸ αἰδοῦς καὶ φόβου περιέσωσεν. οὕτω μὲν αὐτοῖς τὰ πρῶτα ἄλοβα ἐς κίνδυνον ἦλθε θανάτου, τὰ δεύτερα δὲ ἐς τὸν θάνατον αὐτόν. Πειθαγόρας τε γὰρ ὁ μάντις Ἀπολλοδώρῳ δεδοικότι Ἀλέξανδρόν τε καὶ Ἡφαιστίωνα θυόμενος εἶπε μὴ δεδιέναι, ἐκποδὼν γὰρ ἀμφοτέρους αὐτίκα ἔσεσθαι· καὶ τελευτήσαντος εὐθὺς Ἡφαιστίωνος ὁ Ἀπολλόδωρος ἔδεισε, μή τις ἐπιβουλὴ γένοιτο κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ ἐξήνεγκεν αὐτῷ τὰ μαντεύματα. ὁ δὲ ἐπεμειδίασε καὶ Πειθαγόραν αὐτὸν ἤρετο, ὅ τι λέγοι τὸ σημεῖον· τοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος, ὅτι τὰ ὕστατα λέγει, αὖθις ἐπεμειδίασε καὶ ἐπῄνεσεν ὅμως Ἀπολλόδωρόν τε τῆς εὐνοίας καὶ τὸν μάντιν τῆς παρρησίας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.21.152

Both of them despised the prodigies relating to themselves, but they did not deal harshly with the sooth-sayers who predicted their death; for more than once the very same prodigies confronted both, pointing to the same end. Twice in the case of each the victims were without a liver, and the first time it indicated a doubtful danger. It happened to Alexander when he was among the Oxydracae and while he was leading his Macedonians in scaling the enemy’s wall. The ladder broke, leaving him alone on the top. Taking counsel of his courage, he leaped inside the town against his enemies, and was struck severely in the breast and on the neck by a very heavy club, so that he fell down, and was rescued with difficulty by the Macedonians, who broke down the gates in their alarm for him. It happened to Caesar in Spain while his army was in great fear of young Pompey, and hesitated to join battle. Caesar dashed in advance of all into the space between the armies, and received 200 darts on his shield until his army, moved by shame and fear for his safety, rushed forward and rescued him. Thus in the case of each the first victims without livers presaged danger of death; the second presaged death itself. As Peithagoras, the soothsayer, was inspecting the entrails, he told Apollodorus, who was in fear of Alexander and Hephestion, not to be afraid of them, because they would both be out of the way very soon. Hephestion died immediately, and Apollodorus, being apprehensive lest some conspiracy might exist against Alexander, communicated the prophecy to him. Alexander smiled, and asked Peithagoras himself what the prodigy meant. When the latter replied that it meant fatality, he smiled again. Nevertheless, he commended Apollodorus for his good-will and the soothsayer for his freedom of speech.

2.21.153 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.21.153

Καίσαρι δʼ ἐς τὸ ἔσχατον βουλευτήριον ἐσιόντι, καθά μοι πρὸ βραχέος εἴρηται, τὰ αὐτὰ σημεῖα γίγνεται· καὶ χλευάσας ἔφη τοιαῦτά οἱ καὶ περὶ Ἰβηρίαν γεγονέναι. τοῦ δὲ μάντεως εἰπόντος καὶ τότε αὐτὸν κινδυνεῦσαι καὶ νῦν ἐπιθανατώτερον ἔχειν τὸ σημεῖον, ἐνδούς τι πρὸς τὴν παρρησίαν ἐθύετο ὅμως αὖθις, μέχρι βραδυνόντων αὐτῷ τῶν ἱερῶν δυσχεράνας ἐσῆλθε καὶ ἀνῃρέθη. τὸ δʼ αὐτὸ καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ συνέπεσεν. ἐπανιόντα γὰρ ἐξ Ἰνδῶν ἐς Βαβυλῶνα μετὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ πλησιάζοντα ἤδη παρεκάλουν οἱ Χαλδαῖοι τὴν εἴσοδον ἐπισχεῖν ἐν τῷ παρόντι. τοῦ δὲ τὸ ἰαμβεῖον εἰπόντος, ὅτι μάντις ἄριστος, ὅστις εἰκάζει καλῶς, δεύτερα γοῦν οἱ Χαλδαῖοι παρεκάλουν μὴ ἐς δύσιν ὁρῶντα μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐσελθεῖν, ἀλλὰ περιοδεῦσαι καὶ τὴν πόλιν λαβεῖν πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα. ὁ δʼ ἐς τοῦτο μὲν ἐνδοῦναι λέγεται καὶ ἐπιχειρῆσαι περιοδεῦσαι, λίμνῃ δὲ καὶ ἕλει δυσχεραίνων καταφρονῆσαι καὶ τοῦ δευτέρου μαντεύματος καὶ ἐσελθεῖν ἐς δύσιν ὁρῶν. ἐσελθών γε μὴν καὶ πλέων κατὰ τὸν Εὐφράτην ἐπὶ ποταμὸν Παλλακότταν, ὃς τὸν Εὐφράτην ὑπολαμβάνων ἐς ἕλη καὶ λίμνας ἐκφέρει καὶ κωλύει τὴν Ἀσσυρίδα γῆν ἄρδειν,—ἐπινοοῦντα δὴ τοῦτον διατειχίσαι τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦτο ἐκπλέοντά φασιν ἐπιτωθάσαι τοῖς Χαλδαίοις, ὅτι σῶος ἐς Βαβυλῶνα ἐσέλθοι τε καὶ ἐκπλέοι. ἔμελλε δʼ ἐπανελθὼν αὐτίκα ἐν αὐτῇ τεθνήξεσθαι. ἐπετώθασε δὲ καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ὅμοια. τοῦ γὰρ μάντεως αὐτῷ τὴν ἡμέραν τῆς τελευτῆς προειπόντος, ὅτι μὴ περιοίσει τὰς Μαρτίας εἰδούς, ἐλθούσης τῆς ἡμέρας ἔφη, τὸν μάντιν χλευάζων, ὅτι πάρεισιν αἱ εἰδοί· καὶ ἐν αὐταῖς ὅμως ἀπέθανεν. οὕτω μὲν δὴ καὶ σημεῖα τὰ περὶ σφῶν ἐχλεύασαν ὁμοίως, καὶ τοῖς προειποῦσιν αὐτὰ μάντεσιν οὐκ ἐχαλέπηναν, καὶ ἑάλωσαν ὅμως ὑπὸ τῷ λόγῳ τῶν μαντευμάτων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.21.153

As Caesar was entering the Senate for the last time, as I have shortly before related, the same omens were observed, but he said, jestingly, that the same thing had happened to him in Spain. When the soothsayer replied that he was in danger then too, and that the omen was now more deadly, he yielded somewhat to the warning and sacrificed again, and continued to do so until he became vexed with the priests for delaying him, and went in and was killed. The same kind of thing happened to Alexander. As he was returning from India to Babylon with his army, and was nearing the latter place, the Chaldeans urged him to postpone his entrance for the present. He replied with the iambic verse, He who guesses right is the best prophet. Again, the Chaldeans urged him not to march his army into the city while looking toward the setting sun, but to go around and enter facing the east. It is said that he yielded to this suggestion and started to go around, but being bothered by a lake and marshy ground, he disregarded this second prophecy also, and entered the city looking toward the west. Not long after entering he went down the Euphrates in a boat to the river Pallacotta, which takes its water from the Euphrates and carries it away in marshes and ponds and thus hinders the irrigation and navigation of the Assyrian country. While he was considering how he should dyke this stream and while he was sailing out to it for this purpose, it is said that he jeered at the Chaldeans because he had gone into Babylon and sailed out of it safely. But scarcely had he returned back to it when he died. Caesar jeered at the prophecies in like manner, for the soothsayer predicted the day of his death, saying that he should not survive the Ides of March, and when the day came Caesar mocked him saying, The Ides have come; and the same day he died. Thus both alike made light of the prophecies concerning themselves, and were not angry at the soothsayers who uttered them, yet they became the inevitable victims of the prophecies.

Edition note

This is a line from Euripides, which had passed into a proverb in both Greek and Latin. Schweighäuser cites several authors who used it — among them Arrian (Expeditio Alex. vii. 16), who also gives us a more detailed account of this affair of Alexander and the Chaldeans.

2.21.154 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:2.21.154

ἐγένοντο δὲ καὶ ἐς ἐπιστήμην τῆς ἀρετῆς, τῆς τε πατρίου καὶ Ἑλληνικῆς καὶ ξένης, φιλόκαλοι, τὰ μὲν Ἰνδῶν Ἀλέξανδρος ἐξετάζων τοὺς Βραχμᾶνας, οἳ δοκοῦσιν Ἰνδῶν εἶναι μετεωρολόγοι τε καὶ σοφοὶ καθὰ Περσῶν οἱ Μάγοι, τὰ δὲ Αἰγυπτίων ὁ Καῖσαρ, ὅτε ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ γενόμενος καθίστατο Κλεοπάτραν. ὅθεν ἄρα καὶ τῶν εἰρηνικῶν πολλὰ Ῥωμαίοις διωρθώσατο καὶ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἀνώμαλον ἔτι ὄντα διὰ τοὺς ἔσθʼ ὅτε μῆνας ἐμβολίμους ʽκατὰ γὰρ σελήνην αὐτοῖς ἠριθμεῖτὀ ἐς τὸν τοῦ ἡλίου δρόμον μετέβαλεν, ὡς ἦγον Αἰγύπτιοι. συνέβη δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τῶν ἐς τὸ σῶμα ἐπιβουλευσάντων μηδένα διαφυγεῖν, ἀλλὰ τῷ παιδὶ δοῦναι δίκην ἀξίαν, καθάπερ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τοὺς Φίλιππον ἀνελόντας. ὅπως δὲ ἔδοσαν, αἱ ἑξῆς βίβλοι δεικνύουσιν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.21.154

Both were students of the science and arts of their own country, of Greece, and of foreign nations. As to those of India, Alexander interrogated the Brahmins who seem to be the astronomers and learned men of that country, like the Magi among the Persians. Caesar likewise interrogated the Egyptians while he was there restoring Cleopatra to the throne, by which means he made many improvements among the peaceful arts for the Romans. He changed the calendar, which was still in disorder by reason of the intercalary months till then in use, for the Romans reckoned the year by the moon. Caesar changed it to the sun’s course, as the Egyptians reckoned it. It happened in his case that not one of the conspirators against him escaped, but all were brought to condign punishment by his adopted son, just as the murderers of Philip were by Alexander. How they were punished the succeeding books will show.

Edition note

ἐπιστήμην τῆς ἀρετῆς: literally, the science of excellence, which is by no means clear. Nauck marks the last word doubtful.

Edition note

Caesar also, at this time, changed the beginning of the year from the first of March to the first of January, because the latter was the date for changing the supreme magistrates. Both changes came into effect on the first January 709 of the city (45 B.C.), and along with them the use of the Julian Calendar, so named after its author, which, long after the fall of the monarchy of Caesar, remained the regulative standard of the civilized world, and in the main is so still. (Mommsen.)

3.1.1 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.1.1

οὕτω μὲν δὴ Γάιος Καῖσαρ πλείστου Ῥωμαίοις ἄξιος ἐς τὴν ἡγεμονίαν γενόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀνῄρητο καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου τέθαπτο· ἁπάντων δὲ αὐτοῦ τῶν σφαγέων δίκην δόντων, ὅπως οἱ περιφανέστατοι μάλιστα ἔδοσαν, ἥδε ἡ βίβλος καὶ ἡ μετὰ τήνδε ἐπιδείξουσιν, ἐπιλαμβάνουσαι καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα Ῥωμαίοις ἐμφύλια ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐγίγνετο ὁμοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.1.1

I. THUS was Gaius Caesar, who had been foremost in extending the Roman sway, slain by his enemies and buried by the people. All of his murderers were brought to punishment. How the most distinguished of them were punished this book and the next one will show, and the other civil wars waged by the Romans will likewise be included in them.

3.1.2 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.1.2

Ἀντώνιον μὲν ἡ βουλὴ διʼ αἰτίας εἶχεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐπιταφίοις τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὑφʼ ὧν δὴ μάλιστα ὁ δῆμος ἐρεθισθεὶς ὑπερεῖδε τῆς ἄρτι ἐπεψηφισμένης ἀμνηστίας καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας τῶν σφαγέων σὺν πυρὶ ἔδραμον· ὁ δὲ αὐτὴν χαλεπαίνουσαν ἑνὶ τοιῷδε πολιτεύματι ἐς εὔνοιαν ἑαυτοῦ μετέβαλεν. Ἀμάτιος ἦν ὁ Ψευδομάριος· Μαρίου γὰρ ὑπεκρίνετο υἱωνὸς εἶναι καὶ διὰ Μάριον ὑπερήρεσκε τῷ δήμῳ. γιγνόμενος οὖν κατὰ τήνδε τὴν ὑπόκρισιν συγγενὴς τῷ Καίσαρι, ὑπερήλγει μάλιστα αὐτοῦ τεθνεῶτος καὶ βωμὸν ἐπῳκοδόμει τῇ πυρᾷ καὶ χεῖρα θρασυτέρων ἀνδρῶν εἶχε καὶ φοβερὸς ἦν ἀεὶ τοῖς σφαγεῦσιν· ὧν οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι διεπεφεύγεσαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ὅσοι παρʼ αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος εἰλήφεσαν ἡγεμονίας ἐθνῶν, ἀπεληλύθεσαν ἐπὶ τὰς ἡγεμονίας, Βροῦτος μὲν ὁ Δέκμος ἐς τὴν ὅμορον τῆς Ἰταλίας Κελτικήν, Τρεβώνιος δὲ ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν τὴν περὶ Ἰωνίαν, Τίλλιος δὲ Κίμβερ ἐς Βιβυνίαν· Κάσσιος δὲ καὶ Βροῦτος ὁ Μᾶρκος, ὧν δὴ καὶ μάλιστα τῇ βουλῇ διέφερεν, ᾕρηντο μὲν καὶ οἵδε ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἔτος ἡγεμονεύειν, Συρίας μὲν ὁ Κάσσιος καὶ Μακεδονίας ὁ Βροῦτος, ἔτι δὲ ὄντες ἀστικοὶ στρατηγοὶ […: gap in edition] ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης καὶ διατάγμασιν οἷα στρατηγοὶ τοὺς κληρούχους ἐθεράπευον, ὅσοις τε ἄλλοις ἐπενόουν, καὶ τὰ κληρουχήματα συγχωροῦντες αὐτοῖς πιπράσκειν, τοῦ νόμου κωλύοντος ἐντὸς εἴκοσιν ἐτῶν ἀποδίδοσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.1.2

The Senate blamed Antony for his funeral oration over Caesar, by which, chiefly, the people were incited to disregard the decree of amnesty lately passed, and to scour the city in order to fire the houses of the murderers. But he changed it from bad to good feeling toward himself by one capital stroke of policy. There was a certain pseudo-Marius in Rome named Amatius. He pretended to be a grandson of Marius, and for this reason was popular with the masses. Being, according to this pretence, a relative of Caesar, he was pained beyond measure by the latter’s death, and erected an altar on the site of his funeral pyre. He collected a band of reckless men and made himself a perpetual terror to the murderers. Some of these had fled from the city, and those who had accepted the command of provinces from Caesar himself had gone away to take charge of the same, Decimus Brutus to Cisalpine Gaul, Trebonius to Asia adjoining Ionia, and Tillius Cimber to Bithynia. Cassius and Marcus Brutus, who were the special favorites of the Senate, had been chosen by Caesar as governors for the following year, the former of Syria, and the latter of Macedonia. Being still city praetors, they remained there necessarily, and in their official capacity they conciliated the colonists by various decrees, and among others by one enabling them to sell their allotments, the law hitherto forbidding the alienation of the land till the end of twenty years.

3.1.3 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.1.3

τούτοις δὲ αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἀμάτιος, ὅτε συντύχοι, καὶ ἐνεδρεύσειν ἐλέγετο. τῷδε οὖν τῷ λόγῳ τῆς ἐνέδρας ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐπιβαίνων οἷα ὕπατος συλλαμβάνει καὶ κτείνει τὸν Ἀμάτιον χωρὶς δίκης, μάλα θρασέως· καὶ ἡ βουλὴ τὸ μὲν ἔργον ἐθαύμαζεν ὡς μέγα καὶ παράνομον, τὴν δὲ χρείαν αὐτοῦ προσεποιοῦντο ἥδιστα· οὐ γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει ποτὲ χωρὶς τοιᾶσδε τόλμης ἀσφαλῆ τὰ κατὰ Βροῦτον καὶ Κάσσιον ἔσεσθαι. οἱ δὲ τοῦ Ἀματίου στασιῶται καὶ ὁ ἄλλος δῆμος ἐπʼ ἐκείνοις πόθῳ τε τοῦ Ἀματίου καὶ ἀγανακτήσει τοῦ γεγονότος, ὅτι μάλιστα αὐτὸ ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐπεπράχει ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου τιμώμενος, οὐκ ἠξίουν σφῶν καταφρονεῖν· τὴν ἀγορὰν οὖν καταλαβόντες ἐβόων καὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐβλασφήμουν καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐκέλευον ἀντὶ Ἀματίου τὸν βωμὸν ἐκθεοῦν καὶ θύειν ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ Καίσαρι πρώτους. ἐξελαυνόμενοι δʼ ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ὑπὸ στρατιωτῶν ἐπιπεμφθέντων ὑπὸ Ἀντωνίου μᾶλλόν τε ἠγανάκτουν καὶ ἐκεκράγεσαν καὶ ἕδρας ἔνιοι τῶν Καίσαρος ἀνδριάντων ἐπεδείκνυον ἀνῃρημένων. ὡς δέ τις αὐτοῖς ἔφη καὶ τὸ ἐργαστήριον, ἔνθα οἱ ἀνδριάντες ἀνεσκευάζοντο, δείξειν, εὐθὺς εἵποντο καὶ ἰδόντες ἐνεπίμπρασαν, ἕως ἑτέρων ἐπιπεμφθέντων ἐξ Ἀντωνίου ἀμυνόμενοί τε ἀνῃρέθησαν ἔνιοι καὶ συλληφθέντες ἕτεροι ἐκρεμάσθησαν, ὅσοι θεράποντες ἦσαν, οἱ δὲ ἐλεύθεροι κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ κατερρίφησαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.1.3

It was said that Amatius was only waiting an opportunity to entrap Brutus and Cassius. On the rumor of this plot, Antony, using his consular authority, arrested Amatius and boldly put him to death without a trial. The senators were astonished at this deed as an act of violence and contrary to law, but they enjoyed it exceedingly because they thought that the situation of Brutus and Cassius would never be safe without such boldness. The followers of Amatius, and the plebeians generally, missing Amatius and feeling indignation at the deed, and especially because it had been done by Antony, whom the people had honored, determined that they would not be scorned in that way. With shouts they took possession of the forum, exclaiming against Antony and called on the magistrates, in place of Amatius, to dedicate the altar and to offer the first sacrifices on it to Caesar. Having been driven out of the forum by soldiers sent by Antony, they became still more indignant, and vociferated more loudly, and some of them showed places where Caesar’s statues had been torn from their pedestals. One man told them that he could show a shop where the statues had been broken up. The others followed, and having witnessed the fact, they set fire to the place. Finally, Antony sent more soldiers and some of those who resisted were killed, others were captured, and of these the slaves were crucified and the freemen thrown over the Tarpeian rock.

Edition note

τῆς ἐνέδρας ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐπιβαίνων. There is a curious resemblance in these words to our slang phrase getting on to his game.

Edition note

Cicero in the first Philippic refers to the killing of this impostor as the act of Antony and Dolabella in common, and says that the rest of the work was done by Dolabella alone; but he believes that if Antony had been present he would have coöperated with his colleague. Valerius Maximus says that the pseudo-Marius was a horse doctor (equarius medicus) and that his real name was Herophilus. He gave out that C. Marius was his grandfather, and so extolled himself that several colonies of veterans, and towns of the first class, and almost all the rural communities, adopted him as their patron. When Caesar opened his gardens to the people after he had made an end of young Pompey in Spain, Herophilus, who was separated from Caesar by only the space between two columns, was received by the crowd with almost as much enthusiasm as himself, so that unless the powers of the godlike Caesar had put a stop to these shameful outbursts, the republic would have received the same hurt as in the case of Equitius (the pseudo-Gracchus). (Val. Max. ix. 15. 2.)

3.1.4 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.1.4

καὶ ὁ μὲν τάραχος ἐπέπαυτο, μῖσος δὲ ἄρρητον ἐξ ἀρρήτου εὐνοίας τοῦ δήμου πρὸς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐγήγερτο. ἡ βουλὴ δʼ ἔχαιρον ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἑτέρως ἐν ἀδεεῖ περὶ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον γενόμενοι. ὡς δὲ καὶ Σέξστον Πομπήιον ὁ Ἀντώνιος, τὸν Πομπηίου Μάγνου περιποθήτου πᾶσιν ἔτι ὄντος, εἰσηγήσατο καλεῖν ἐξ Ἰβηρίας, πολεμούμενον ἔτι πρὸς τῶν Καίσαρος στρατηγῶν, ἀντί τε τῆς πατρῴας οὐσίας δεδημευμένης ἐκ τῶν κοινῶν αὐτῷ δοθῆναι μυριάδας Ἀττικῶν δραχμῶν πεντακισχιλίας, εἶναι δὲ καὶ στρατηγὸν ἤδη τῆς θαλάσσης, καθὼς ἦν καὶ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ταῖς Ῥωμαίων ναυσὶν αὐτίκα ταῖς πανταχοῦ χρῆσθαι εἰς τὰ ἐπείγοντα, θαυμάζουσα ἕκαστα ἡ βουλὴ μετὰ προθυμίας ἐξεδέχετο καὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐπὶ ὅλην εὐφήμουν ἡμέραν· οὐ γάρ τις αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει Μάγνου γενέσθαι δημοκρατικώτερος, ὅθεν οὐδὲ περιποθητότερος ἦν. ὅ τε Κάσσιος καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος, ἐκ τῆς στάσεως ὄντε τῆς Μάγνου καὶ πᾶσι τότε τιμιωτάτω, τὴν σωτηρίαν ἐδόκουν ἕξειν ἀσφαλῆ καὶ τὴν γνώμην ὧν ἐπεπράχεσαν ἐγκρατῆ, καὶ τὴν δημοκρατίαν ἐς τέλος ἐπάξεσθαι, τῆς μοίρας σφῶν ἀνισχούσης. ἃ καὶ Κικέρων συνεχῶς ἐπῄνει τὸν Ἀντώνιον· καὶ ἡ βουλὴ συγγινώσκουσα αὐτῷ διὰ σφᾶς ἐπιβουλεύοντα τὸν δῆμον ἔδωκε φρουρὰν περιστήσασθαι περὶ τὸ σῶμα, ἐκ τῶν ἐστρατευμένων καὶ ἐπιδημούντων ἑαυτῷ καταλέγοντα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.1.4

So this tumult was quieted. The extreme fondness of the plebeians for Antony was turned into extreme hatred. The Senate was delighted, because it believed that Brutus and his associates could not rest secure otherwise. Antony also moved that Sextus Pompeius (the son of Pompey the Great, who was still much beloved by all) should be recalled from Spain, where he was still at war with Caesar’s lieutenants, and that he should be paid 50,000,000 of Attic drachmas out of the public treasury for his father’s confiscated property and be appointed commander of the sea, as his father had been, with charge of all the Roman ships, wherever situated, which were needed for immediate service. The astonished Senate accepted each of these decrees with alacrity and applauded Antony the whole day; for nobody, in their estimation, was more devoted to the republic than the elder Pompey, and hence nobody was more regretted. Cassius and Brutus, who were of Pompey’s faction, and the ones most honored by all at that time, thought that they would be entirely safe. They thought that what they had done would be confirmed, and the republic be at last restored, and their party successful. Wherefore Cicero praised Antony continually, and the Senate, perceiving that the plebeians were making plots against him on its account, allowed him a guard for his personal safety, chosen by himself from the veterans who were sojourning in the city.

Edition note

As we have no dates in the text we are left in confusion as to the state of affairs in Rome at any particular time. The assassination took place on the 15th of March. Cassius and Marcus Brutus retired to Lanuvium as soon as it appeared that their lives were in danger in Rome. A letter written to them in the month of April by Decimus Brutus, who had not yet gone to Cisalpine Gaul, is preserved among the letters of Cicero. He says he has had an interview with Hirtius, who tells him that Antony did not consider Rome a safe place for any of them, because the soldiers and the plebeians were so incensed against them. Do you ask me, he continues, what I advise? Let us submit to fortune, withdraw from Italy, and retire to Rhodes, or some other part of the world. If better luck comes, we can return to Rome; if no change occurs, we can live in exile; if worst comes to worst, we can try our last resources. (Ad Fam. xi. I.)

Edition note

In the 13th Philippic of Cicero (5) the amount voted to Sextus Pompey in compensation for his father’s confiscated estates is put at seven hundred millions of sesterces or $28,700,000 of our money. This was exactly the amount that was in the temple of Ops (the produce of confiscated estates) at the time of Caesar’s death (2d Philippic, 37). Fifty millions of Attic drachmas would have been equal to about $ 10,000,000.

Edition note

In the first Philippic Cicero acknowledges that he was deceived by Antony during the first few days after the assassination. Among other things Antony moved that the dictatorship be forever abolished. He produced a senatus consultum in writing for this purpose, which he wished to have passed; and when it was read, says Cicero, we adopted his motion with the greatest enthusiasm and by another senatus consultum returned our thanks to him in the amplest terms. (Phil. I. I.)

3.1.5 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.1.5

ὁ δέ, εἴτε εἰς τοῦτο αὐτὸ πάντα πεπραχὼς εἴτε τὴν συντυχίαν ὡς εὔχρηστον ἀσπασάμενος τὴν φρουρὰν κατέλεγεν, αἰεὶ προστιθεὶς μέχρι ἐς ἑξακισχιλίους, οὐκ ἐκ τῶν γινομένων ὁπλιτῶν, οὓς εὐμαρῶς ἂν ἐν ταῖς χρείαις ᾤετο ἕξειν καὶ ἑτέρωθεν, ἀλλὰ πάντας λοχαγοὺς ὡς ἡγεμονικούς τε καὶ ἐμπειροπολέμους καί οἱ γνωρίμους ἐκ τῆς στρατείας τῆς ὑπὸ Καίσαρι· ταξιάρχους δʼ αὐτοῖς ἐς τὸν πρέποντα κόσμον ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐκείνων ἐπιστήσας ἦγεν ἐν τιμῇ καὶ κοινωνοὺς ἐποιεῖτο τῶν φανερῶν βουλευμάτων. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ τό τε πλῆθος αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν ἐπίλεξιν ἐν ὑπονοίᾳ τιθέμενοι συνεβούλευον τὴν φρουρὰν ὡς ἐπίφθονον ἐς τὸ ἀρκοῦν ἐπαναγαγεῖν. ὁ δὲ ὑπισχνεῖτο ποιήσειν, ὅταν σβέσῃ τοῦ δήμου τὸ ταραχῶδες. ἐψηφισμένον δʼ εἶναι κύρια, ὅσα Καίσαρι πέπρακτό τε καὶ γενέσθαι βεβούλευτο, τὰ ὑπομνήματα τῶν βεβουλευμένων ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἔχων καὶ τὸν γραμματέα τοῦ Καίσαρος Φαβέριον ἐς πάντα οἱ πειθόμενον, διότι καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ τὰ τοιάδε αἰτήματα ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐξιὼν ἀνετίθετο, πολλὰ ἐς πολλῶν χάριν προσετίθει καὶ ἐδωρεῖτο πόλεσι καὶ δυνάσταις καὶ τοῖσδε τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ φρουροῖς· καὶ ἐπεγράφετο μὲν πᾶσι τὰ Καίσαρος ὑπομνήματα, τὴν δὲ χάριν οἱ λαβόντες ᾔδεσαν Ἀντωνίῳ. τῷ δὲ αὐτῷ τρόπῳ καὶ ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον πολλοὺς κατέλεγε καὶ ἄλλα τῇ βουλῇ διʼ ἀρεσκείας ἔπρασσεν, ἵνα μὴ φθονοῖεν ἔτι τῆς φρουρᾶς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.1.5

Antony, either because he had done everything for this very purpose, or seizing the happy chance as very useful to him, enlisted his guard and kept adding to it till it amounted to 6000 men. They were not common soldiers. He thought that he should easily get the latter for his service otherwise. These were composed wholly of centurions, as being fit for command, and of long experience in war, and his own acquaintances through service under Caesar. He appointed tribunes over them, chosen from their own number and adorned with military decoration, and these he held in honor and made sharers of his public councils. The Senate began to be suspicious of the number of his guards, and of his care in choosing them, and advised him to reduce them to a moderate number so as to avoid invidious remarks. He promised to do so as soon as the disorder among the plebeians should be quieted. It had been decreed that all the things done by Caesar, and all that he intended to do, should be ratified. The memoranda of Caesar’s intentions were in Antony’s possession, and Caesar’s secretary, Faberius, was obedient to him in every way since Caesar himself, on the point of his departure, had placed all petitions of this kind in Antony’s discretion. Antony made many additions in order to secure the favor of many persons. He made gifts to cities, to princes, and to his own guards, and although all were advised that these were Caesar’s memoranda, yet the recipients knew that the favor was due to Antony. In the same way he enrolled many new names in the list of senators and did many other things to please the Senate, in order that it might not bear him ill-will in reference to his guards.

3.1.6 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.1.6

καὶ Ἀντώνιος μὲν ἀμφὶ ταῦτα ἦν, ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος καὶ ὁ Κάσσιος, οὔτε τινὸς παρὰ τοῦ δήμου σφίσιν ἢ παρὰ τῶν ἐξεστρατευμένων εἰρηναίου φανέντος, οὔτε τὴν ἐνέδραν Ἀματίου καὶ παρʼ ἑτέρου ἂν αὑτοῖς ἀδύνατον ἡγούμενοι γενέσθαι, οὔτε τὸ ποικίλον Ἀντωνίου φέροντες ἀφόβως, ἤδη καὶ στρατιὰν ἔχοντος, οὔτε τὴν δημοκρατίαν βεβαιουμένην ἔργοις ὁρῶντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐς τοῦτο ὑφορώμενοι τὸν Ἀντώνιον, Δέκμῳ μάλιστα ἐπεποίθεσαν, ἔχοντι ἐν πλευραῖς τρία τέλη στρατοῦ, καὶ πρὸς Τρεβώνιον ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν καὶ πρὸς Τίλλιον ἐς Βιθυνίαν κρύφα ἔπεμπον χρήματα ἀγείρειν ἀφανῶς καὶ στρατὸν περιβλέπεσθαι. αὐτοί τε ἠπείγοντο τῶν δεδομένων σφίσιν ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐθνῶν λαβέσθαι. τοῦ χρόνου δὲ οὔπω συγχωροῦντος αὐτοῖς, ἀπρεπὲς ἡγούμενοι, τὴν ἐν ἄστει στρατηγίαν προλιπόντες ἀτελῆ, δόξαν ὕποπτον φιλαρχίας ἐθνῶν ἐνέγκασθαι, ᾑροῦντο ὅμως ὑπὸ ἀνάγκης τὸ ἐν μέσῳ διάστημα διατρῖψαί ποι μᾶλλον ἰδιωτεύοντες ἢ ἐν ἄστει στρατηγεῖν, οὔτε ἀφόβως ἔχοντες οὔτε τὰ εἰκότα ἐφʼ οἷς ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἐπεπράχεσαν τιμώμενοι. οὕτω δʼ αὐτοῖς ἔχουσιν ἡ βουλὴ συνειδυῖα τὴν γνώμην ἔδωκε σίτου τῇ πόλει φροντίσαι, ἐξ ὅσης δύναιντο γῆς, μέχρις αὐτοὺς ὁ χρόνος τῶν ἐθνῶν τῆς στρατηγίας καταλάβοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.1.6

While Antony was busy with these matters, Brutus and Cassius, seeing nobody among either the plebeians or the veterans inclined to be at peace with them, and considering that any other person might lay plots against them like that of Amatius, became distrustful of the fickleness of Antony, who now had an army under his command. Seeing that the republic was not confirmed by deeds, they suspected Antony for that reason also. They reposed most confidence in Decimus Brutus, who had three legions near by. They sent secretly to Trebonius in Asia and to Tillius in Bithynia, asking them to collect money quietly and to prepare an army. They were anxious to enter upon the government of the provinces assigned to them by Caesar, but as the time for doing so had not yet come, they thought that it would be indecorous for them to leave their service as city praetors unfinished, and that they should incur the suspicion of an undue longing for power over the provinces. They preferred, nevertheless, to spend the remainder of their year as private citizens somewhere, as a matter of necessity, rather than serve as praetors in the city where they were not safe, and were not held in honor corresponding to the benefits they had conferred upon their country. Being in this state of mind, and the Senate holding the same opinion as themselves, the latter gave them charge of the supply of corn for the city from all parts of the world until the time should arrive for them to take command of their provinces. This was done in order that Brutus and Cassius might not at any time seem to have fled. So great was the anxiety and regard for them that the Senate cared for the other murderers chiefly on their account.

Edition note

Brutus and Cassius were at Antium when the Senate appointed them commissioners of the food-supply, and Cicero went there to confer with them. A consultation was held in which the mother, the sister, and the wife of Brutus took part. Cassius at first declined his appointment, saying that he considered it an insult, but he was finally soothed, and both of them accepted. (Ad Att. xv. 11..)

3.1.7 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.1.7

καὶ ἡ μὲν οὕτως ἔπραξεν, ἵνα μή ποτε Βροῦτος ἢ Κάσσιος φεύγειν δοκοῖεν· τοσήδε αὐτῶν φροντὶς ἦν ἅμα καὶ αἰδώς, ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις σφαγεῦσι διὰ τούσδε μάλιστα συνελάμβανον· ἐξελθόντων δὲ τῆς πόλεως τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον, ἐπὶ δυναστείας ὢν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἤδη μοναρχικῆς ἀρχὴν ἔθνους καὶ στρατιᾶς αὑτῷ περιέβλεπε· καὶ Συρίας μὲν ἐπεθύμει μάλιστα, οὐκ ἠγνόει δὲ ὢν διʼ ὑπονοίας καὶ μᾶλλον ἐσόμενος, εἴ τι αἰτοίη· καὶ γὰρ αὐτῷ κρύφα Δολοβέλλαν τὸν ἕτερον ὕπατον ἐπήλειφεν εἰς ἐναντίωσιν ἡ βουλή, διάφορον αἰεὶ τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ γενόμενον. αὐτὸν οὖν τὸν Δολοβέλλαν ὁ Ἀντώνιος, νέον τε καὶ φιλότιμον εἰδώς, ἔπεισεν αἰτεῖν Συρίαν ἀντὶ Κασσίου καὶ τὸν ἐς Παρθυαίους κατειλεγμένον στρατὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς Παρθυαίους, αἰτεῖν δὲ οὐ παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς ʽοὐ γὰρ ἐξῆν̓, ἀλλὰ παρὰ τοῦ δήμου νόμῳ. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἡσθεὶς αὐτίκα προυτίθει τὸν νόμον, καὶ τῆς βουλῆς αἰτιωμένης αὐτὸν παραλύειν τὰ δόξαντα τῷ Καίσαρι τὸν μὲν ἐπὶ Παρθυαίους πόλεμον οὐδενὶ ἔφη ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἐπιτετράφθαι, Κάσσιον δὲ τὸν Συρίας ἀξιωθέντα αὐτόν τι τῶν Καίσαρος πρότερον ἀλλάξαι, δόντα πωλεῖν τὰ κληρουχήματα τοῖς λαβοῦσι πρὸ τῶν νενομισμένων εἴκοσιν ἐτῶν· καὶ αὐτὸς δὲ αἰδεῖσθαι Συρίας οὐκ ἀξιούμενος, Δολοβέλλας ὤν, πρὸ Κασσίου. οἱ μὲν δὴ τῶν δημάρχων τινὰ Ἀσπρήναν ἔπεισαν ἐν τῇ χειροτονίᾳ ψεύσασθαι περὶ διοσημείας, ἐλπίσαντές τι καὶ Ἀντώνιον συμπράξειν, ὕπατόν τε ὄντα καὶ τῶν σημείων ἱερέα καὶ διάφορον ἔτι νομιζόμενον εἶναι τῷ Δολοβέλλᾳ· ὁ δʼ Ἀντώνιος, ἐπεὶ τῆς χειροτονίας οὔσης ὁ Ἀσπρήνας ἔφη διοσημείαν ἀπαίσιον γεγονέναι, ἔθους ὄντος ἑτέρους ἐπὶ τοῦτο πέμπεσθαι, πάνυ χαλεψάμενος τῷ Ἀσπρήνᾳ τοῦ ψεύσματος τᾲς φυλὰς ἐκέλευε χειροτονεῖν περὶ τοῦ Δολοβέλλα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.1.7

After Brutus and Cassius had left the city, Antony, being in possession of something like monarchical power, cast about for the government of a province and an army for himself. He desired that of Syria most of all, but he was not ignorant of the fact that he was under suspicion and that he would be more so if he should ask for it; for the Senate had secretly encouraged Dolabella, the other consul, to oppose Antony, as the former had always been at variance with the latter. Antony, knowing that this young Dolabella was himself ambitious, persuaded him to solicit the province of Syria and the army enlisted against the Parthians, in place of Cassius, and to ask it, not from the Senate, which had not the power to grant it, but from the people by a law. Dolabella was delighted, and immediately brought forward the law. The Senate accused him of nullifying the decrees of Caesar. He replied that Caesar had not assigned the war against the Parthians to anybody, and that Cassius, who had been assigned to the command of Syria, had himself been the first to alter the decrees of Caesar by authorizing colonists to sell their allotments before the expiration of the legal period of twenty years. He said also that it would be an indignity to himself if he, being Dolabella, were not chosen for Syria instead of Cassius. The Senate then persuaded one of the tribunes, named Asprenas, to falsify the signs in the sky during the comitia, expecting that Antony, who was both consul and augur, and was supposed to be still at variance with Dolabella, would coöperate with him. But when the voting came on, and Asprenas said that the signs in the sky were unfavorable, as it was not his business to attend to this, Antony, angry at his lying, ordered that the tribes should go on with the voting on the subject of Dolabella.

Edition note

οὐ γὰρ ἐξῆν. This means that it is not within the competence of the Senate to assign the province of Syria to Dolabella. Yet in the next section we are informed that it was within the competence of the Senate to assign the province of Macedonia to Antony. The fact is that the competency of the Senate extended to both. Combes-Dounous suggests ἦ instead of οὐ, changing it from negative to affirmative.

Edition note

That is, a man in his position, a consul whose term was about expiring.

Edition note

In which case the proceedings must be suspended.

3.1.8 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.1.8

καὶ γίνεται μὲν οὕτω Συρίας ἡγεμὼν Δολοβέλλας καὶ στρατηγὸς τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς Παρθυαίους καὶ στρατιᾶς τῆς ἐς αὐτὸν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος κατειλεγμένης, ὅση τε περὶ Μακεδονίαν προεληλύθει, καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος τότε πρῶτον ἔγνωστο συμπράσσων τῷ Δολοβέλλᾳ. γεγενημένων δὲ τῶνδε ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τὴν βουλὴν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ᾔτει Μακεδονίαν, εὖ εἰδώς, ὅτι αἰδέσονται, μετὰ Συρίαν δοθεῖσαν Δολοβέλλᾳ, ἀντειπεῖν περὶ Μακεδονίας Ἀντωνίῳ, καὶ ταῦτα γυμνῆς στρατοῦ γενομένης. καὶ ἔδοσαν μὲν ἄκοντες καὶ ἐν θαύματι ἔχοντες, ὅπως τὸν ἐν αὐτῇ στρατὸν προμεθῆκεν ὁ Ἀντώνιος τῷ Δολοβέλλᾳ, ἠγάπων δὲ ὅμως Δολοβέλλαν ἔχειν τὸν στρατὸν Ἀντωνίου μᾶλλον. ἐν καιρῷ δὲ αὐτοὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον ἀντῄτουν ἕτερα ἔθνη, καὶ ἐδόθη Κυρήνη τε καὶ Κρήτη, ὡς δʼ ἑτέροις δοκεῖ, τάδε μὲν ἀμφότερα Κασσίῳ, Βιθυνία δὲ Βρούτῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.1.8

Thus Dolabella became governor of Syria and general of the war against the Parthians and of the forces enlisted for that purpose by Caesar, together with those that had gone in advance to Macedonia. Then it became known for the first time that Antony was coöperating with Dolabella. After this business had been transacted by the people, Antony solicited the province of Macedonia from the Senate, well knowing that after Syria had been given to Dolabella, they would be ashamed to deny Macedonia to himself, especially as it was a province without an army. They gave it to him unwillingly, at the same time wondering why Antony should let Dolabella have the army, but glad nevertheless that the latter had it rather than the former. They themselves took the opportunity to ask of Antony other provinces for Brutus and Cassius. They assigned to them Cyrenaica and Crete; or, as some say, both of these to Cassius and Bithynia to Brutus. Such was the state of affairs at Rome.

3.2.9 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.2.9

τὰ μὲν δὴ γινόμενα ἐν Ῥώμῃ τοιάδε ἦν· Ὀκτάουιος δὲ ὁ τῆς ἀδελφῆς τοῦ Καίσαρος θυγατριδοῦς ἵππαρχος μὲν αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος γεγένητο πρὸς ἓν ἔτος, ἐξ οὗ τήνδε τὴν τιμὴν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐς τοὺς φίλους περιφέρων ἐτήσιον ἔσθʼ ὅτε ἐποιεῖτο εἶναι, μειράκιον δὲ ἔτι ὢν ἐς Ἀπολλωνίαν τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἰονίου παιδεύεσθαί τε καὶ ἀσκεῖσθαι τὰ πολέμια ἐπέμπετο ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ὡς ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ἑψόμενος αὐτῷ. καὶ αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ Ἀπολλωνίᾳ ἱππέων ἶλαι παραλλὰξ ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἐπιοῦσαι συνεγύμναζον καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων τοῦ στρατοῦ τινες ὡς συγγενεῖ Καίσαρος θαμινὰ ἐπεφοίτων. γνῶσίς τε ἐκ τούτων αὐτῷ καὶ εὔνοια παρὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ τις ἐνεγίγνετο, σὺν χάριτι δεξιουμένῳ πάντας. ἕκτον δʼ ἔχοντι μῆνα ἐν τῇ Ἀπολλωνίᾳ ἀγγέλλεται περὶ ἑσπέραν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀνῃρημένος ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ πρὸς τῶν φιλτάτων καὶ παρʼ αὐτῷ δυνατωτάτων τότε μάλιστα. τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν οὐδενὸς ἀπαγγελθέντος πω δέος αὐτὸν ἐπεῖχε καὶ ἄγνοια, εἴτε κοινὸν εἴη τῆς βουλῆς τὸ ἔργον εἴτε καὶ τῶν ἐργασαμένων ἴδιον, καὶ εἰ δίκην ἤδη τοῖς πλείοσι δεδώκοιεν ἢ καὶ τοῦδε εἶεν, ἢ καὶ τὸ πλῆθος αὐτοῖς συνήδοιτο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.2.9

Octavius, the son of the daughter of Caesar’s sister, had been appointed master of Caesar’s horse for one year, for Caesar at times made this a yearly office, passing it around among his friends. Being still a young man, he had been sent by Caesar to Apollonia on the Adriatic to be educated and trained in the art of war, so that he might accompany Caesar on his expeditions. Troops of horse from Macedonia were sent to him by turns for the purpose of drill, and certain army officers visited him frequently as a relative of Caesar. As he received all with kindness, an acquaintance and good feeling grew up by means of them between himself and the army. At the end of a six months’ sojourn in Apollonia, it was announced to him one evening that Caesar had been killed in the senate-house by those who were dearest to him, and were then the most powerful ones under him. As the rest of the story was untold he was overcome by fear, not knowing whether the deed had been committed by the Senate as a whole or was confined to the immediate actors; nor whether they had already been punished by the people, or would be, or whether the people were pleased with what had been done.

Edition note

καὶ εἰ δίκην ἤδη τοῖς πλείοσι δεδώκοιεν, ἢ καὶ τοῦδε εἶεν. All commentators are agreed that the last two words are corrupt; they convey no meaning. Among the numerous conjectures made by way of emendation that of Bekker seems the most reasonable, viz.: ἢ καὶ δώσοιεν, or would be punished. This reading has been followed in the translation. The Didot Latin version follows that of Schweighäuser, viz.: utrum poenas jam populo dedissent interfectores, aut saltem eas timerent; i.e. whether the murderers had already been punished by the people, or at least feared punishment.

3.2.10 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.2.10

ἐφʼ οἷς οἱ φίλοι ἐκ Ῥώμης ὑπετίθεντο ταῦτα, ὥστε οἱ μὲν ἐς φυλακὴν τοῦ σώματος αὐτὸν ἠξίουν ἐπὶ τὸν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ στρατὸν καταφυγεῖν καί, ὅτε μάθοι μὴ κοινὸν εἶναι τὸ ἔργον, ἐπιθαρρήσαντα τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἀμύνειν τῷ Καίσαρι· καὶ ἦσαν οἳ καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων αὐτὸν ἐλθόντα φυλάξειν ὑπεδέχοντο· ἡ δὲ μήτηρ καὶ Φίλιππος, ὃς εἶχεν αὐτήν, ἀπὸ Ῥώμης ἔγραφον μήτε ἐπαίρεσθαι μήτε θαρρεῖν πω μεμνημένον, οἷα Καῖσαρ ὁ παντὸς ἐχθροῦ κρατήσας ὑπὸ τῶν φιλτάτων μάλιστα πάθοι, τὰ δὲ ἰδιωτικώτερα ὡς ἐν τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀκινδυνότερα αἱρεῖσθαι μᾶλλον καὶ πρὸς σφᾶς ἐς Ῥώμην ἐπείγεσθαι φυλασσόμενον. οἷς Ὀκτάουιος ἐνδοὺς διὰ τὴν ἔτι ἄγνοιαν τῶν ἐπὶ τῷ θανάτῳ γενομένων, τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τοῦ στρατοῦ δεξιωσάμενος διέπλει τὸν Ἰόνιον, οὐκ ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον ʽοὔπω γάρ τινα τοῦ ἐκεῖθι στρατοῦ πεῖραν εἰληφὼς πάντα ἐφυλάσσετὀ, ἀλλʼ ἐς ἑτέραν οὐ μακρὰν ἀπὸ τοῦ Βρεντεσίου πόλιν, ἐκτὸς οὖσαν ὁδοῦ, ᾗ ὄνομα Λουπίαι. ἐνταῦθα οὖν ἐνηυλίσατο διατρίβων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.2.10

Thereupon his Roman friends advised him to take refuge with the army in Macedonia to insure his personal safety, and that when he should learn that the murder was only a private transaction he should take courage and avenge Caesar of his enemies; and there were high officers who promised to protect him if he would come. But his mother and his stepfather, Philippus, wrote to him from Rome not to be too confident and not to attempt anything rash, but to bear in mind what Caesar, after conquering every enemy, had suffered at the hands of his closest friends; that it would be safer under present circumstances to choose a private life and hasten to them at Rome, but with caution. Octavius yielded to them because he did not know what had happened after Caesar’s death. He took leave of the army officers and crossed the Adriatic, not to Brundusium (for as he had made no test of the army at that place he avoided all risk), but to another town not far from it and out of the direct route, named Lupiae. There he took lodgings and remained for a while.

3.2.11 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.2.11

ὡς δέ οἱ τά τε ἀκριβέστερα περὶ τοῦ φόνου καὶ τοῦ δημοσίου πάθους τῶν τε διαθηκῶν καὶ τῶν ἐψηφισμένων ἦλθε τὰ ἀντίγραφα, οἱ μὲν ἔτι μᾶλλον αὐτὸν ἠξίουν τοὺς ἐχθροὺς Καίσαρος δεδιέναι, υἱόν τε αὐτοῦ καὶ κληρονόμον ὄντα, καὶ παρῄνουν ἅμα τῷ κλήρῳ τὴν θέσιν ἀπείπασθαι· ὁ δὲ καὶ ταῦτά οἱ καὶ τὸ μὴ τιμωρεῖν αὐτὸν Καίσαρι αἰσχρὸν ἡγούμενος ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον ᾔει, προπέμψας καὶ διερευνησάμενος, μή τις ἐκ τῶν φονέων ἐγκαθέζοιτο ἐνέδρα. ὡς δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ὁ ἐνθάδε στρατὸς οἷα Καίσαρος υἱὸν δεξιούμενος ἀπήντα, θαρρήσας ἔθυε καὶ εὐθὺς ὠνομάζετο Καῖσαρ. ἔθος γάρ τι Ῥωμαίοις τοὺς θετοὺς τὰ τῶν θεμένων ὀνόματα ἐπιλαμβάνειν. ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἐπέλαβεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ αὑτοῦ καὶ τὸ πατρῷον ὅλως ἐνήλλαξεν, ἀντὶ Ὀκταουίου παιδὸς Ὀκταουίου Καῖσαρ εἶναι καὶ Καίσαρος υἱός, καὶ διετέλεσεν οὕτω χρώμενος. εὐθύς τε ἐς αὐτὸν ἄθρουν καὶ πανταχόθεν ὡς ἐς Καίσαρος υἱὸν πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων συνέθεον, οἱ μὲν ἐκ φιλίας Καίσαρος, οἱ δὲ ἐξελεύθεροι καὶ θεράποντες αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἕτεροι στρατιῶται σὺν αὐτοῖς, οἱ μὲν ἀποσκευὰς ἢ χρήματα φέροντες ἐς τὴν Μακεδονίαν, οἱ δὲ ἕτερα χρήματα καὶ φόρους ἐξ ἐθνῶν ἄλλων ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.2.11

When more accurate information about the murder and the public grief had reached him, together with copies of Caesar’s will and the decrees of the Senate, his relatives still cautioned him to beware of the enemies of Caesar, as he was the latter’s adopted son and heir. They even advised him to renounce the adoption, together with the inheritance. But he thought that to do so, and not to avenge Caesar, would be disgraceful. So he went to Brundusium, first sending in advance to see that none of the murderers had laid any trap for him. When the army there advanced to meet him, and received him as Caesar’s son, he took courage, offered sacrifice, and immediately assumed the name of Caesar; for it is customary among the Romans for the adopted son to take the name of the adoptive father. He not only assumed it, but he changed his own name and his patronymic completely, calling himself Caesar the son of Caesar, instead of Octavius the son of Octavius, and he continued to do so ever after. Directly multitudes of men from all sides flocked to him as Caesar’s son, some from friendship to Caesar, others his freedmen and slaves, and with them other soldiers, who were either engaged in conveying supplies and money to the army in Macedonia, or bringing other money and tribute from other countries to Brundusium.

3.2.12 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.2.12

ὁ δὲ καὶ τῷ πλήθει τῶν εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφικνουμένων καὶ τῇ Καίσαρος αὐτοῦ δόξῃ τε καὶ τῇ πάντων εἰς ἐκεῖνον εὐνοία θαρρῶν ὥδευεν ἐς Ῥώμην σὺν ἀξιολόγῳ πλήθει, αὐξομένῳ μᾶλλον ἑκάστης ἡμέρας οἷα χειμάρρῳ, φανερᾶς μὲν ἐπιβουλῆς ὢν ἀμείνων διὰ τὸ πλῆθος, ἐνέδρας δὲ διʼ αὐτὸ καὶ μάλιστα ὑφορώμενος, ἀρτιγνώστων οἱ τῶν συνόντων σχεδὸν ὄντων ἁπάντων. τὰ δὲ τῶν πόλεων τῶν μὲν ἄλλων οὐ πάντῃ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἦν ὁμαλά· οἱ δὲ τῷ Καίσαρι στρατευσάμενοί τε καὶ ἐς κληρουχίας διῃρημένοι συνέτρεχον ἐκ τῶν ἀποικιῶν ἐπὶ χάριτι τοῦ μειρακίου καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα ὠλοφύροντο καὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐβλασφήμουν οὐκ ἐπεξιόντα τηλικούτῳ μύσει καὶ σφᾶς ἔλεγον, εἴ τις ἡγοῖτο, ἀμυνεῖν. οὓς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπαινῶν καὶ ἀνατιθέμενος ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀπέπεμπεν. ὄντι δʼ αὐτῷ περὶ Ταρρακίνας, ἀπὸ τετρακοσίων που Ῥώμης σταδίων, ἀγγέλλεται Κάσσιός τε καὶ Βροῦτος ἀφῃρημένοι πρὸς τῶν ὑπάτων Συρίαν καὶ Μακεδονίαν καὶ ἐς παρηγορίαν βραχύτερα ἔτερα Κυρήνην καὶ Κρήτην ἀντειληφότες, φυγάδων τέ τινων κάθοδοι καὶ Πομπηίου μετάκλησις καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν Καίσαρος ὑπομνημάτων ἔς τε τὴν βουλὴν ἐγγραφαί τινων καὶ ἕτερα πολλὰ γιγνόμενα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.2.12

Encouraged by the numbers who were joining him, and by the glory of Caesar, and by the good-will of all toward himself, he journeyed to Rome with a notable crowd which, like a torrent, grew larger and larger each day. Although he was safe from any open attacks by reason of the multitude surrounding him, he was all the more on his guard against secret ones, because almost all of those accompanying him were new acquaintances. Some of the towns were not altogether favorable to him, but Caesar’s veterans, who had been distributed in colonies, flocked from their settlements to greet the young man. They bewailed Caesar, and cursed Antony for not proceeding against the monstrous crime, and said that they would avenge it if anybody would lead them. Octavius praised them, but postponed the matter for the present and sent them away. When he had arrived at Tarracina, about 400 stades from Rome, he received news that Cassius and Brutus had been deprived of Syria and Macedonia by the consuls, and had received the smaller provinces of Cyrenaica and Crete by way of compensation; that certain exiles had returned; that Sextus Pompey had been recalled; that some new members had been added to the Senate in accordance with Caesar’s memoranda, and that many other things were happening.

Edition note

Octavius went to Rome by way of Naples. In a letter to Atticus, written at Puteoli in April, Cicero says: Octavius arrived at Naples on the 14th Kalends. There Balbus saw him on the morning of the following day and on the same day came to me at Cumae to tell me that he was going to claim his inheritance; but, as you say, he will have a lively time with Antony. (Ad Att. xiv. 10.) In another letter he writes: Octavius has arrived at the neighboring villa of Philippus. He is devoted to me. In the next letter he says: Octavius treats me with the greatest distinction and friendship. Some call him Caesar. Philippus does not; therefore I do not. I am sure that he cannot be a good citizen, so many of those around him threaten death to our friends and say that these things cannot be borne. What think you when this boy shall come to Rome where our liberators cannot live in safety? They will always be famous, and happy also in the consciousness of what they have done. But, unless I am deceived, we shall be flat on our backs. (Ad Att. xiv. 12.)

3.2.13 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.2.13

ὡς δʼ ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἀφίκετο, ἡ μὲν μήτηρ αὖθις καὶ Φίλιππος ὅσοι τε ἄλλοι κηδεμόνες ἦσαν αὐτοῦ, ἐδεδοίκεσαν τήν τε τῆς βουλῆς ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα ἀλλοτρίωσιν καὶ τὸ δόγμα, μὴ εἶναι δίκας ἐπὶ Καίσαρι φόνου, καὶ τὴν Ἀντωνίου τότε δυναστεύοντος ἐς αὐτὸν ὑπεροψίαν, οὔτε ἀφικομένου πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρος υἱὸν ἐλθόντα οὔτε προσπέμψαντος αὐτῷ· ὁ δὲ καὶ ταῦτʼ ἐπράυνεν, αὐτὸς ἀπαντήσειν ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον εἰπὼν οἷα νεώτερος ἐς πρεσβύτερον καὶ ἰδιώτης ἐς ὕπατον καὶ τὴν βουλὴν θεραπεύσειν τὰ εἰκότα. καὶ τὸ δόγμα ἔφη γενέσθαι μηδενός πω τοὺς ἀνδροφόνους διώκοντος· ἀλλʼ ὁπότε θαρρήσας τις διώκοι, καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐπικουρήσειν καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ὡς ἐννόμῳ καὶ τοὺς θεοὺς ὡς δικαίῳ καὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἴσως. εἰ δὲ καὶ τοῦ κλήρου καὶ τῆς θέσεως ὑπερίδοι, ἔς τε τὸν Καίσαρα ἁμαρτήσεσθαι καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἀδικήσειν εἰς τὴν διανομήν. Ἀπερρήγνυ τε λήγων τοῦ λόγου, ὅτι μὴ κινδυνεύειν οἱ καλὸν εἴη μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ θνῄσκειν, εἰ προκριθεὶς ἐκ πάντων ἐς τοσαῦτα ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἀντάξιος αὐτοῦ φαίνοιτο φιλοκινδυνοτάτου γεγονότος. τά τε τοῦ Ἀχιλλέως, ὑπόγυά οἱ τότε ὄντα μάλιστα, ἐς τὴν μητέρα ὥσπερ ἐς τὴν Θέτιν ἐπιστρεφόμενος ἔλεγεν· αὐτίκα τεθναίην, ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἄρʼ ἔμελλον ἑταίρῳ κτεινομένῳ ἐπαμύνειν. καὶ τόδε εἰπὼν Ἀχιλλεῖ μὲν ἔφη κόσμον ἀθάνατον ἐκ πάντων εἶναι τοῦτο τὸ ἔπος, καὶ τὸ ἔργον αὐτοῦ μάλιστα· αὐτὸς δʼ ἀνεκάλει τὸν Καίσαρα οὐχ ἑταῖρον, ἀλλὰ πατέρα, οὐδὲ συστρατιώτην, ἀλλʼ αὐτοκράτορα, οὐδὲ πολέμου νόμῳ πεσόντα, ἀλλʼ ἀθεμίστως ἐν βουλευτηρίῳ κατωκοπέντα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.2.13

When he arrived at the city his mother and Philippus and the others who were interested in him were anxious about the estrangement of the Senate from Caesar, and the decree that his murderers should not be punished, and the contempt shown him by Antony, who was then all-powerful, and had neither gone to meet Caesar’s son when he was coming nor sent anybody to him. Octavius quieted their fears, saying that he would call on Antony, as the younger man on the older and the private citizen on the consul, and that he would show proper respect for the Senate. As for the decree, he said that it had been passed because nobody had prosecuted the murderers; whenever anybody should have courage to prosecute, the people and the Senate would lend their aid to him as one enforcing the law, the gods would do so for the justice of his cause, and perhaps Antony himself would help. If he (Octavius) should reject the inheritance and the adoption, he would be false to Caesar and would wrong the people who had a share in the will. As he was finishing his remarks he burst out that he ought not only to incur danger, but even to die, after he had been preferred before all others in this way by Caesar, if he would show himself worthy of one who had himself braved every danger. Then turning to his mother, he repeated the words of Achilles to Thetis, which were then fresh in his mind: — Then quickly let me die since fate denied That I should aid my friend against the foes That slew him. Iliad, xviii. 98, Bryant’s translation. After saying this he added that these words of Achilles, and especially the deed that followed, had of all things given him immortal renown; and he invoked Caesar not as a friend, but a father; not as a fellow-soldier, but a commander-in-chief; not as one who had fallen by the law of war, but as the victim of sacrilegious murder in the senate-house.

Edition note

Αὐτίκα τεθναίην, ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἄρ’ ἔμελλον ἑταίρῳ κτεινομένῳ ἐπαμῦναι.

3.2.14 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.2.14

ἐφʼ οἷς αὐτὸν ἡ μήτηρ, ἐς ἡδονὴν ἐκ τοῦ δέους ὑπαχθεῖσα, ἠσπάζετο ὡς μόνον ἄξιον Καίσαρος καὶ λέγειν ἔτι ἐπισχοῦσα ἐπέσπερχεν ἐς τὰ ἐγνωσμένα σὺν τῇ τύχῃ. παρῄνει γε μὴν ἔτι τέχνῃ καὶ ἀνεξικακίᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ φανερᾷ θρασύτητί πω χρῆσθαι. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπαινέσας καὶ πράξειν ὑποσχόμενος οὕτως, αὐτίκα τῆς ἑσπέρας ἐς τοὺς φίλους περιέπεμπεν, ἐς ἕω συγκαλῶν ἕκαστον ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν μετὰ πλήθους. ἔνθα Γάιον Ἀντώνιον τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἀντωνίου, στρατηγοῦντα τῆς πόλεως, ὑπαντιάσας ἔφη δέχεσθαι τὴν θέσιν τοῦ Καίσαρος· ἔθος γάρ τι Ῥωμαίοις τοὺς θετοὺς ἐπὶ μάρτυσι γίγνεσθαι τοῖς στρατηγοῖς. ἀπογραψαμένων δὲ τῶν δημοσίων τὸ ῥῆμα, εὐθὺς ἐκ τῆν ἀγορᾶς ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐχώρει. ὁ δὲ ἦν ἐς κήποις, οὓς ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτῷ δεδώρητο Πομπηίου γενομένους. διατριβῆς δὲ ἀμφὶ τὰς θύρας πλείονος γενομένης ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ καὶ τάδε ἐς ὑποψίαν Ἀντωνίου τῆς ἀλλοτριώσεως ἐτίθετο, εἰσκληθέντος δέ ποτε ἦσαν προσαγορεύσεις τε καὶ περὶ ἀλλήλων πύσματα εἰκότα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.2.14

Thereupon his mother’s anxiety was changed to joy, and she embraced him as the only one worthy of Caesar. She checked his speaking and urged him to prosecute his designs with the favor of fortune. She advised him, however, to use art and patience rather than open boldness. Octavius approved of this policy and promised to adopt it in action, and forthwith sent around to his friends the same evening, asking them to come to the forum early in the morning and bring a crowd with them. There presenting himself to Gaius Antonius, the brother of Antony, who was the city praetor, he said that he accepted the adoption of Caesar; for it is a Roman custom that adoptions are confirmed by witnesses before the praetors. When the public scribes had taken down his declaration, Octavius went from the forum straightway to Antony. The latter was in the gardens that Caesar had given to him, that had formerly been Pompey’s. As Octavius was kept waiting at the vestibule for some time, he interpreted the fact as a sign of Antony’s displeasure. When he was admitted there were greetings and mutual questionings proper to the occasion. When the time came to speak of the business in hand, Octavius said: —

3.2.15 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.2.15

ὡς δὲ ἤδη λέγειν ἔδει περὶ ὧν ἦσαν ἐν χρείᾳ, ὁ Καῖσαρ εἶπεν· ἐγὼ δέ, πάτερ Ἀντώνιε (πατέρα γὰρ εἶναι σέ μοι δικαιοῦσιν αἵ τε Καίσαρος ἐς σὲ εὐεργεσίαι καὶ ἡ σὴ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον χάρις), τῶν σοι πεπραγμένων ἐπʼ ἐκείνῳ τὰ μὲν ἐπαινῶ καὶ χάριν αὐτῶν ὀφλήσω, τὰ δʼ ἐπιμέμφομαι, καὶ λελέξεται μετὰ παρρησίας, ἐς ἣν ἡ λύπη με προάγει. κτεινομένῳ μὲν οὐ παρῆς, τῶν φονέων σε περισπασάντων περὶ θύρας, ἐπεὶ περιέσῳζες ἂν αὐτὸν ἢ συνεκινδύνευες ὅμοια παθεῖν· ὧν εἰ θάτερον ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι, καλῶς, ὅτι μὴ παρῆς. ψηφιζομένων δέ τινων αὐτοῖς ὡς ἐπὶ τυράννῳ γέρα ἀντεῖπας ἐγκρατῶς· καὶ τοῦδέ σοι χάριν οἶδα λαμπράν, εἰ καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἔγνως συνανελεῖν σε βεβουλευμένους, οὐχ, ὡς ἡμεῖς ἡγούμεθα, τιμωρὸν ἐσόμενον Καίσαρι, ἀλλʼ, ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγουσι, τῆς τυραννίδος διάδοχον. ἅμα δʼ οὐκ ἦσαν ἐκεῖνοι τυραννοκτόνοι, εἰ μὴ καὶ φονεῖς ἦσαν· διὸ καὶ ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον συνέφυγον ὡς ἐς ἱερὸν ἁμαρτόντες ἱκέται ἢ ὡς ἐς ἀκρόπολιν ἐχθροί. πόθεν οὖν αὐτοῖς ἀμνηστία καὶ τὸ ἀνεύθυνον τοῦ φόνου, ἢ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ τοῦ δήμου ει τινες ἐφθάρατο ὑπʼ ἐκείνων; καὶ σὲ τὸ τῶν πλεόνων ὁρᾶν ἐχρῆν, ὕπατον ὄντα. ἀλλὰ καὶ θάτερα βουλομένῳ σοι ἡ ἀρχὴ συνελάμβανε, τιμωρουμένῳ τηλικοῦτον ἄγος καὶ τοὺς πλανωμένους μεταδιδάσκοντι. σὺ δὲ καὶ ὅμηρα τῆς ἀδείας, οἰκεῖα αὐτοῦ σοῦ, τοῖς ἀνδροφόνοις ἔπεμψας ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον. ἀλλʼ ἔστω καὶ ταῦτα τοὺς διεφθαρμένους σε βιάσασθαι. ὅτε μέντοι τῶν διαθηκῶν ἀναγνωσθεισῶν καὶ αὐτοῦ σοῦ δίκαιον ἐπιτάφιον εἰπόντος ὁ δῆμος ἐν ἀκριβεῖ Καίσαρος μνήμῃ γενόμενοι πῦρ ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ἔφερον, καὶ φεισάμενοι χάριν τῶν γειτόνων ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἥξειν ἐπὶ ὅπλα συνέθεντο, πῶς οὐχὶ τῷ δήμῳ συνέπραξας καὶ ἐστρατήγησας τοῦ πυρὸς ἢ τῶν ὅπλων ἢ δίκην γε τοῖς ἀνδροφόνοις ἐπέγραψας, εἰ δίκης ἔδει κατὰ αὐτοφώρων, καὶ φίλος ὢν Καίσαρι καὶ ὕπατος καὶ Ἀντώνιος;

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.2.15

Father Antony (for the benefits that Caesar conferred upon you and your gratitude toward him warrant me in giving you that title), for some of the things that you have done since his death I praise you and owe you thanks; for others I blame you. I shall speak freely of what my sorrow prompts me to speak. When Caesar was killed you were not present, as the murderers detained you at the door; otherwise you would have saved him or incurred the danger of sharing the same fate with him. If the latter would have befallen you, then it is well that you were not present. When certain senators proposed rewards to the murderers as tyrannicides you strongly opposed them. For this I give you hearty thanks, although you knew that they intended to kill you also; not, as I think, because you were likely to avenge Caesar, but, as they themselves say, lest you should be his successor in the tyranny. At the same time they made it clear that they were not tyrant-killers, but murderers, by taking refuge in the Capitol, either as guilty suppliants in a temple or as enemies in a fortress. How then could they have obtained amnesty and impunity for their crime unless some portion of the Senate and people had been corrupted by them? Yet you, as consul, ought to have seen what would be for the interest of the majority, and if you had wished to avenge such a monstrous crime, or to reclaim the erring, your office would have enabled you to do either. But you sent hostages from your own family to the murderers at the Capitol for their security. Let us suppose that those who had been corrupted forced you to do this also, yet when Caesar’s will had been read, and you had delivered your righteous funeral oration, and the people, in lively remembrance of Caesar, had carried firebrands to the houses of the murderers, but spared them for the sake of their neighbors, agreeing to come back armed the next day, why did you not coöperate with them and lead them with fire or arms? Or why did you not bring them to trial, if trial was necessary for men seen in the act of murder — you, Caesar’s friend; you, the consul; you, Antony?

Edition note

The interpretation of this passage is doubtful. Schweighäuser thinks that Octavius means to say that he thanks Antony for opposing the proposition to reward the murderers, although he may have had a selfish interest in doing so.

Edition note

Ἅμα δ’ οὐκ ἦσαν ἐκεῖνοι τυραννοκτόνοι εἰ μὴ καὶ φονεῖς ἦσαν: literally, these men were not tyrant-killers unless they were murderers also. I have followed the Latin version of Schweighäuser, which differs from those of his predecessors. He said that the text conveyed no clear meaning to him, and that his version was guesswork.

Edition note

καὶ σὲ τὸ τῶν πλεόνων ὀρᾷν ἑχρῆν, ὕπατον ὄντα. Schweighäuser and his predecessors rendered these words: You as consul ought to see what would be agreeable to the majority (quid placeret pluribus). The Didot version more properly renders it quid prodesset pluribus.

3.2.16 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.2.16

ἀλλὰ Μάριος μὲν ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος ἀνῃρέθη κατὰ τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς μέγεθος, ἀνδροφόνους δὲ ἐκφυγεῖν ὑπερεῖδες καὶ ἐς ἡγεμονίας ἐνίους διαδραμεῖν, ἃς ἀθεμίστως ἔχουσι τὸν δόντα ἀνελόντες. Συρίαν μὲν δὴ καὶ Μακεδονίαν εὖ ποιοῦντες οἱ ὕπατοι, σὺ καὶ Δολοβέλλας, καθισταμένων ἄρτι τῶν πραγμάτων περιεσπάσατε ἐς ἑαυτούς. καὶ τοῦδέ σοι χάριν ᾔδειν ἄν, εἰ μὴ αὐτίκα Κυρήνην καὶ Κρήτην αὐτοῖς ἐψηφίσασθε καὶ φυγάδας ἠξιώσατε ἡγεμονίαις αἰεὶ κατʼ ἐμοῦ δορυφορεῖσθαι· Δέκμον τε τὴν ἐγγὺς Κελτικὴν ὑπερορᾶτε ἔχοντα, καὶ τόνδε τοῖς ἄλλοις ὁμοίως αὐθέντην τοὐμοῦ πατρὸς γενόμενον. ἀλλὰ καὶ τάδε τὴν βουλὴν ἐρεῖ τις ἐγνωκέναι. σὺ δʼ ἐπεψήφιζες καὶ προυκάθησο τῆς βουλῆς, ᾧ μάλιστα πάντων ἥρμοζε διὰ σαυτὸν ἀντειπεῖν· τὸ γὰρ ἀμνηστίαν δοῦναι τὴν σωτηρίαν ἦν ἐκείνοις χαριζομένων μόνον, τὸ δὲ ἡγεμονίας αὖθις ψηφίζεσθαι καὶ γέρα ὑβριζόντων Καίσαρα καὶ τὴν σὴν γνώμην ἀκυρούντων. ἐπὶ τάδε με δὴ τὸ πάθος ἐξήνεγκε παρὰ τὸ ἁρμόζον ἴσως ἐμοὶ τῆς τε ἡλικίας καὶ τῆς πρὸς σὲ αἰδοῦς. εἴρηται δʼ ὅμως ὡς ἐς ἀκριβέστερον φίλον Καίσαρι καὶ πλείστης ὑπʼ ἐκείνου τιμῆς καὶ δυνάμεως ἠξιωμένον καὶ τάχα ἂν αὐτῷ καὶ θετὸν γενόμενον, εἰ ᾔδει σε δεξόμενον Αἰνεάδην ἀντὶ Ἡρακλείδου γενέσθαι· τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτὸν […: gap in edition] ἐνδοιάσαι, πολὺν τῆς διαδοχῆς λόγον ποιούμενον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.2.16

The pseudo-Marius was put to death by your order in the plenitude of your authority, but you connived at the escape of the murderers, some of whom have passed on to the provinces which they nefariously hold as gifts at the hands of him whom they slew. These things were no sooner done than you and Dolabella, the consuls, proceeded, very properly, to strip them and possess yourselves of Syria and Macedonia. I should have owed you thanks for this also, had you not immediately voted them Cyrenaica ana Crete; had you not preferred these fugitives for governorships, where they can always defend themselves against me, and had you not tolerated Decimus Brutus in the command of Hither Gaul, although he, like the rest, was one of my father’s slayers. It may be said that these were decrees of the Senate. But you put the vote and you presided over the Senate — you who ought most of all to have opposed them on your own account. To grant amnesty to the murderers was merely to insure their personal safety as a matter of favor, but to vote them provinces and rewards forthwith was to insult Caesar and annul your own opinion. Grief has compelled me to speak these words, against the rules of decorum perhaps, considering my youth and the respect I owe you. They have been spoken, however, to the firmest friend of Caesar, to one who was invested by him with the greatest honor and power, and who would have been adopted by him no doubt if he had known that you would accept kinship with the family of Aeneas in exchange for that of Hercules; for this created doubt in his mind when he was thinking strongly of designating you as his successor.

3.2.17 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.2.17

ἐς δὲ τὸ μέλλον, ὦ Ἀντώνιε, πρὸς θεῶν τε φιλίων καὶ πρὸς αὐτοῦ σοι Καίσαρος, εἰ μέν τι καὶ τῶν γεγονότων μεταθέσθαι θέλεις (δύνασαι γάρ, εἰ θέλεις)· εἰ δὲ μή, τά γε λοιπὰ τοὺς φονέας ἀμυνομένῳ μοι μετὰ τοῦ δήμου καὶ τῶνδε τῶν ἔτι μοι πατρικῶν φίλων συνίστασθαι καὶ συνεργεῖν· εἰ δέ σε τῶν ἀνδρῶν τις ἢ τῆς βουλῆς αἰδὼς ἔχει, μὴ ἐπιβαρεῖν. καὶ τάδε μὲν ἀμφὶ τούτων· οἶσθα δʼ, ὅπως ἔχει μοι καὶ τὰ οἴκοι, δαπάνης τε ἐς τὴν διανομήν, ἣν ὁ πατὴρ ἐκέλευσε τῷ δήμῳ δοθῆναι, καὶ ἐπείξεως ἐς αὐτήν, ἵνα μὴ βραδύνων ἀχάριστος εἶναι δοκοίην μηδʼ ὅσοι καταλεχθέντες εἰς τὰς ἀποικίας ἐπιμένουσι τῇ πόλει, διʼ ἐμὲ τρίβοιντο. ὅσα δὴ τῶν Καίσαρος εὐθέως ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ πρὸς σὲ μετενήνεκται ὡς ἐπʼ ἀσφαλὲς ἐξ ἐπικινδύνου τότε οἰκίας, τὰ μὲν κειμήλια αὐτῶν καὶ τὸν ἄλλον ἅπαντα κόσμον ἔχειν ἀξιῶ σε καὶ ὅσα ἂν ἐθέλῃς ἄλλα παρʼ ἡμῶν ἐπιλαβεῖν, ἐς δὲ τὴν διανομὴν ἀποδοῦναί μοι τὸ χρυσίον τὸ ἐπίσημον, ὃ συνηθροίκει μὲν ἐς τοὺς πολέμους ἐκεῖνος, οὓς ἐπενόει, ἀρκέσει δʼ ἐμοὶ νῦν ἐς τριάκοντα μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν μεριζόμενον. τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ τῆς δαπάνης, εἰ μὲν θαρρήσαιμί σοι, παρὰ σοῦ ἂν ἴσως ἢ διὰ σοῦ δανεισαίμην ἐκ τῶν δημοσίων χρημάτων, ἂν διδῷς· διαπεπράσεται δὲ αὐτίκα καὶ ἡ οὐσία.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.2.17

For the future, Antony, I conjure you by the gods who preside over friendship, and by Caesar himself, to change somewhat the measures that have been adopted, for you can change them if you wish to; if not, that you will hereafter aid and cooperate with me in punishing the murderers, with the help of the people and of those who are still my father’s faithful friends. If you still have regard for the conspirators and the Senate, do not be hard on us. So much for that. You know about my private affairs and the expense I must incur for the legacy which my father directed to be given to the people, and the haste involved in it lest I may seem churlish by reason of delay, and lest those who have been assigned to colonies be compelled to remain in the city and waste their time on my account. Of Caesar’s movables, that were brought immediately after the murder from his house to yours as a safer place, I beg you to take keepsakes and anything else by way of ornament and whatever you like to retain from us. But in order that I may pay the legacy to the people, please give me the gold coin that Caesar had collected for his intended wars. That will suffice for the distribution to 300,000 men now. For the rest of my expenses I may perhaps borrow from you, if I may be so bold, or from the public treasury on your security, if you will give it, and I will offer my own property for sale at once.

3.2.18 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.2.18

τοιαῦτα τοῦ Καίσαρος εἰπόντος ο Ἀντώνιος κατεπλάγη, τῆς τε παρρησίας καὶ τῆς εὐτολμίας παρὰ δόξαν οἱ πολλῆς καὶ παρʼ ἡλικίαν φανείσης· χαλεψάμενος δὲ τοῖς τε λόγοις οὐχ ὅσον ἔδει τὸ πρέπον ἐς αὐτὸν ἐσχηκόσι καὶ μάλιστα τῶν χρημάτων τῇ ἀπαιτήσει, αὐστηρότερον αὐτὸν ὧδε ἠμείψατο· εἰ μὲν ὁ Καῖσάρ σοι μετὰ κλήρου καὶ τῆς ἐπωνυμίας, ὦ παῖ, καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν κατέλιπεν, εἰκὸς σὲ τῶν κοινῶν τοὺς λογισμοὺς αἰτεῖν κἀμὲ ὑπέχειν. εἰ δὲ οὐδενί πω Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἔδοσαν ἐκ διαδοχῆς, οὐδὲ τῶν βασιλέων, οὓς ἐκβαλόντες ἐπώμοσαν μηδʼ ἄλλων ἔτι ἀνέξεσθαι, ʽὃ καὶ τῷ πατρί σου μάλιστα οἱ φονεῖς ἐπιλέγοντες φασὶν ἀνελεῖν αὐτὸν βασιλιζόμενον, οὐχ ἡγούμενον ἔτἰ, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐδʼ ἀποκρίσεως δεῖ πρὸς σὲ περὶ τῶν κοινῶν, τῷ δʼ αὐτῷ λόγῳ καὶ σὲ κουφίζω, μὴ χάριν ὀφείλειν ἡμῖν ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς. ἐπράσσετο γὰρ οὐ σοῦ χάριν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ δήμου, πλὴν ἑνὸς τοῦ μεγίστου δὴ μάλιστα πάντων ἔς τε Καίσαρα καὶ σὲ ἔργου. εἰ γὰρ τοῦ κατʼ ἐμαυτὸν ἕνεκα ἀδεοῦς καὶ ἀνεπιφθόνου περιεῖδον ἐγὼ τιμὰς ψηφιζομένας τοῖς φονεῦσιν ὡς τυραννοκτόνοις, τύραννος ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐγίγνετο, ᾧ μήτε δόξης μήτε τιμῆς τινος ἢ τῶν ἐγνωσμένων βεβαιώσεως ἔτι μετῆν. οὐ διαθήκας εἶχεν ἄν, οὐ παῖδα, οὐκ οὐσίαν, οὐκ αὐτὸ τὸ σῶμα ταφῆς ἀξιούμενον, οὐδὲ ἰδιώτου· ἄταφα γὰρ οἱ νόμοι τὰ σώματα τῶν τυράννων ὑπερορίζουσι καὶ τὴν μνήμην ἀτιμοῦσι καὶ δημεύουσι τὴν περιουσίαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.2.18

While Octavius was speaking in this fashion Antony was astonished at his freedom of speech and his boldness, which seemed much beyond the bounds of propriety and of his years. He was offended by the words because they were wanting in the respect due to him, and still more by the demand for money, and, accordingly, he replied in the severe terms following: Young man, if Caesar left you the government, together with the inheritance and his name, it is proper for you to ask and for me to give the reasons for my public acts. But if the Roman people never surrendered the government to anybody to dispose of in succession, not even when they had kings, whom they expelled and swore never to have any more (this was the very charge that the murderers brought against your father, saying that they killed him because he was no longer leading but reigning), then there is no need of my answering you as to my public acts. For the same reason I release you from any indebtedness to me in the way of gratitude for those acts. They were performed not as a favor to you, but to the people, except in one particular, which was of the greatest importance to Caesar and to yourself. For if, to secure my own safety and to shield myself from enmity, I had allowed honors to be voted to the murderers as tyrannicides, Caesar would have been declared a tyrant, to whom neither glory, nor any kind of honor, nor confirmation of his acts would have been possible; who could make no valid will, have no son, nor any burial of his body, even as a private citizen. The laws provide that the bodies of tyrants shall be cast out unburied, their memory stigmatized, and their property confiscated.

3.2.19 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.2.19

ὧν ἐγὼ δεδιὼς ἕκαστον ὑπερηγωνιζόμην Καίσαρος, ἀθανάτου τε δόξης καὶ δημοσίας ταφῆς, οὐκ ἀκινδύνως οὐδʼ ἀνεπιφθόνως ἐμαυτῷ, τυχεῖν, πρός τε ἄνδρας ταχυεργεῖς καὶ φόνου πλήρεις καί, ὡς ἔμαθες, ἤδη καὶ ἐπʼ ἐμὲ συνομωμοσμένους πρός τε τὴν βουλὴν ἀχθομένην σου τῷ πατρὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς. ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῦτα κινδυνεύειν καὶ παθεῖν ὁτιοῦν ᾑρούμην ἑκὼν μᾶλλον ἢ ἄταφον καὶ ἄτιμον γιγνόμενον περιιδεῖν Καίσαρα, ἄριστον ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ εὐτυχέστατον ἐς τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ ἀξιοτιμότατον ἐκ πάντων ἐμοὶ γενόμενον. τοῖς δʼ αὐτοῖς μου τοῖσδε κινδύνοις καὶ σὺ τὰ νῦν σοι παρόντα πάντα λαμπρὰ τῶν Καίσαρος ἔχεις, γένος, ὄνομα, ἀξίωμα, περιουσίαν. ὧν σε δικαιότερον ἦν ἐμοὶ χάριν εἰδέναι μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ ἐκλειφθέντα εἰς τὴν τῆς βουλῆς παρηγορίαν ἢ ἐς ἀντίδοσιν τῶνδε, ὧν ἔχρῃζον, ἢ κατʼ ἄλλας χρείας ἢ λογισμοὺς ἐπιμέμφεσθαι πρεσβυτέρῳ νεώτερον ὄντα. καὶ τάδε μὲν ἀρκέσει σοι περὶ τῶνδε εἰρῆσθαι· ἐνσημαίνῃ δὲ καὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας με ἐπιθυμεῖν, οὐκ ἐπιθυμοῦντα μέν, οὐκ ἀπάξιον δὲ ἡγούμενον εἶναι, καὶ ἄχθεσθαι μὴ τυχόντα τῶν διαθηκῶν τῶν Καίσαρος, ὁμολογῶν μοι καὶ τὸ τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν γένος ἀρκεῖν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.2.19

Apprehending all of these consequences, I entered the lists for Caesar, for his immortal honor, and his public funeral, not without danger, not without incurring hatred to myself, contending against hot-headed, blood-thirsty men, who, as you know, had already conspired to kill me; and against the Senate, which was displeased with your father on account of his usurped authority. But I willingly chose to incur these dangers and to suffer anything rather than allow Caesar to remain unburied and dishonored — the most valiant man of his time, the most fortunate in every respect, and the one to whom the highest honors were due from me. It is by reason of the dangers I incurred that you enjoy your present distinction as the successor of Caesar, his family, his name, his dignity, his wealth. It was more becoming in you to testify your gratitude to me for these things than to reproach me for concessions made to soothe the Senate, or in compensation for what I demanded of it, or in pursuance of other needs or reasons — you a younger man addressing an older one. But enough of that. You hint that I am ambitious of the leadership. I am not ambitious of it, although I do not consider myself unworthy of it. You think that I am distressed because I was not mentioned in Caesar’s will, though you agree with me that the family of the Heraclidae is enough to content one.

3.2.20 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.2.20

περὶ δὲ τῶν σῶν χρειῶν, ἐθέλοντα μέν σε ἐκ τῶν δημοσίων δανείσασθαι ἡγούμην ἂν εἰρωνείαν λέγειν, εἰ μὴ πιθανὸν ἦν ἔτι ἀγνοεῖν σε κενὰ πρὸς τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπολελεῖφθαι τὰ κοινὰ ταμιεῖα, τῶν προσόδων, ἐξ οὗ παρῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, ἐς αὐτὸν ἀντὶ τοῦ ταμιείου συμφερομένων καὶ εὑρεθησομένων αὐτίκα ἐν τῇ Καίσαρος περιουσίᾳ, ὅταν αὐτὰ ζητεῖν ψηφισώμεθα. ἄδικον γὰρ οὐδὲν τοῦτο ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα ἔσται, τεθνεῶτά τε ἤδη καὶ οὐκ ἂν εἰπόντα ἄδικον εἶναι, εἰ καὶ ζῶν ᾐτεῖτο τοὺς λογισμούς, ἐπεὶ καὶ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν πολλοῖς ἀμφισβητοῦσί σοι καθʼ ἕνα τῆς οὐσίας οὐκ ἀδήριτον αὐτὴν ἔχων γνώσῃ. τῶν δὲ μετενεχθέντων πρός με χρημάτων οὔτε τὸ πλῆθός ἐστιν, ὅσον εἰκάζεις, οὔτε τι νῦν ἔστι παρʼ ἐμοί, πάντα τῶν ἐν ἀρχαῖς καὶ δυνάμει, πλὴν Δολοβέλλα καὶ τῶν ἐμῶν ἀδελφῶν νειμαμένων μὲν εὐθὺς ὡς τυράννου, διʼ ἐμὲ δὲ μετατεθέντων ἐς χάριν τῶν ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος ἐψηφισμένων, ἐπεὶ καὶ σὺ τὰ λοιπὰ φέρων οἴσεις ἀντὶ τοῦ δήμου τοῖς δυσχεραίνουσιν, ἂν σωφρονῇς. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐκπέμψουσιν, ἂν συμφρονῶσι, τὸν δῆμον ἐπὶ τὰς ἀποικίας· ὁ δὲ δῆμός ἐστιν, ὥσπερ καὶ σὺ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἀρτιδίδακτος ὢν ἔμαθες, ἀστάθμητον ὥσπερ ἐν θαλάσσῃ κῦμα κινούμενον· ὁ μὲν ἦλθεν, ὁ δʼ ἀπῆλθεν. ᾧ λόγῳ καὶ τῶν ἡμετέρων αἰεὶ τοὺς δημοκόπους ὁ δῆμος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐξάρας ἐς γόνυ ἔρριψε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.2.20

As to your pecuniary needs and your wishing to borrow from the public funds, I should think you must be joking, unless we might believe that you are still ignorant of the fact that the public treasury was left empty by your father. After he assumed the government the public revenues were brought to him instead of to the treasury, and they will presently be found among Caesar’s assets when we vote an investigation into these matters. This will not be unjust to Caesar now that he is dead, nor would he say that it was unjust if he were living and were asked for the accounts. And as there will be many private persons to dispute with you concerning single pieces of property, you may assume that this portion will not be uncontested. The money transferred to my house was not so large a sum as you conjecture, nor is any part of it in my custody now. The men in power and authority, except Dolabella and my brothers, divided up the whole of it straightway as the property of a tyrant, but were brought around by me to support the decrees in favor of Caesar, and you, if you are wise, when you get possession of the remainder, will distribute it among those who are disaffected toward you rather than among the people. The former, if they are in harmony with you, will send the people, who are to be colonized, away to their settlements. The people, however, as you ought to have learned from the Greek studies you have been lately pursuing, are as unstable as the waves of the sea, now advancing, now retreating. In like manner, among us also, the people are forever exalting their favorites, and casting them down again.

Edition note

The truth was that Antony paid his own debts with Caesar’s money. So Cicero tells us in the second Philippic. Where, he asks, are the seven hundred million sesterces that were registered at the temple of Ops? His money was indeed a cause for mourning, yet if it was not to be returned to the rightful owners it might relieve us from taxes. But you owed four million sesterces on the Ides of March. How did it happen that you were free from debt on the Kalends of April? (Phil. ii. 37.)

Edition note

ἂν συμφρονῶσι: to which Schweighäuser adds σοι. All the codices except one read σωφρονῶσι, i.e., if they are wise. The Teubner edition adheres to the latter reading; the Didot to the former. I have preferred the former because it gives point to Antony’s advice. It furnishes a reason why Octavius should use his money in one way rather than in the other. It would enable him to get rid of his expensive allies.

3.3.21 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.3.21

τούτων τοῖς πολλοῖς δυσχεράνας ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐς ὕβριν εἰρημένοις ἀπεχώρει, τὸν πατέρα ἀνακαλῶν θαμινὰ ἐξ ὀνόματος, καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν ἐς πρᾶσιν αὐτίκα προυτίθει πᾶσαν, ὅση κατὰ τὸν κλῆρον ἐγίγνετο αὐτοῦ, προτρέπων ἐπικουρεῖν οἱ τὸν δῆμον ἐκ τῆσδε τῆς σπουδῆς· φανερᾶς δὲ τῆς Ἀντωνίου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔχθρας γενομένης καὶ τῆς βουλῆς ζήτησιν εὐθὺς εἶναι τῶν δημοσίων χρημάτων ψηφισαμένης, οἱ πολλοὶ ἔδεισαν ἐπὶ τῷ νέῳ Καίσαρι τῆς πατρῴας ἐς τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ τὸν δῆμον εὐνοίας οὕνεκα καὶ τῆς νῦν ἐπὶ τῇ χορηγίᾳ δημοκοπίας καὶ περιουσίας, ἣ δὴ πάνυ αὐτῷ πολλὴ προσελθοῦσα οὐκ ἐδόκει τοῖς πλείοσιν αὐτὸν ἐν ἰδιώτου μέτρῳ καθέξειν, ἐπὶ δὲ Ἀντωνίῳ μάλιστα, μὴ τὸν Καίσαρα, νέον ἄνδρα καὶ ἔνδοξον καὶ πλούσιον, ἑταιρισάμενος ὑφʼ ἑαυτὸν εἶναι πρότερος ἅψαιτο τῆς Καίσαρος δυναστείας. οἱ δὲ καὶ τοῖς τότε γιγνομένοις ἐφήδοντο, ὡς καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀλλήλοις ἐμποδὼν ἐσομένων καὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος πλούτου τῇ ζητήσει τῶν χρημάτων αὐτίκα διαλυθησομένου καὶ σφίσι τοῦ ταμιείου περιουσίας πλήρους ἐξ αὐτῆς ἐσομένου· τὰ γὰρ πολλὰ τῶν κοινῶν εὑρήσειν παρὰ Καίσαρι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.3.21

Feeling outraged by the many insulting things said by Antony, Octavius went away, invoking his father repeatedly by name, and offered for sale all the property which had come to him by the inheritance, at the same time exhorting the people to stand by him. While this hasty action made manifest Antony’s enmity toward him, and the Senate voted an immediate investigation of the public accounts, most of them grew apprehensive of the young Caesar’ on account of the favor in which his father was held by the soldiers and the plebeians, and on account of his own present popularity based on the expected distribution of the money, and by reason of the wealth which had fallen to him in such vast measure that in the opinion of many he would not restrict himself to the rank of a private citizen. But they were most apprehensive of Antony, lest he should bring the young Caesar, distinguished and rich as he was, under his own control, and grasp the sovereignty held by the elder Caesar. Others were delighted with the present state of affairs, believing that the two men would come in conflict with each other; and that the investigation concerning the public money would presently put an end to the wealth of Octavius, and that the treasury would be filled thereby because much of the public property would be found in Caesar’s estate.

Edition note

οἱ πολλοὶ ἔδεισαν περὶ τῷ νέῳ Καίσαρι. The word περί implies that they feared for him, i.e., lest some harm should befall him, but as Schweighäuser points out, this idea is not consistent with what follows. A few lines below we read that they were most apprehensive of Antony, ἐπὶ δὲ Ἀντωνίῳ. Accordingly he (S.) thinks we are justified in reading ἐπί in both places, although all the codices read περί.

3.3.22 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.3.22

πολλοί τε αὐτῶν ἐς δίκας τὸν Καίσαρα ὑπῆγον περὶ χωρίων, ἕτερος ἑτέρῳ ἐπιλέγοντες ἄλλα τε ἕκαστοι καὶ τὸ κοινὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς πλείστοις, ἐκ προγραφῆς εἶναι τῶν δημευθέντων ἢ φυγόντων ἢ ἀναιρεθέντων. ἦγόν τε τὰς δίκας ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον αὐτὸν ἢ τὸν ἕτερον ὕπατον Δολοβέλλαν. εἰ δέ τις καὶ ἐφʼ ἑτέρας ἀρχῆς ἐδικάζετο, πανταχοῦ τὰ πολλὰ ὁμοίως ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰς χάριν Ἀντωνίου ἡττᾶτο, τά τε ὠνήματα τῷ πατρὶ ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου γενόμενα ἐπιδεικνὺς καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον ψήφισμα τὸ βεβαιοῦν τὰ Καίσαρι πεπραγμένα πάντα. ὕβρεις τε πολλαὶ παρὰ τὰς δίκας ἦσαν αὐτῷ, καὶ τὸ τῆς ζημίας προύκοπτεν ἐς ἄπειρον, ἔστε Πέδιον καὶ Πινάριον ʽοὗτοι γὰρ τὴν ἐκ τῶν Καίσαρος διαθηκῶν τοῦ κλήρου μοῖραν εἶχον’ μέμψασθαι τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ περί τε σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ περὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος ὡς ἄδικα πασχόντων παρὰ τὸ ψήφισμα τῆς βουλῆς. ᾤοντό τε αὐτὸν τὰ ἐς ὕβριν ἐκλύειν δεῖν μόνον, τὰ ἄλλα δὲ πάντα κυροῦν, ὅσα τῷ Καίσαρι πέπρακται. ὁ δὲ ὡμολόγει μὲν τὰ πρασσόμενα ἴσως ἐναντίον ἔχειν τι τοῖς συνεψηφισμένοις, καὶ τὰ ἐψηφισμένα δʼ ἔφη τοῖς τότε δόξασιν ἐναντίως γεγράφθαι. μόνης γὰρ τῆς ἀμνηστίας ἐπειγούσης, τὸ ʼμηδὲν ἀνατρέπειν τῶν προδιῳκημένων,ʼ οὐ τοῦδʼ αὐτοῦ γε χάριν οὐδὲ ἐφʼ ἅπασιν ἁπλῶς μᾶλλον ἢ ἐς εὐπρέπειαν καὶ παρηγορίαν τοῦ δήμου θορυβουμένου τούτοις, ἐπιγραφῆναι. εἶναι δὲ δικαιότερον τῇ γνώμῃ τοῦ ψηφίσματος μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ ῥήματι χρωμένους μὴ παρὰ τὸ εἰκὸς ἀντιπράττειν ἀνδράσι τοσοῖσδε ἰδίων ἢ προγονικῶν κτήσεων κατὰ στάσιν ἐκπεσοῦσιν ὑπὲρ νεανίσκου τοσόνδε πλοῦτον ἀλλότριόν τε καὶ οὐκ ἰδιωτικὸν παρʼ ἐλπίδα λαβόντος καὶ οὐκ ἐπιδεξίως, ἀλλʼ ἐς θρασύτητα τῇ τύχῃ χρωμένου. σφῶν μέντοι φείσεσθαι τὸ μέρος νειμαμένων πρὸς Καίσαρα. ὧδε μὲν ὁ Ἀντώνιος τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Πινάριον ἀπεκρίνατο. καὶ εὐθὺς ἐνέμοντο, ἵνα μὴ καὶ τὸ μέρος ἐν ταῖς δίκαις προσαπόλοιτο, οὐ σφῶν ἕνεκα αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τόδε τοῦ Καίσαρος· ἔμελλον γὰρ αὐτῷ μετʼ οὐ πολὺ πάντα χαριεῖσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.3.22

In the meantime many persons brought lawsuits against Octavius for the recovery of landed property, some making one claim and some another, differing in other respects, but for the most part having this in common, that it had been confiscated from persons who had been banished or put to death by the proscription. These suits were brought before Antonius himself or the other consul, Dolabella. If any were brought before other magistrates, Octavius was worsted through Antony’s influence, although he showed by the public records that the purchases had been made by his father, and that the last decree of the Senate had confirmed all of Caesar’s acts. Great wrongs were done him in these judgments, and the losses in consequence thereof were going on without end, until Pedius and Pinarius, who had a certain portion of the inheritance under Caesar’s will, complained to Antony, both for themselves and for Octavius, that they were suffering injustice in violation of the Senate’s decree. They thought that he ought to annul only the things done in derogation of Caesar, and to ratify all that had been done by him. Antony acknowledged that his course was perhaps somewhat contrary to the agreements voted. The decrees also, he said, had been recorded in a sense different from the understanding at the time. While hastily passing a mere decree of amnesty, it had been registered that whatever had been previously determined on should stand unrepealed, not for its own sake, not because it was satisfactory in all respects, but rather to promote good order and to quiet the people, who had been thrown into tumult by these events. It would be more just, he added, to observe the spirit than the letter of the decree, and not to make an unseemly opposition to so many men who had lost their own and their ancestors’ property in the civil convulsions, and to do this in favor of a young man who had received an amount of other people’s wealth disproportionate to a private station and beyond his hopes, and who was not making good use of his fortune, but employing it in the rashest adventures. He would take care of them (Pedius and Pinarius) after their portion should have been separated from that of Octavius. This was the answer made by Antony to Pedius and Pinarius. So they took their portion immediately, in order not to lose their own share by the lawsuits, and they did this not so much on their own account as on that of Octavius, for they were going to bestow the whole of it upon him soon afterward.

Edition note

τά τε ὠνήματα τῷ πατρὶ ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου γενόμενα ἐπιδεικνύς. Schweighäuser, being of the opinion that the words ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου meant at the public expense, conceived that the word οὐκ had been accidentally omitted, i.e., Octavius showed that the purchases had been made by his father not with public money. Mendelssohn, with better reason, thinks that they mean by the public scribe. He thinks also that τὰ ὠνήματα may possibly signify title deeds, emptionis instrumenta.

3.3.23 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.3.23

θέας δὲ πλησιαζούσης, ἣν ἔμελλεν ὑπὲρ Βρούτου στρατηγοῦντος ἐπιδώσειν Γάιος Ἀντώνιος ὁ ἀδελφὸς Ἀντωνίου, καὶ τἆλλα τοῦ Βρούτου τῆς στρατηγίας ἐπιτροπεύων ἀπόντος, παρασκευή τε ἦν ἐς αὐτὴν δαψιλὴς καὶ ἐλπὶς ἐν τῇ θέᾳ τὸν δῆμον ἐπικλασθέντα καλέσειν τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἀντιθεραπεύων τὸ πλῆθος, ὅσον ἀργύριον ἐκ τῆς πράσεως ἐγίγνετο, αἰεὶ κατὰ μέρος τοῖς φυλάρχοις ἀνεδίδου νέμειν τοῖς φθάνουσι λαβεῖν· καὶ ἐς τὰ πωλητήρια περιιὼν ἀποκηρύσσειν ἔλεγεν ὅσου δύναιντο πάντα τοὺς πιπράσκοντας ὀλιγίστου, διά τε δίκας ἀμφίβολα ἢ ἐπίφοβα ἔτι ὄντα καὶ διὰ τὴν Καίσαρος σπουδήν. ἅπερ αὐτῷ πάντα τὸν δῆμον εἰς εὔνοιαν ἤγειρεν καὶ ἐς ἔλεον, ὡς ἀναξίῳ τοιάδε πάσχειν. ὡς δʼ ἐπὶ τῇ κληρονομίᾳ καὶ τὴν ἴδιον αὑτοῦ περιουσίαν ὅση τε παρὰ Ὀκταουίου τοῦ πατρὸς ἢ ἑτέρωθεν ἦν αὐτῷ, καὶ τὰ τῆς μητρὸς πάντα καὶ τὰ Φιλίππου, καὶ τὸ μέρος τοῦ κλήρου Πινάριον καὶ Πέδιον αἰτήσας, προύθηκεν ἐς τὴν διανέμησιν πιπράσκεσθαι, ὡς τῆς Καίσαρος περιουσίας οὐδʼ ἐς τοῦτο μόνον ἀρκούσης διὰ τὰς ἐπηρείας, ὁ δῆμος οὐκέτι παρὰ τοῦ πρώτου Καίσαρος, ἀλλὰ παρὰ τοῦδε αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπίδοσιν λογιζόμενος εἶναι ἐκπαθῶς αὐτὸν ἠλέει καὶ ἐπῄνουν ὧδε πάσχοντα καὶ ὧδε φιλοτιμούμενον δῆλοί τε ἦσαν οὐκ ἐς πολὺ τὴν ἐς αὐτὸν Ἀντωνίου ὕβριν ὑπεροψόμενοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.3.23

The games were now approaching, which Gaius Antonius, the brother of Antony, was about to give in behalf of Brutus, the praetor, as he attended also to the other duties of the praetorship which devolved on him in the latter’s absence. Lavish expense was incurred in the preparations for them, in the hope that the people, gratified by the spectacle, would recall Brutus and Cassius. Octavius, on the other hand, intrigued against this scheme, distributing the money derived from the sale of his property among the head men of the tribes by turns, to be divided by them among the first comers. He went around to the places where his property was on sale and ordered the auctioneers to announce the lowest possible price for everything, both on account of the uncertainty and danger of the lawsuits still pending, and on account of his own zeal for the people, all of which brought him both popularity and sympathy as one undeserving of such treatment. When, in addition to what he had received as Caesar’s heir, he offered for sale his own property derived from his father Octavius, and whatever he had from other sources, and all that belonged to his mother and to Philippus, and the shares of Pedius and Pinarius which he begged from them, in order to make the distribution to the people (because in consequence of the litigation Caesar’s property was not sufficient even for this purpose), then the people considered it no longer the gift of the elder Caesar, but of the younger one, and they commiserated him deeply and praised him both for what he endured and for what he aspired to be. It was evident that they would not long tolerate the wrong that Antony was doing him.

Edition note

διὰ τὴν Καίσαρος σπουδήν: this may possibly mean on account of his own haste, i.e., his own need of money.

Edition note

ὁ δῆμος . . . ἠλέει καὶ ἐπῄνουν. Combes-Dounous calls attention to this sentence as a case where a noun in the singular number governs a verb in the singular and another in the plural in the same sentence, as though we should say in English the people pities and praise him.

3.3.24 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.3.24

Διέδειξαν δὲ παρὰ τὰς Βρούτου θέας, πολυτελεστάτας δὴ γενομένας· ἐμμίσθων γάρ τινων ἀνακραγόντων κατακαλεῖν Βροῦτόν τε καὶ Κάσσιον, ἐπεὶ τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτοῖς θέατρον συνεδημαγωγεῖτο ἐς τὸν ἔλεον, ἐσέδραμον ἀθρόοι καὶ τὰς θέας ἐπέσχον, μέχρι τὴν ἀξίωσιν αὐτῶν σβέσαι. Βροῦτος δὲ καὶ Κάσσιος, ἐπεὶ σφῶν τὰς ἐλπίδας τὰς ἐν ταῖς θέαις ὁ Καῖσαρ διέχεεν, ἔγνωσαν εἰς Συρίαν καὶ Μακεδονίαν, ὡς πρὸ Ἀντωνίου καὶ Δολοβέλλα σφίσιν ἐψηφισμένας, χωρεῖν καὶ βιάζεσθαι. καὶ τῶνδε φανερῶν γενομένων ἠπείγετο καὶ Δολοβέλλας εἰς τὴν Συρίαν, καὶ πρὸ Συρίας ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν, ὡς χρηματιούμενος ἀπʼ αὐτῆς. ὁ δʼ Ἀντώνιος ἡγούμενος ἐς τὰ μέλλοντά οἱ δεήσειν δυνάμεως, τὴν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ στρατιάν, ἀρετῇ τε οὖσαν ἀρίστην καὶ πλήθει μεγίστην, — ἓξ γὰρ ἦν τέλη (καὶ ὅσον ἄλλο πλῆθος αὐτοῖς τοξοτῶν καὶ ψιλῶν ἢ γυμνητῶν συνεζεύγνυτο, ἵππος τε πολλὴ καὶ παρασκευὴ κατὰ λόγον ἐντελής) δοκοῦντα προσήκειν Δολοβέλλᾳ, Συρίαν καὶ τὰ ἐς Παρθυαίους ἐπιτετραμμένῳ, διότι καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτοῖς ἐς Παρθυαίους ἔμελλε χρῆσθαι—πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἐπενόει μετενεγκεῖν, ὅτι καὶ μάλιστα ἦν ἀγχοῦ, ὡς τὸν Ἰόνιον περάσαντα εὐθὺς ἐν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ εἶναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.3.24

They showed their feelings clearly while Brutus’ games were in progress, lavish as these were. Although a certain number, who had been hired for the purpose, shouted that Brutus and Cassius should be recalled, and the rest of the spectators were thus wrought up to a feeling of pity for them, crowds ran in and stopped the games until the demand for their recall ceased. When Brutus and Cassius learned that Octavius had frustrated what they had hoped to obtain from the games, they decided to go to Syria and Macedonia, which had been theirs before these provinces were voted to Dolabella and Antony, and to seize them by force. When their intentions became known, Dolabella hastened to Syria, taking the province of Asia in his way in order to collect money there. Antony, thinking that he should soon need troops for his own purposes, conceived the idea of transferring to himself the army in Macedonia, which was composed of the very best material and was of large size (it consisted of six legions, besides a great number of archers and light-armed troops, much cavalry, and a corresponding amount of apparatus of all kinds), although it properly belonged to Dolabella, who had been intrusted with Syria and the war against the Parthians, because Caesar was about to use these forces against the Parthians. Antony wanted it especially because it was close at hand, and, by crossing the Adriatic, could be thrown at once into Italy.

3.3.25 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.3.25

ἄφνω δὴ φήμη κατέσκηψε, Γέτας τὸν θάνατον τὸν Καίσαρος πυθομένους Μακεδονίαν πορθεῖν ἐπιτρέχοντας, καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος τὴν βουλὴν ᾔτει τὸν στρατὸν ὡς Γέταις ἐπιθήσων δίκην· ἔς τε γὰρ Γέτας αὐτὸν πρὸ Παρθυαίων Καίσαρι παρεσκευάσθαι καὶ τὰ Παρθυαίων ἠρεμεῖν ἐν τῷ παρόντι. ἡ μὲν οὖν βουλὴ τὴν φήμην ὑπενόει καὶ τοὺς ἐπισκεψομένους ἔπεμψεν· ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος τὸν φόβον αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν ὑπόνοιαν ἐκλύων ἐψηφίσατο μὴ ἐξεῖναί πω κατὰ μηδεμίαν αἰτίαν περὶ δικτάτορος ἀρχῆς μήτε εἰπεῖν μήτʼ ἐπιψηφίζειν μήτε λαβεῖν διδομένην, ἢ τὸν ἐκ τῶνδέ τινος ὑπεριδόντα νηποινεὶ πρὸς τῶν ἐντυχόντων ἀναιρεῖσθαι. καὶ τῷδε μάλιστα ἑλὼν τοὺς ἀκούοντας καὶ τοῖς ὑπὲρ Δολοβέλλα πράττουσι συνθέμενος ἓν τέλος δώσειν, ᾑρέθη τῆς ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ δυνάμεως εἶναι στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἔχων, ἃ ἐβούλετο, Γάιον τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτίκα σὺν ἐπείξει τὸ δόγμα φέροντα τῷ στρατῷ διεπέμπετο· οἱ δὲ ἐπισκέπται τῆς φήμης ἐπανελθόντες Γέτας ἔλεγον οὐκ ἰδεῖν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ, προσέθεσαν δέ, εἴτε ἀληθὲς εἴτε ὑπʼ Ἀντωνίου διδαχθέντες, ὅτι δέος ἦν, μὴ τῆς στρατιᾶς ποι μετελθούσης οἱ Γέται τὴν Μακεδονίαν ἐπιδράμοιεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.3.25

Presently a rumor was noised about that the Getae, learning of Caesar’s death, had made an incursion into Macedonia and were ravaging it. Antony asked the Senate to give him an army in order to punish them, saying that this army had been prepared by Caesar to be used against the Getae before marching against the Parthians, and that everything was now quiet on the Parthian frontier. The Senate distrusted the rumor, and sent messengers to make inquiry. Antony, in order to dissipate their fear and suspicion, proposed a decree that it should not be lawful for anybody, for any cause whatever, to vote for a dictatorship, or to accept it if offered. If anybody should disregard any of these provisions, he might be killed with impunity by anybody who should meet him. Having deceived the Senate chiefly by this means, and having agreed with the friends of Dolabella to give him one legion, he was chosen absolute commander of the forces in Macedonia. Having obtained what he desired, he sent his brother Gaius with haste to communicate the decree of the Senate to the army. Those who had been sent to inquire into the rumor came back and reported that they had seen no Getae in Macedonia, but they added, either truthfully, or because they were instructed to do so by Antony, that it was feared that they would make an incursion into Macedonia if the army were withdrawn.

Edition note

This action was much earlier in point of time than it is here represented. Cicero informs us that the law abolishing the dictatorship was proposed by Antony at the meeting of the Senate in the temple of Tellus immediately after the assassination. (Phil. i. I.)

Edition note

ἑλὼν τοὺς ἀκούοντας: having captured his hearers.

3.3.26 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.3.26

ὧδε μὲν εἶχε τὰ ἐν Ῥώμῃ, Κάσσιος δὲ καὶ Βροῦτος χρήματα καὶ στρατιὰν συνέλεγον, καὶ Τρεβώνιος ὁ τῆς Ἀσίας ἡγούμενος τὰς πόλεις αὐτοῖς ἐτείχιζε καὶ Δολοβέλλαν ἐλθόντα οὐκ ἐδέχετο οὔτε Περγάμῳ οὔτε Σμύρνῃ, ἀλλὰ μόνην ἀγορὰν ἔξω τείχους ὡς ὑπάτῳ προυτίθει. ἐπιχειροῦντος δʼ ἐκείνου σὺν ὀργῇ τοῖς τείχεσι καὶ οὐδὲν ἀνύοντος, ὁ Τρεβώνιος αὐτὸν ἔφη δέξεσθαι Ἐφέσῳ καὶ ἐς τὴν Ἔφεσον εὐθὺς ἀπιόντι τοὺς ἐφεψομένους ἐκ διαστήματος ἔπεμπεν, οἳ νυκτὸς ἐπιγενομένης ἀπιόντα τὸν Δολοβέλλαν ὁρῶντες καὶ οὐδὲν ἔτι ὑπονοοῦντες, ὀλίγους σφῶν ὑπολιπόντες ἕπεσθαι αὐτῷ, ἐς τὴν Σμύρναν ἐπανῆλθον. καὶ τοὺς ὀλίγους ὁ Δολοβέλλας ἐνεδρεύσας τε καὶ περιλαβὼν ἔκτεινε καὶ ἦλθε τῆς αὐτῆς ἔτι νυκτὸς ἐς Σμύρναν καὶ αὐτὴν ἀφύλακτον εὑρὼν εἷλε διὰ κλιμάκων. Τρεβώνιος δὲ τοῖς συλλαμβάνουσιν αὐτὸν ἔτι εὐναζόμενον ἡγεῖσθαι πρὸς Δολοβέλλαν ἐκέλευεν· ἕψεσθαι γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἑκών. καί τις τῶν λοχαγῶν αὐτὸν ἐπισκώπτων ἠμείψατο· ἴθι σύ, δεῦρο τὴν κεφαλὴν καταλιπών· ἡμῖν γὰρ οὐ σέ, ἀλλὰ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἄγειν προστέτακται. καὶ τόδε εἰπὼν εὐθὺς ἀπέτεμε τὴν κεφαλήν. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ Δολοβέλλας μὲν αὐτὴν προσέταξεν ἐπὶ τοῦ στρατηγικοῦ βήματος, ἔνθα ὁ Τρεβώνιος ἐχρημάτιζε, προτεθῆναι· ἡ στρατιὰ δὲ σὺν ὀργῇ καὶ ὁ οἰκετικὸς ἄλλος ὅμιλος αὐτῆς, ἐπεὶ τοῦ φόνου Καίσαρος ὁ Τρεβώνιος μετεσχήκει καὶ κτεινομένου τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐν ὁμιλίᾳ περὶ θύρας τοῦ βουλευτηρίου περιεσπάκει, εἰς τε τὸ ἄλλο σῶμα αὐτοῦ ποικίλως ἐνύβριζον καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν οἷα σφαῖραν ἐν λιθοστρώτῳ πόλει διαβάλλοντες ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐπὶ γέλωτι συνέχεάν τε καὶ συνέτριψαν. καὶ πρῶτος ὅδε τῶν φονέων δίκην τήνδε ἐδεδώκει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.3.26

While these things were taking place at Rome, Cassius and Brutus were collecting troops and money, and Trebonius, who was governor of the province of Asia, was fortifying his towns for them. When Dolabella arrived, Trebonius would not admit him to Pergamus or Smyrna, but allowed him, as consul, to occupy a market-place outside the walls. When the latter attacked the walls with fury, but accomplished nothing, Trebonius said that he would be admitted to Ephesus. Dolabella started for Ephesus forthwith, and Trebonius sent a force to follow him at a certain distance. While these were observing Dolabella’s march, they were overtaken by night, and, having no farther suspicions, returned to Smyrna, leaving a few of their number to follow him. Dolabella laid an ambush for this small number, captured and killed them, and went back the same night to Smyrna. Finding it unguarded, he took it by escalade. Trebonius, who was captured in bed, told his captors to lead the way to Dolabella, saying that he was willing to follow them. One of the centurions answered him facetiously, Go where you please, but you must leave your head behind, for we are ordered to bring your head, not yourself. With these words the centurion immediately cut off his head, and early in the morning Dolabella ordered it to be displayed on the praetor’s chair where Trebonius was accustomed to transact public business. Since Trebonius had participated in the murder of Caesar by detaining Antony in conversation at the door of the senate-house while the others killed him, the soldiers and camp-followers fell upon the rest of his body with fury and treated it with every kind of indignity. They rolled his head from one to another in sport along the city pavements like a ball till it was completely crushed. This was the first of the murderers who was visited with such punishment.

Edition note

Cicero says that Dolabella approached Smyrna in the guise of friendship for Trebonius, and having got the latter in his power by treachery, was not willing to put his captive to death at once, lest, as I think, he should seem to be too moderate in his victory. After heaping every kind of insult from his foul mouth on this excellent man he questioned him under the scourge and torture about the public money — did this for two days. After cutting his head from his shoulders he commanded that it be carried on a pike. The rest of his body was dragged about, mangled, and cast into the sea. (Phil. xi. 2.)

3.4.27 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.4.27

ὁ δʼ Ἀντώνιος ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν τὸν στρατὸν ἐκ τῆς Μακεδονίας διενεγκεῖν ἐπενόει, καὶ προφάσεως ἄλλης ἐς τοῦτο ἀπορῶν ἠξίου τὴν βουλὴν ἀντὶ τῆς Μακεδονίας ἐναλλάξαι οἱ τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων Κελτικήν, ἧς ἡγεῖτο Δέκμος Βροῦτος Ἀλβῖνος, εἰδὼς μέν, ὅτι καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐκ τῆσδε τῆς Κελτικῆς ὁρμώμενος ἐκράτησε Πομπηίου, ὡς δὲ τὸν στρατὸν δόξων οὐκ ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ἀλλʼ ἐς τὴν Κελτικὴν μετακαλεῖν. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ τήνδε τὴν Κελτικὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἐπὶ σφίσιν ἡγουμένη ἐδυσχέραινέ τε καὶ τῆς ἐνέδρας τότε πρῶτον ᾔσθοντο καὶ τὴν Μακεδονίαν δόντες αὐτῷ μετενόουν. ἰδίᾳ τε αὐτῶν οἱ δυνατοὶ ἐπέστελλον τῷ Δέκμῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐγκρατῶς ἔχεσθαι καὶ στρατὸν ἄλλον καὶ χρηματα ἀγείρειν, εἰ πρὸς Ἀντωνίου βιάζοιτο· οὕτως ἐδεδοίκεσάν τε καὶ ἐν ὀργῇ τὸν Ἀντώνιον εἶχον. ὁ δὲ ἀντὶ μὲν τῆς βουλῆς ἐπενόει τὸν δῆμον αἰτῆσαι νόμῳ τὴν Κελτικήν, ᾧ τρόπῳ καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτὴν πρότερον εἰλήφει καὶ Συρίαν Δολοβέλλας ὑπογύως, ἐς δὲ φόβον τῆς βουλῆς τὴν στρατιὰν ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον ἐκέλευε Γαΐῳ τὸν Ἰόνιον περᾶν αὐτίκα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.4.27

Antony conceived the idea of bringing his army from Macedonia to Italy; and being in want of any other pretext for this step he asked the Senate to let him exchange the province of Macedonia for that of Cisalpine Gaul, which was under the command of Decimus Brutus Albinus. He remembered that Caesar had marched from the latter province when he overthrew Pompey and he thought that he should appear to be transferring his army to Gaul and not to Italy. The Senate, which looked upon Cisalpine Gaul as its own fortress, was angry, and now for the first time perceived the stratagem and repented having given him Macedonia. The principal members sent word privately to Decimus to keep a strong hold on his province, and to raise additional troops and money lest he should be overpowered by Antony, so much did they fear and hate the latter. Antony then bethought him to ask the people, instead of the Senate, for this province by a law, in the same manner that Caesar had obtained it at a former time and Dolabella had recently obtained Syria. In order to intimidate the Senate he ordered his brother, Gaius, to bring his army across the Adriatic to Brundusium; and the latter proceeded to do as he was directed.

3.4.28 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.4.28

καὶ ὁ μὲν ἔμελλε ποιήσειν, ὡς προσετέτακτο· θέαι δʼ ἦσαν, ἃς Κριτώνιος ἀγορανομῶν ἔμελλε τελέσειν· καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐς τὰς θέας τῷ πατρὶ τόν τε χρύσεον θρόνον καὶ στέφανον παρεσκεύαζεν, ἅπερ αὐτῷ κατὰ πάσας θέας ἐψηφίσαντο προτίθεσθαι. τοῦ Κριτωνίου δὲ εἰπόντος οὐκ ἀνέξεσθαι τιμωμένου Καίσαρος ἐν ταῖς αὑτοῦ δαπάναις, ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτὸν ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἦγεν ὡς ὕπατον. Ἀντωνίου δὲ εἰπόντος ἐς τὴν βουλὴν ἐπανοίσειν, χαλεπήνας ὁ Καῖσαρ, ἀνάφερε, εἶπεν, ἐγὼ δὲ τὸν θρόνον, ἕως ἂν ᾖ τὸ δόγμα, προθήσω. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος χαλεπήνας ἐκώλυσεν. ἐκώλυσε δὲ καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἑξῆς θέαις ἔτι παραλογώτερον, ἃς αὐτὸς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐτέλει, ἀνακειμένας ἐκ τοῦ πατρὸς Ἀφροδίτῃ Γενετείρᾳ, ὅτε περ αὐτῇ καὶ τὸν νεὼν ὁ πατὴρ τὸν ἐν ἀγορᾷ ἅμα αὐτῇ ἀγορᾷ ἀνετίθει. τότε δὴ καὶ μάλιστα μῖσος ἤδη σαφὲς ἐκ πάντων ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐγίγνετο, ὡς οὐκ ἐς τὸν νῦν Καίσαρα φιλονικοῦντα μᾶλλον ἢ ἐς τὸν πρότερον ὑβρίζοντα ἀχαρίστως. αὐτός τε ὁ Καῖσαρ μετὰ πλήθους οἷα φρουρᾶς τὸν δῆμον καὶ τοὺς εὖ τι παθόντας ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοὺς ἐκείνῳ στρατευσαμένους περιθέων ἐπιφθόνως ἱκέτευεν οὗ μὲν αὐτοῦ τοιάδε καὶ τοσάδε πάσχοντος ὑπερορᾶν καὶ ἀμελεῖν ἑκόντος, Καίσαρι δὲ τῷ σφῶν αὐτοκράτορι καὶ εὐεργέτῃ ἀμύνειν, ἀτιμουμένῳ πρὸς Ἀντωνίου· ἀμυνεῖν δὲ καὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς, οὐδὲν ἕξουσι βέβαιον ὧν εἰλήφασι παρὰ Καίσαρος, εἰ μηδὲ αὐτῷ Καίσαρι μενεῖ τὰ ἐψηφισμένα βέβαια. Ἀντωνίου τε πανταχοῦ τῆς πόλεως ἐς τὰ ὑψηλὰ ἀναπηδῶν κατεβόα· Καίσαρι μὲν διʼ ἐμὲ μήτε ὀργίζεσθαι μήτε ἐνυβρίζειν, εὐεργέτῃ σοῦ μάλιστα, ὦ Ἀντώνιε, ἐς τὰ μάλιστα γεγενημένῳ· ἐμοὶ δὲ τῶν μὲν ὕβρεων, ἐς ὅσον θέλεις, ἐμφορεῖσθαι, τὴν δὲ τῆς οὐσίας ἁρπαγὴν ἐπισχεῖν, μέχρι τοὺς πολίτας κομίσασθαι τὴν διανέμησιν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πάντα ἔχειν· ἀρκέσειν γὰρ ἐμοὶ πενομένῳ τήν τε τοῦ πατρὸς δόξαν, ἂν διαμένῃ, καὶ τὴν τοῦ δήμου διανέμησιν, ἐὰν ἐάσῃς δοθῆναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.4.28

This was the time for the games that the aedile Critonius was about to exhibit, and Octavius made preparations to display his father’s gilded throne and crown, which the Senate had voted should be placed in front for him at all games. When Critonius said that he could not allow Caesar to be honored in this way at games given at his expense, Octavius brought him before Antony as consul. Antony said he would refer the matter to the Senate. Octavius was vexed and said, Refer it; I will place the throne there as long as the decree is in force. Antony was angry and prohibited it. He prohibited it still more unreasonably in the next games given by Octavius himself, which had been instituted by his father in honor of Venus Genetrix when he dedicated a temple to her in a forum, together with the forum itself. It was evident that universal hatred of Antony had already grown out of this affair, since he seemed to be moved not so much by a feeling of rivalry toward the younger Caesar as by an ungrateful purpose to insult the memory of the elder one. Octavius himself, with a crowd of people like a body-guard, moved about among the plebeians and those who had received benefits from his father, or had served under him in war, stirring their anger and beseeching them not to despise him, the victim of so many and so great outrages, nor willingly desert him, but to defend Caesar, their commander and benefactor, dishonored by Antony; to defend him for their own sakes, because they would never be secure in what they had received from Caesar unless the decrees passed in his honor should remain in full force. He exclaimed against Antony everywhere throughout the city, and especially from the high places that he came to, saying, O Antony, do not be angry with Caesar on my account. Do not insult one who has been the greatest benefactor to you. Heap indignities on me to your heart’s content. Cease plundering his property until the legacy to the citizens is paid; then take all the rest. However poor I may be, my father’s glory, if that remains, and the distribution to the people, if you will allow it to be made, will be all-sufficient for me.

3.4.29 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.4.29

ἐφʼ οἷς ἤδη παρὰ πάντων συνεχεῖς ἐγίγνοντο καὶ φανεραὶ κατὰ τοῦ Ἀντωνίου βοαί. ἀπειλησαμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ τῷ Καίσαρι πικρότερον καὶ τῆς ἀπειλῆς ἐξενεχθείσης ἐς τὸ φανερόν, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἅπαντες ὥρμηντο· καὶ οἱ τῆς φρουρᾶς Ἀντωνίου ταξίαρχοι, ἐστρατευμένοι τε Καίσαρι τῷ προτέρῳ καὶ ἐς τὰ μέγιστα ὑπʼ Ἀντωνίου τότε προτιμώμενοι, τὴν ὕβριν αὐτὸν ἐπισχεῖν ἠξίουν καὶ διὰ σφᾶς καὶ διʼ ἑαυτόν, ὑπὸ Καίσαρι στρατευσάμενον καὶ τῶνδε τῶν οἱ παρόντων ἀγαθῶν παρʼ ἐκείνου τυχόντα. συγγιγνώσκων οὖν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἀληθέσιν οὖσιν τούτοις καὶ τοὺς προφέροντας αὐτὰ αἰδούμενος, ἤδη δέ τι καὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸν δῆμον ἐς τὴν ἀλλαγὴν τῆς Κελτικῆς δεόμενος, ὡμολόγει τοῖς λεγομένοις καὶ ἐπώμνυεν αὐτὰ καὶ οἷ πάνυ ἀβούλητα εἶναι, τῆς δὲ γνώμης τοῦ νεανίσκου ἕνεκεν μετατίθεσθαι, ἐπηρμένου τε ἐπαχθῶς ἔτι τηλικοῦδε ὄντος καὶ οὐδὲν ἔχοντος αἰδέσιμον ἢ τίμιον ἐς πρεσβυτέρους τε καὶ ἐς ἄρχοντας· ἅπερ αὐτοῦ μὲν χάριν τοῦ νεανίσκου χρῄζειν ἔτι νουθεσίας, σφῶν δὲ τῶν ταῦτα ἀξιούντων ἕνεκα αὐτὸς καθέξειν τῆς ὀργῆς καὶ ἐς τὴν προτέραν ἑαυτοῦ φύσιν τε καὶ γνώμην ἐπανήξειν, ἢν κἀκεῖνος ἀπέχηται τῆς ἀμετρίας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.4.29

Henceforth there were open and repeated outcries against Antony on all sides. The latter indulged in severer threats against Octavius, and when they became known the people were still more incensed against him. The tribunes of Antony’s guard, who had served under the elder Caesar, and who were then in the highest favor with Antony, urged him to refrain from insult, both on their account and on his own, as he had served under Caesar and had obtained his present good fortune at Caesar’s hands. Antony, recognizing the truth of these words, and feeling a sense of shame before those who uttered them and needing some help from Octavius himself, with the people, to procure the exchange of provinces, agreed with what they said and swore that what he had done had been quite contrary to his intention, but that he had been compelled to change his purpose because the young man was inordinately puffed up, being still a youth and showing no respect for his elders and no honor for those in authority. Although for his own benefit the young man still needed reproof, yet in deference to their remonstrances he would restrain his anger and return to his former disposition and intention if Octavius, also, would curb his presumption.

3.4.30 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.4.30

ταῦτα οἱ ταξίαρχοι ἀσπασάμενοι συνῆγον ἀμφοτέρους. οἱ δὲ ἐπεμέμφοντο ἀλλήλοις καὶ συνέβαινον ἐς φιλίαν. ὅ τε νόμος ὁ περὶ τῆς Κελτικῆς προυγράφετο αὐτίκα, ὀρρωδούσης πάνυ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ ἐπινοούσης, εἰ μὲν ὁ Ἀντώνιος αὐτὸν προβουλεύοι, κωλύειν προβουλευόμενον, εἰ δὲ ἀπροβούλευτον ἐς τὸν ο͂ῆμον ἐσφέροι, τοὺς δημάρχους ἐς κώλυσιν ἐπιπέμπειν. ἦσαν δʼ οἳ καὶ τὸ ἔθνος ὅλως ἐλευθεροῦν ἡγεμονίας ἠξίουν· οὕτως ἐδεδοίκεσαν ἀγχοῦ τὴν Κελτικὴν οὖσαν. ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος αὐτοῖς ἀντενεκάλει, εἰ Δέκμῳ μὲν αὐτὴν πιστεύουσιν, ὅτι Καίσαρα ἀπέκτεινεν, αὑτῷ δʼ ἀπιστοῦσιν, ὅτι οὐκ ἀπέκτεινε τὸν καταστρεψάμενον αὐτὴν καὶ κλίναντα ἐς γόνυ, ἀπορρίπτων ἤδη ταῦτα φανερῶς ἐς ἅπαντας ὡς ἐφηδομένους τοῖς γεγονόσιν. ἐλθούσης δὲ τῆς κυρίας ἡμέρας ἡ μὲν βουλὴ τὴν λοχῖτιν ἐνόμιζεν ἐκκλησίαν συλλεγήσεσθαι, οἱ δὲ νυκτὸς ἔτι τὴν ἀγορὰν περισχοινισάμενοι τὴν φυλέτιν ἐκάλουν, ἀπὸ συνθήματος ἐληλυθυῖαν. καὶ ὁ δημότης λεώς, ἀχθόμενος τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ, συνέπρασσεν ὅμως διὰ τὸν Καίσαρα ἐφεστῶτα τοῖς περισχοινίσμασι καὶ δεόμενον. ἐδεῖτο δὲ μάλιστα μέν, ἵνα μὴ Δέκμος ἄρχοι χώρας τε ἐπικαίρου καὶ στρατιᾶς ἀνδροφόνος ὢν τοῦ πατρός, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ καὶ ἐς χάριν Ἀντωνίου συνηλλαγμένου. προσεδόκα δὲ ἄρα τι καὶ αὐτὸς ἀντιλήψεσθαι παρὰ Ἀντωνίου. διαφθαρέντων δὲ χρήμασι τῶν δημάρχων ὑπʼ Ἀντωνίου καὶ κατασιωπώντων ὁ νόμος ἐκυροῦτο, καὶ ὁ στρατὸς Ἀντωνίῳ μετʼ αἰτίας εὐπρεποῦς ἤδη τὸν Ἰόνιον ἐπέρα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.4.30

The tribunes were delighted with this reply and they brought Antony and Octavius together, who, after some mutual chiding, formed an alliance. The law concerning Cisalpine Gaul was proposed at once to the great dismay of the senators. They intended, if Antony should first bring the law before them, to reject it, and if he should bring it before the popular assembly without consulting them, to have the tribunes of the people veto it. There were some who advised that this province be made free altogether, so much was it dreaded on account of its nearness. Antony, on the other hand, accused them of intrusting it to Decimus because he had been one of Caesar’s murderers and of having no confidence in himself because he had not joined in killing the man who had subdued the province and brought it to its knees — throwing out these insinuations openly against all of his opponents, as persons who rejoiced over the assassination. When the day for the comitia came the Senate desired that the votes should be taken by centuries, but the Antonians, who had enclosed the forum with a rope during the night, demanded that the votes be taken by tribes according to a plan they had agreed upon. Although the plebeians were incensed against Antony they nevertheless coöperated with him for the sake of Octavius, who stood alongside the rope and begged them to do so. He did this in order that Decimus, who had been one of his father’s murderers, might not have the government of a province so convenient, and of the army belonging to it, and, moreover, to gratify Antony, who was now in league with him. He expected also to get some assistance from Antony in return. The tribunes had been corrupted with money by Antony and remained silent. So the law was passed and Antony now with plausible reason brought his army across the Adriatic.

Edition note

There is some confusion here. Caesar did not subdue Cisalpine Gaul.

Edition note

This passage presents difficulties. In the first place, the reading of all the codices is that Antony wanted the votes to be taken by centuries and not by tribes, whereas that plan would have defeated him, since a law could not be brought before the comitia centuriata without the previous approval of the Senate. Moreover, the comitia centuriata were not held in the forum. Schweighäuser accordingly transposes the words centuries and tribes, and this change is adopted in the Teubner text.

3.5.31 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.5.31

τῶν δὲ δημάρχων τινὸς ἀποθανόντος, ἐς τὴν ἀντʼ αὐτοῦ χειροτονίαν ὁ Καῖσαρ συνέπρασσεν Φλαμινίῳ· καὶ ὁ δῆμος οἰόμενος αὐτὸν ἐπιθυμοῦντα τῆς ἀρχῆς διὰ τὸ νεώτερον τῆς ἡλικίας οὐ παραγγέλλειν, ἐπενόουν ἐν ταῖς χειροτονίαις δήμαρχον ἀποφῆναι τὸν Καίσαρα. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ τῆς αὐξήσεως ἐφθόνει καὶ ἐδεδοίκει, μὴ δημαρχῶν τοὺς φονέας τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐς δίκην ἀπαγάγοι· Ἀντώνιός τε τῆς ἄρτι συγκειμένης πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα φιλίας ὑπεριδών, εἴτε ἐς χάριν τῆς βουλῆς ἢ παρηγορίαν, ἀχθομένης τῷ περὶ τῆς Κελτικῆς νόμῳ, εἴτε ἀπʼ οἰκείας γνώμης, προύγραφεν ὡς ὕπατος μηδενὶ Καίσαρα ἐγχειρεῖν παρανόμως, ἢ χρήσεσθαι κατʼ αὐτοῦ παντὶ μέτρῳ τῆς ἐξουσίας. ἀχαρίστου δʼ ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ ὑβριστικῆς ἅμα ἐς αὐτὸν καὶ τὸν δῆμον τῆς προγραφῆς γενομένης, ὁ μὲν δῆμος διώργιστο καὶ φιλονικήσειν ἔμελλον ἐν ταῖς χειροτονίαις, ὥστε δεῖσαι τὸν Ἀντώνιον καὶ ἀνελεῖν τὴν χειροτονίαν, τοῖς ὑπολοίποις τῶν δημάρχων ἀρκούμενον· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ, ὡς σαφῶς ἐπιβουλευόμενος ἤδη, πολλοὺς περιέπεμπεν ἔς τε τὰς τοῦ πατρὸς ἀποικίδας πόλεις ἐξαγγέλλειν, ἃ πάσχοι, καὶ τὴν ἑκάστων γνώμην καταμανθάνειν· ἔπεμπε δὲ καὶ ἐς τὰ Ἀντωνίου στρατόπεδα ἐπιμίγνυσθαί τινας ἀγορὰν φέροντας καὶ ἐντυγχάνειν τοῖς θαρροῦσι μάλιστα καὶ ἐς τὸ πλῆθος διαρριπτεῖν ἀφανῶς βιβλία.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.5.31

One of the tribunes of the people having died Octavius favored the election of Flaminius as his successor. The people thought that he was ambitious of this office for himself, but that he refrained from being a candidate because he was under age, and, accordingly, they proposed to cast their votes for him for tribune. The Senate begrudged him this increase of power, fearing lest, as tribune, he should bring the murderers of his father before the popular assembly for trial. Antony, in disregard of his recent alliance with Octavius, either to curry favor with the Senate, or to appease its dissatisfaction with the law respecting Cisalpine Gaul, or for private reasons, gave public notice, as consul, that Octavius should not solicit votes contrary to law; and that if he should do so he (Antony) would use every means in his power against him. As this edict was an act of ingratitude toward Octavius, and was insulting both to him and to the people, the latter were extremely angry and took steps to defeat Antony’s wishes in the election, so that he became alarmed and annulled the comitia, saying that the remaining number of tribunes was sufficient. Octavius, thus at last openly attacked, sent numerous agents to the towns colonized by his father to tell how he had been treated and to learn the state of feeling in each. He also sent certain persons in the guise of traders into Antony’s camp to mingle with the soldiers, to work upon the boldest of them, and secretly distribute handbills among the rank and file.

3.5.32 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.5.32

καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀμφὶ ταῦτα ἦν· οἱ ταξίαρχοι δὲ αὖθις παρὰ Ἀντωνίου καιρὸν αἰτήσαντες ἔλεγον· ἡμεῖς, ὦ Ἀντώνιε, καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι μετὰ σοῦ Καίσαρι στρατευσάμενοι τήν τε ἡγεμονίαν αὐτῷ συνεστησάμεθα καὶ ἐς τὰ καθʼ ἡμέραν αὐτῆς ὑπηρέται γιγνόμενοι διετελοῦμεν, ἔχθει μὲν ἴσῳ καὶ ἐπιβουλῇ τοὺς φονέας αὐτοῦ γιγνώσκομεν εἰς ἡμᾶς χρωμένους καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ἐκείνοις ἐπιρρέπουσαν, τοῦ δήμου δʼ ἐξελάσαντος αὐτοὺς ἀνεθαρρήσαμεν, οὐ πάντῃ τὰ Καίσαρος ὁρῶντες ἄφιλα οὐδὲ ἀμνήμονα οὐδὲ ἀχάριστα. τὴν δʼ ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἀσφάλειαν εἴχομεν ἐν σοί, φίλῳ τε Καίσαρος ὄντι καὶ ἡγεμονικωτάτῳ μετʼ ἐκεῖνον ἐκ πάντων καὶ ἄρχοντι νῦν ἡμῶν καὶ ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἐπιτηδείῳ. ἀναφυομένων δὲ τῶν ἐχθρῶν καὶ θρασέως ἔς τε Συρίαν καὶ Μακεδονίαν βιαζομένων καὶ χρήματα καὶ στρατιὰν ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς συνιστάντων, καὶ τῆς βουλῆς σοι Δέκμον ἐπαλειφούσης, καὶ σοῦ τὰς φροντίδας ἐς τὴν Καίσαρος τοῦ νέου διαφορὰν δαπανῶντος, δέδιμεν εἰκότως, μὴ ἐς τὸν μέλλοντα καὶ ὅσον οὔπω παρόντα πόλεμον ἡ στάσις ὑμῶν τῷ πολέμῳ συνεπιθῆται καὶ διαπραχθῇ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς καθʼ ἡμῶν, ἃ βούλονται. ὧν ἐνθυμηθέντα σε ἀξιοῦμεν, ὁσίας τε χάριν ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ φειδοῦς ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν οὐδὲν ἐπιμέμπτων σοι γενομένων καὶ πρὸ ἡμῶν αὐτοῦ σοῦ τῶν συμφερόντων οὕνεκα, ἕως ἔτι δύνασαι, Καίσαρι μέν, ὅπερ ἀρκέσει, μόνον συνεπαμῦναι τοὺς φονέας τιμωρουμένῳ, σὲ δὲ αὐτίκα δυναστεύειν, ἐν ἀμερίμνῳ γενόμενόν τε καὶ ἡμᾶς γενέσθαι παρασκευάσαντα τοὺς ὑπέρ τε σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ ὑπὲρ σοῦ δεδιότας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.5.32

While Octavius was doing this the military tribunes again sought an audience with Antony and addressed him thus: We, O Antony, and the others who served with you under Caesar, established his rule and continued to maintain it from day to day as its faithful supporters. We know how his murderers hate and conspire against us and how the Senate favors them. But after the people drove them out we took fresh courage seeing that Caesar’s acts were not altogether without friends, were not forgotten, were not unappreciated. For our future security we put our trust in you, the friend of Caesar, after him the most experienced of all as a commander, our present leader, and the one most fit to be such. Our enemies are starting up afresh. They have boldly seized Syria and Macedonia and are raising money and troops against us. The Senate is stirring up Decimus Brutus against you. Yet you are wasting your powers of mind in a disagreement with the young Caesar. We naturally fear lest there be added to the war, which has not yet broken out but is imminent, dissensions among you, which shall accomplish all that our enemies desire against us. We beseech you to consider these things for the sake of piety toward Caesar and care for us, who have never given you cause for complaint, and for your own interest even more than ours. Help Octavius as much as you can, or at all events as much as may be needful, to punish the murderers. Then you will enjoy your power without anxiety and will provide security for us, who are now apprehensive both for ourselves and for you.

Edition note

Combes-Dounous points out that Brutus and Cassius had not gone to Syria and Macedonia at this time. Brutus was in a ship at the mouth of the river Heles, three miles from the town of Velia in Lucania, as we learn from one of Cicero’s letters (Ad Att. xvi. 7).

3.5.33 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.5.33

τοσαῦτα τοὺς ταξιάρχους εἰπόντας ὁ Ἀντώνιος ὧδε ἠμείψατο· ὅσῃ μὲν εὐνοίᾳ καὶ σπουδῇ πρὸς Καίσαρα περιόντα ἐχρώμην, φιλοκινδυνότατος ἐκ πάντων ἐς τὰς ἐκείνου χρείας γενόμενος, ἴστε σαφῶς, συστρατευσάμενοί τε καὶ τοῖς γιγνομένοις παρατυχόντες· ὅσῃ δʼ αὖ κἀκεῖνος εἰς ἐμὲ χάριτι καὶ προτιμήσει χρώμενος διετέλει, οὐ μαρτυρεῖν ἐμὲ δίκαιον. ἄμφω δὲ ταῦτα καὶ οἱ φονεῖς εἰδότες συνετίθεντο κἀμὲ Καίσαρι συνανελεῖν, ὡς ἐμοῦ περιόντος οὐ καθέξοντες ὧν ἐπενόουν. καὶ ὅστις αὐτοὺς μετέπεισε τῆς γνώμης, οὐκ εὐνοίᾳ τῆς ἐμῆς σωτηρίας ἔπεισεν, ἀλλʼ εὐπρεπείᾳ τῆς τυραννοκτονίας, ὡς μὴ δοκῶσι πολλοὺς ὥσπερ ἐχθρούς, ἀλλʼ ἕνα ἀνελεῖν ὡς τύραννον. τίς ἂν οὖν πιστεύσειεν ἐμὲ Καίσαρός τε ἀμελεῖν εὐεργέτου μοι γεγενημένου καὶ προτιμᾶν τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐκείνου καὶ τὸν φόνον ἑκόντα χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς ἐμοῖς ἐπιβούλοις, ὡς οἴεται Καῖσαρ ὁ νέος; πόθεν οὖν αὐτοῖς ἀμνηστία τοῦ φόνου καὶ ἡγεμονίαι; ταῦτα γὰρ ἐπικαλεῖν, ἀντὶ τῆς βουλῆς, ἐμοὶ βούλεται. μάθετε, ὡς ἐγένετο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.5.33

To the tribunes who had thus spoken Antony made the following reply: What friendship and zeal I had for Caesar while he lived, what dangers I braved in his service, you, who have been my fellow-soldiers and the sharers in those events, know full well. What favors he showed me, what honors he continually bestowed upon me, it does not become me to say. The murderers, too, were acquainted with these facts. They conspired to kill me with Caesar because they knew that if I were living they could not compass their designs. Whoever dissuaded them from that purpose did so not from regard for my safety, but to preserve the appearance of tyrannicide, so that they might not seem to be killing a number of persons as enemies, but only one as a despot. Who, then, will believe that I have no care for Caesar, who was my benefactor, that I prefer his enemies, and that I willingly condone his murder at the hands of those who conspired against me also, as the young Caesar imagines? Whence came their amnesty, whence their preferment? For he wishes to charge these things upon me instead of the Senate. Learn from me how they came about.

3.5.34 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.5.34

Καίσαρος ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ σφαγέντος ἄφνω, δέος ἐπέσχεν ἐκ πάντων δὴ μάλιστα πλεῖστον ἐμὲ φιλίᾳ τε αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος καὶ ἀγνοίᾳ τοῦ ἀκριβοῦς· οὐ γάρ πω τὴν συνθήκην ἑώρων οὐδὲ ἐπὶ ὅσοις. ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐθορυβεῖτο, καὶ οἱ σφαγεῖς σὺν μονομάχοις τὸ Καπιτώλιον καταλαβόντες ἀπέκλειον, καὶ ἡ βουλὴ σὺν ἐκείνοις ἦν, ᾗ καὶ νῦν ἐστι φανερώτερον, γέρα τε τοῖς ἀνελοῦσιν ὡς τυραννοκτόνοις ἐψηφίζετο. καὶ εἰ τύραννος ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐφάνη, ἡμῖν ὑπῆρχεν ἀπολέσθαι πᾶσιν ὡς τυράννου φίλοις. ὧδε δή με ἔχοντα θορύβου καὶ μερίμνης καὶ δέους, ὅτε οὐκ ἦν γνώμης παράδοξον οὐδὲ ἀπορῆσαι, σκοποῦντες εὑρήσετε, ἔνθα μὲν ἔδει τόλμης, θρασύτατον, ἔνθα δὲ ὑποκρίσεως, εὐμήχανον. τὸ μὲν δὴ πρῶτον ἐκ πάντων καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ συνέχον ἦν ἀναιρεθῆναι τὰ γέρα τὰ ψηφιζόμενα τοῖς ἀνδράσιν· ὅπερ, ἀντιτάξας ἐμαυτὸν ἐγὼ τῇ τε βουλῇ καὶ τοῖς σφαγεῦσιν ἐγκρατῶς, ἔπραττον σὺν θράσει παραβόλῳ καὶ ἐπικινδύνῳ, τότε μόνον ἡγούμενος ἡμᾶς τοὺς Καίσαρος ἀσφαλῶς περιέσεσθαι, ὅταν μὴ Καῖσαρ εἶναι δόξῃ τύραννος. τῷ δʼ αὐτῷ δέει τῶν ἐχθρῶν καὶ τῆς βουλῆς αὐτῆς ἐχομένων, ὅτε μὴ Καῖσαρ εἴη τύραννος, ἀνδροφονίας αὐτοὺς ἁλώσεσθαι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο φιλονικούντων, εἶξα τῆς ἀμνηστίας διδομένης ἀντὶ τῶν γερῶν, ἵνʼ ὅσων ἔχρῃζον ἀντιλάβοιμι. τὰ δὲ ἦν πόσα καὶ πηλίκα; μήτε τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν τοῦ Καίσαρος ἀπηλεῖφθαι τὴν ἐμοὶ μάλιστα πάντων ἡδίστην μήτε τὴν περιουσίαν δεδημεῦσθαι μήτε τὴν θέσιν, ἐφʼ ᾗ νῦν οὗτος γαυριᾷ, διαλελύσθαι μήτε τὰς διαθήκας ἀκύρους γενέσθαι τό τε σῶμα τεθάφθαι βασιλικῶς καὶ τιμὰς αὐτῷ τὰς πάλαι δεδομένας ἀθανάτους διαμένειν καὶ τὰ πεπραγμένα πάντα κύρια εἶναι καὶ τὸν ἐκείνου παῖδα καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἡμᾶς, καὶ στρατηγοὺς καὶ στρατιώτας, ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ γενέσθαι σωτηρίᾳ καὶ ἐνδόξῳ βίῳ ἀντὶ ἐπονειδίστου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.5.34

When Caesar was suddenly slain in the senate-house fear fell upon me most of all by reason of my friendship for him and my ignorance of the facts, as I knew not the particulars of the conspiracy nor against whom it was designed. The people were terror-stricken. The murderers with their gladiators took possession of the Capitol and shut themselves up in it. The Senate was on their side, just as it now is more openly, and was about to vote rewards to them as tyrannicides. If Caesar were declared a tyrant then might we all have perished as the friends of a tyrant. In the midst of such confusion, anxiety, and fear, when it would not have been surprising if I had been at a loss what to do, you will find, if you examine, that where courage was needed I was boldest and where artifice was required I was most crafty. The first thing to be done, because it embraced everything else, was to prevent the voting of rewards to the conspirators. This I accomplished against the strong opposition of the Senate and of the murderers, with unfailing courage and in the face of danger, because I then believed that we of Caesar’s party could be safe only in case Caesar were not declared a tyrant. But when I saw our enemies, and the Senate itself, plunged in the same fear (lest, if Caesar were not decreed a tyrant, they themselves should be convicted of murder), and making their fight, for this reason, I yielded and granted amnesty instead of rewards to the murderers, in order to gain what I wanted in exchange. What did I want and how important was it? That Caesar’s name should not be blotted out was the dearest wish of all to me, that his property should not be confiscated, that the adoption on which this young man prides himself should not be annulled, that the will should not be declared invalid, that his body should have a royal funeral, that the immortal honors previously decreed to him should be fulfilled, that all his acts should be confirmed, and that his son, and we his friends, both generals and soldiers, should remain in perfect safety and enjoy a life of honor instead of ignominy.

3.5.35 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.5.35

ἆρʼ ὑμῖν ὀλίγα ἢ σμικρὰ τῆς ἀμνηστίας τὴν βουλὴν ἀνταιτῆσαι δοκῶ; ἢ δοῦναι ἂν αὐτὰ ἡ βουλὴ χωρὶς τῆς ἀμνηστίας; ἦν μὲν δὴ καὶ καθαρῶς ἀντιδοῦναι τάδε τ́ῶνδε ἄξιον καὶ φείσασθαι σὺν ἀληθεῖ γνώμῃ φονέων ἀνδρῶν ὑπὲρ ἀθανάτου Καίσαρος δόξης καὶ ἡμῶν ἀσφαλοῦς σωτηρίας· οὐ μὴν ἐγὼ μετὰ τῆσδε τῆς γνώμης ἐποίουν, ἀλλʼ ἀνατιθέμενος τὴν δίκην. ἐπεί γέ τοι τῆς βουλῆς ἐς ἃ πρῶτα ἔχρῃζον ἐκράτησα καὶ οἱ σφαγεῖς ὡς ἐν ἀμερίμνῳ μεθεῖντο, ἀνεθάρρησα καὶ τὴν ἀμνηστίαν παρέλυον, οὐ ψηφίσμασιν ἢ δόγμασιν (οὐ γὰρ ἦν), ἀλλʼ ἀσήμῳ δημοκοπίᾳ, τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐπὶ προφάσει τῆς ταφῆς ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐκφέρων καὶ τὰ τραύματα ἀπογυμνῶν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα ἐπιδεικνὺς ᾑμαγμένην τε καὶ κατακεκομμένην καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ τὸ φιλόδημον αὐτοῦ παλιλλογῶν, ἐκπαθῶς ἐν μέσῳ καὶ ὀδυρόμενος μὲν ὡς ἀνῃρημένον, κατακαλῶν δʼ ὡς θεόν. τάδε γάρ μου τὰ ἔργα καὶ ῥήματα ἠρέθισε τὸν δῆμον, καὶ τὸ πῦρ ἧψε μετὰ τὴν ἀμνηστίαν, καὶ ἐς τὰς οἰκίας τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἔπεμψε καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐξέβαλε τῆς πόλεως. τοῦτο δʼ ὅπως ἀντιπραττούσης καὶ λυπουμένης τῆς βουλῆς ἐγένετο, αὐτίκα ἔδειξαν, ἐμὲ μὲν αἰτιώμενοι τῆς δημοκοπίας, τοὺς δὲ φονέας ἐκπέμψαντες ἐπὶ τὰς τῶν ἐθνῶν ἡγεμονίας, Βροῦτον δὲ καὶ Κάσσιον ἐς Συρίαν καὶ Μακεδονίαν, αἳ μεσταὶ μεγάλων στρατῶν ἦσαν, ἐπείγεσθαι καὶ πρὸ τοῦ δεδομένου χρόνου διδάξαντες ἐπὶ προφάσει φροντίδος σίτου. ἕτερον δή με δέος ἔτι μεῖζον ἐπελάμβανεν, οὐκ ἔχοντά πω στρατὸν ἴδιον οὐδένα, μὴ πρὸς ἐνόπλους τοσούσδε ἄνοπλοι καθιστώμεθα. καὶ ὁ σύναρχος ὕποπτος ἦν, ἐμοί τε διάφορος ὢν αἰεὶ καὶ ὑποκρινόμενος ἐπιβουλεῦσαι τῷ Καίσαρι καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν τοῦ φόνου γενέθλιον τῇ πόλει τιθέμενος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.5.35

Think you that I asked few or small things from the Senate in exchange for the amnesty, or that the Senate would have made these concessions without the amnesty? If this exchange had been made in all sincerity it would have been a fair bargain to actually spare the murderers for the sake of Caesar’s immortal glory and our complete security, but in fact I did it not with that intention, but in order to gain time. Accordingly, as soon as I had obtained what I wanted from the Senate, and the murderers were freed from anxiety, I took fresh courage and undermined the amnesty, not by votes, not by decrees (for that was impossible), but by working on the people imperceptibly. I brought Caesar’s body into the forum under pretence of burial, I laid bare his wounds, I showed the number of them and his clothing all bloody and slashed by the knives. In public speech I dwelt on his bravery and his services to the common people in pathetic terms, weeping for him as slain and invoking him as a god. These acts and words of mine stirred up the people, kindled a fire in spite of the amnesty, sent them against the houses of our enemies, and drove the murderers from the city. How much the Senate was thwarted and grieved by this was presently shown when they blamed me for exciting the people and sent the murderers away to take command of provinces, Brutus and Cassius to Syria and Macedonia, which were provided with great armies, telling them to hasten before the appointed time, under pretence of looking after the corn supply. And now another and still greater fear took possession of me (as I had no military force of my own anywhere), lest we should be exposed without arms to the assaults of so many armed men. I suspected my colleague also because he was always at variance with me. He had pretended to be in the conspiracy against Caesar and he had proposed that the day of the murder should be celebrated as the birthday of the republic.

Edition note

ἀλλ’ ἀνατιθέμενος τὴν δίκην, literally, postponing their punishment.

Edition note

It has already been shown that this is inexact as to time.

3.5.36 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.5.36

ὧδε δὲ ἀπορῶν καὶ ἐπειγόμενος ἐξοπλίσαι τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἀντʼ ἐκείνων τὰ ὅπλα μετενεγκεῖν, Ἀμάτιον ἔκτεινα καὶ κατεκάλεσα Πομπήιον, ἵνα τοῖσδε αὖθις ἁλοῦσα ἡ βουλὴ πρός με μεταθοῖτο. καὶ οὐδʼ ὣς αὐτῇ πιστεύων ἔπεισα Συρίαν αἰτεῖν Δολοβέλλαν, οὐ παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς, ἀλλὰ παρὰ τοῦ δήμου νόμῳ, καὶ συνέπραξα αἰτοῦντι, ἵνα τοῖς τε σφαγεῦσι Δολοβέλλας ἐχθρὸς ἀντὶ φίλου γένοιτο καὶ τοῖς βουλευταῖς αἰσχρὸν ᾖ μετὰ Δολοβέλλαν ἀντειπεῖν ἐμοὶ περὶ Μακεδονίας. οὐ μέντʼ ἂν οὐδʼ ὥς μοι Μακεδονίαν ἔδοσαν, οὐδʼ ἐπὶ Δολοβέλλᾳ, διὰ τὴν ἐν αὐτῇ στρατιάν, εἰ μὴ τὴν στρατιὰν προμεθῆκα τῷ Δολοβέλλᾳ ὡς Συρίαν καὶ τὰ ἐς Πάρθους διαλαχόντι. τοὺς δʼ αὖ περὶ τὸν Κάσσιον οὔτε Μακεδονίαν ἀφείλοντο ἂν οὔτε Συρίαν, μὴ ἕτερα αὐτοῖς ἐς ἀσφάλειαν ἀντιλαβόντες ἔθνη. δεῆσαν οὖν ἀντιδοῦναι θεάσασθε, οἷα ἀνθʼ οἵων καὶ ὡς στρατοῦ γυμνὰ ἐδόθη, Κυρήνη τε καὶ Κρήτη· ὧν καὶ οἱ ἐχθροὶ καταφρονοῦσιν οὐκ ἀσφαλῶν σφίσιν ὄντων καὶ ἐς τὰ ἀφῃρημένα βιάζονται. οὕτω μὲν δὴ καὶ ὁ στρατὸς ἐς Δολοβέλλαν μετενήνεκτο ἀπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν τέχναις καὶ μηχαναῖς καὶ ἀντιδόσεσιν ἑτέρων· οὐ γάρ πω τῶν ὅπλων φανέντων ὑπὸ τοῖς νόμοις ἔδει πράσσειν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.5.36

While I was at a loss what to do, desiring to disarm our enemies and to arm ourselves instead, I put Amatius to death and recalled Sextus Pompeius in order to entrap the Senate again and bring it over to my side. But as even then I had no confidence in it I persuaded Dolabella to ask for the province of Syria, not from the Senate, but from the people by a law, and I favored his petition so that he should become an enemy instead of a friend of the murderers, and so that the senators should be ashamed to refuse me Macedonia afterwards. Still, the Senate would not have assigned Macedonia to me, even after Dolabella had been provided for, by reason of the army belonging to it, if I had not previously transferred the army to Dolabella, as the war against the Parthians fell to the lot of the one governing Syria. But they would not have taken Macedonia and Syria away from Brutus and Cassius unless other provinces had been obtained for them to ensure their safety. When it became necessary to make them a recompense, look at the quid pro quo that was given to them — Cyrene and Crete, devoid of troops, provinces which even our enemies despise as not sufficient for their safety; and they are now trying to seize by force those that were taken from them. Thus in fact was the army transferred from our enemies to Dolabella by artifice, by stratagem, by exchange; for when there was no way to gain our end openly by arms we had necessarily to have recourse to the laws.

3.5.37 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.5.37

γεγενημένων δὲ τῶνδε καὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἕτερον στρατὸν ἀγειράντων, ἔδει μοι τοῦ περὶ τὴν Μακεδονίαν στρατοῦ καὶ προφάσεως ἠπόρουν. φήμη δὲ κατέσκηψε Γέτας Μακεδονίαν πορθεῖν. ἀπιστουμένης δὲ καὶ ταύτης καὶ τῶν ἐπισκεψομένων ἀπεσταλμένων, εἰσηγησάμην ἐγὼ περὶ τῆς δικτάτορος ἀρχῆς μὴ ἐξεῖναι μήτε εἰπεῖν μήτε ἐπιψηφίσαι μήτε λαβεῖν διδομένην· ᾧ δὴ μάλιστα ὑπαχθέντες ἔδοσάν μοι τὸν στρατόν. καὶ ἐγὼ τότε πρῶτον ἐμαυτὸν ἡγησάμην ἰσόπαλον εἶναι τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, οὐ τοῖσδε τοῖς φανεροῖς, ὡς οἴεται Καῖσαρ, ἀλλὰ τοῖς πλέοσί τε καὶ δυνατωτέροις καὶ ἀφανέσιν ἔτι εἶναι θέλουσι. ταῦτα δʼ ἐργασαμένῳ μοι ἕτερος τῶν σφαγέων ἔλειπεν ἐν πλευραῖς, Βροῦτος ὁ Δέκμος, ἡγούμενος καὶ ὅδε χώρας ἐπικαίρου καὶ στρατοῦ πολλοῦ· ὃν ἐγὼ καὶ θρασύτερον εἰδὼς τὴν Κελτικὴν ἀφῃρούμην, ἐς εὐπρέπειαν ἔτι τῆς βουλῆς Μακεδονίαν ὑπισχνούμενος ἀντιδώσειν, γυμνὴν στρατοῦ γενομένην. ἀγανακτούσης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ τὴν ἐνέδραν ἤδη καθορώσης καὶ ἴστε οἷα καὶ ὅσα Δέκμῳ πολλῶν γραφόντων καὶ ἐπαλειφόντων ἤδη τοὺς μετʼ ἐμὲ ὑπάτους, ἐγὼ θρασύτερον ἔτι τὸ μὲν ἔθνος, ἀντὶ τῆς βουλῆς, νόμῳ παρὰ τοῦ δήμου λαβεῖν ἐπενόησα, τὸν δὲ στρατὸν ἀπὸ τῆς Μακεδονίας ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον ἐπέρων ὡς χρησόμενος δὴ ἐς τὰ ἐπείγοντα. καὶ σὺν θεοῖς εἰπεῖν, χρησόμεθα, ὡς ἂν αἱ χρεῖαι καλῶσιν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.5.37

After these events our enemies had raised another army and it became needful for me to have the one in Macedonia; but I was in want of a pretext. A rumor gained currency that the Getae were ravaging Macedonia. This was disbelieved, and while messengers were sent to make inquiry I brought forward the decree about the dictatorship, providing that it should not be lawful to speak of it, to vote for it, or to accept it if offered. The senators were particularly taken with this proposal and they gave me the army. Then for the first time I considered myself on an equality with my enemies, not merely with the open ones [as Octavius thinks], but with the more numerous and powerful ones who still choose to remain secret. When I had accomplished these plans there remained one of the murderers on my flank, Decimus Brutus, who governed a conveniently placed province with a large army, whom I, knowing him to be bolder than the rest, have deprived of Cisalpine Gaul, by promising, in order to keep up appearances with the Senate, to give him in exchange Macedonia, when it has lost its army. The Senate was indignant, for it now perceived the stratagem, and you know what kind of letters, and how many, they are writing to Decimus, and how they are inciting my successors in the consulship. I decided to take a bolder course and ask the people for this province by a law, instead of asking the Senate, and I brought my army from Macedonia to Brundusium so that I might use it in emergencies. And, with the help of the gods, we will use it as may be needful.

Edition note

ὡς οἴεται Καῖσαρ. I have placed these words in brackets because they have no relevancy to the context. Nauck thinks they should be erased.

Edition note

ἐς εὐπρέπειαν ἔτι τῆς βουλῆς Μακεδονίαν ὑπισχνούμενος ἀντιδώσειν. These words are troublesome. The substitution of ἐπί for ἔτι was suggested by Musgrave, and this change has been followed in the translation.

3.5.38 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.5.38

οὕτως ἐκ πολλοῦ δέους τοῦ πρὶν ἡμᾶς ἐπισχόντος μετεβάλομεν ἔς τε ἀσφάλειαν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἐγκρατῆ καὶ ἐς θάρσος ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχθρούς· ὧν ἐκφανέντων ἀνεφάνη καὶ ἡ τῶν πλεόνων ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους σπουδή. ὁρᾶτε γάρ, ὅση μὲν αὐτοῖς ἐστι μεταμέλεια τῶν ἐψηφισμένων, ὅσος δὲ ἀγὼν ἀφελέσθαι με τὴν Κελτικὴν ἤδη δεδομένην. ἴστε, ἃ γράφουσι Δέκμῳ καὶ ὅσα τοὺς ὑπάτους τοὺς μετʼ ἐμὲ πείθουσι περὶ τῆς Κελτικῆς μεταψηφίσασθαι. ἀλλὰ σὺν θεοῖς τε πατρῴοις καὶ σὺν εὐσεβεῖ γνώμῃ καὶ σὺν ταῖς ὑμετέραις ἀνδραγαθίαις, μεθʼ ὧν καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐκράτει, ἀμυνοῦμεν αὐτῷ, τῷ τε σώματι ἐπεξιόντες καὶ τῇ γνώμῃ βοηθοῦντες. ταῦτά μοι γιγνόμενα μέν, ὦ συστρατιῶται, ἔτι ἔχρῃζον ἀπόρρητα εἶναι, γενόμενα δὲ ἐξενήνεκται πρὸς ὑμᾶς, οὓς ἐγὼ καὶ ἔργου καὶ λόγου κοινωνοὺς ἐς ἅπαντα τίθεμαι. καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις, εἴ τινες αὐτὰ οὐ συνορῶσι, μεταφέρετε, πλὴν μόνου Καίσαρος ἀχαρίστως ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔχοντος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.5.38

Thus have we changed from the great fear that formerly beset us to a state of entire safety for ourselves, where we can boldly face our foes. When these facts became known the multitude showed their zeal against our enemies. You see how the latter regret the decrees that have been passed and what a fight they are making to deprive me of the Gallic province which has already been given to me. You know what they have written to Decimus and how they are urging my successors in the consulship to get the law relating to this province changed. But with the help of our country’s gods, and with pious intent, and by means of your valor, with which Caesar also conquered, we will avenge him, devoting to that purpose our powers of body and of mind. While these events were in progress, fellow-soldiers, I preferred that they should not be talked of; now that they are accomplished I have laid them before you, whom I shall make the sharers of my deeds and my counsels in every particular hereafter. Communicate to others, if there are any, who do not see them in the same light — excepting only Octavius, who behaves ungratefully toward us.

Edition note

τῷ τε σώματι ἐπεξιόντες, καὶ τῇ γνώμῃ βοηθοῦντες, attacking with the body and helping with the mind. Nauck would erase the word βοηθοῦντες. It would certainly not be missed.

Edition note

That this speech was composed by Appian and put in the mouth of Antony there is little room to doubt. It contains errors as to dates and as to the order of events which Antony could not have made.

3.6.39 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.6.39

τοιαῦτα τοῦ Ἀντωνίου διεξιόντος, παρέστη τοῖς ταξιάρχαις αὐτὸν ἅπαντα μετʼ ἔχθρας ἀκριβοῦς ἐς τοὺς ἀνδροφόνους, ἐπιτεχνάζοντα τῇ βουλῇ, πεποιηκέναι. ἠξίουν δὲ καὶ ὣς τῷ Καίσαρι συναλλαγῆναι καὶ πείσαντες αὐτοὺς συνήλλασσον αὖθις ἐν τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ. οὐ πολὺ δὲ ὕστερον ὁ Ἀντώνιος τῶν σωματοφυλάκων τινὰς ἐς τοὺς φίλους παρήγαγεν ὡς ὑπηρέτας γενομένους ἐπιβουλεύοντος αὑτῷ τοῦ Καίσαρος, εἴτε συκοφαντῶν εἴτε τῷ ὄντι νομίσας εἴτε περὶ τῶν εἰς τὰ στρατόπεδα περιπεμφθέντων πυθόμενος καὶ τὴν ἐς τὸ ἔργον ἐπιβουλὴν μεταφέρωι ἐς τὸ σῶμα. ὅ τε λόγος ἐκδραμὼν αὐτίκα θόρυβον ἤγειρε πάνδημον, καὶ ἀγανάκτησις ἦν. ὀλίγοι μὲν γάρ, οἷς τι λογισμοῦ βαθέος ἦν, ᾔδεσαν Καίσαρι συμφέρειν Ἀντώνιον καὶ βλάπτοντα ὅμως περιεῖναι, ἐπίφοβον ὄντα τοῖς φονεῦσιν· ἀποθανόντος γὰρ ἀδεέστερον ἐκείνους ἅπασιν ἐπιτολμήσειν, βοηθουμένους μάλιστα ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς. ὧδε μὲν εἴκαζον οἱ συνετώτεροι· τὸ δὲ πλέον, ὁρῶντες, οἷα καθʼ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ὁ Καίσαρ ὑβριζόμενός τε καὶ ζημιούμενος πάσχοι, οὐκ ἄπιστον ἐτίθεντο τὴν διαβολὴν οὐδὲ ὅσιον ἢ ἀνεκτὸν ἐνόμιζον Ἀντώνιον ὑπατεύοντα ἐς τὸ σῶμα ἐπιβεβουλεῦσθαι. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ καὶ πρὸς οὕτως ἔχοντας ἐξέτρεχε σὺν ὀργῇ μανιώδει καὶ ἐβόα αὐτὸς ἐπιβουλεύεσθαι πρὸς Ἀντωνίου ἐς τὴν παρὰ τῷ δήμῳ φιλίαν ἔτι οἱ μόνην οὖσαν· ἐπί τε τὰς θύρας τοῦ Ἀντωνίου δραμὼν τὰ αὐτὰ ἐβόα καὶ θεοὺς ἐμαρτύρετο καὶ ἀρὰς ἠρᾶτο πάσας καὶ ἐς δίκην ἐλθεῖν προυκαλεῖτο. οὐδενὸς δὲ προϊόντος, ἐν τοῖς φίλοις, ἔφη, δέχομαι τοῖς σοῖς κριθῆναι, καὶ εἰπὼν ἐπέτρεχεν ἔσω. κωλυθεὶς δὲ αὖθις ᾤμωζε καὶ ἐλοιδορεῖτο αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς περὶ θύρας ἠγανάκτει κωλύουσι τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐλεγχθῆναι. ἀπιών τε τὸν δῆμον ἐμαρτύρετο, εἴ τι πάθοι, πρὸς Ἀντωνίου δολοφονεῖσθαι. λεγομένων δὲ τῶνδε σὺν πάθει πολλῷ μετέπιπτε τὸ πλῆθος, καί τις αὐτοῖς τῆς πρὶν δόξης μετάνοια ἐνεγίγνετο. εἰσὶ δὲ οἳ καὶ τότε ἀπιστοῦντες ὤκνουν ἑκατέρῳ τὸ πιστὸν νέμειν, καί τινες ὑπόκρισιν ἀμφοῖν τὰ γιγνόμενα διέβαλλον εἶναι, συνθεμένων μὲν ἄρτι ἐν ἱερῷ, μηχανωμένων δὲ ταῦτα ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχθρούς. οἱ δὲ αὐτὰ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἡγοῦντο ἐπινοεῖν εἰς ἀφορμὴν φρουρᾶς πλείονος ἢ ἐς ἀλλοτρίωσιν τῶν κληρουχιῶν Καίσαρι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.6.39

These words of Antony convinced the tribunes that in all he had done he had been moved by bitter animosity toward the murderers and that he had been scheming against the Senate. Nevertheless they urged him to come to an agreement with Octavius; and as both yielded they formed a new alliance in the Capitol. Not long afterward Antony announced to his friends that some of his body-guard had been tampered with by Octavius, who had formed a plot against him. This he said either as a slander, or because he believed it to be true, or because he had heard of the emissaries of Octavius in his camp and thought they were actually plotting against his life. When this story was noised about there was a general tumult forthwith and great indignation, for there were few who had sufficient penetration to see that it was for the interest of Octavius that Antony, even though he were unjust to him, should live, because he (Antony) was a terror to the murderers. If he were dead they would quite fearlessly dare anything, especially as they had the support of the Senate. The more intelligent knew this, but the greater part, seeing what Octavius suffered daily from the indignities and the losses inflicted on him, considered the accusation not incredible, yet held it to be impious and intolerable that a conspiracy should be formed against Antony’s life while he was consul. Octavius ran with mad fury to those who held this opinion of him, exclaiming that it was Antony that had conspired against him to alienate from him the friendship of the people, which was the only thing left to him. He ran to Antony’s door and repeated the same things, calling the gods to witness, taking all kinds of oaths, and inviting Antony to a judicial investigation. As nobody came forward he said, I will accept your friends as judges. With these words he attempted to enter the house. Being prevented from doing so he again cried out and railed at Antony and vented his wrath against the doorkeepers who restrained him from having a dispute with Antony. Then he went away and called the people to witness that if anything should happen to him his death would be due to Antony’s plots. As these words were spoken with deep feeling the multitude underwent a change, and a kind of penitence took the place of their former opinion. There were some who still doubted, and hesitated to put faith in either of them. Some accused them both of making false pretences, believing that they had come to an agreement in the temple, and that these were plots devised against their enemies. Still others thought that this was a device of Antony to increase his body-guard. or to alienate the veterans from Octavius.

Edition note

Cicero refers in one of his letters to the attempt of Octavius to assassinate Antony. He says that the charge was considered by the populace a mere fiction on the part of Antony to serve as an excuse for seizing the young man’s property, but that the better and more discerning citizens believed the report and highly approved of it; also that Antony was so generally detested that although he had caught the assassins in his house he dared not make the affair public. (Ad Fam. xii. 23.) Suetonius says: At the instigation of some of his friends he (Octavius) hired assassins to kill him (Antony), but as the plot was discovered and he apprehended similar danger to himself, he drew over the veteran troops to his own service and that of the republic by as large a bribe as he could procure. (Aug. 10.) Suetonius makes this affair take place while Antony was besieging Decimus Brutus in Mutina, whereas it must have been considerably earlier. Plutarch says merely that a rumor prevailed that Octavius had formed a plot against Antony. (Ant. 16.)

3.6.40 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.6.40

ὡς δὲ τῷ Καίσαρι ὑπὸ τῶν κρύφα ἀπεσταλμένων ἀπηγγέλθη τὸν ἐν Βρεντεσίῳ στρατὸν καὶ τοὺς ἀπῳκισμένους ἐν ὀργῇ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἔχειν, ἀμελοῦντα τοῦ Καίσαρος φόνου, καὶ σφᾶς ἐπικουρήσειν, ἂν δύνωνται, ὁ μὲν Ἀντώνιος ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον ἐξῄει διὰ τάδε. δείσας δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ, μὴ μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐπανελθὼν ἀφρούρητον αὑτὸν λάβοι, χρήματα φέρων εἰς Καμπανίαν ᾔει, πείσων τὰς πόλεις οἱ στρατεύεσθαι, τὰς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ᾠκισμένας. καὶ ἔπεισε Καλατίαν πρώτην, ἐπὶ δʼ ἐκείνῃ Κασιλῖνον, δύο τάσδε Καπύης ἑκατέρωθεν· ἐπιδοὺς δʼ ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς πεντακοσίας ἦγεν ἐς μυρίους ἄνδρας, οὔτε ὡπλισμένους ἐντελῶς οὔτε συντεταγμένους πω κατὰ ἴλας, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἐς μόνην τοῦ σώματος φυλακήν, ὑφʼ ἑνὶ σημείῳ. οἱ δὲ ἐν ἄστει τὸν Ἀντώνιον δεδιότες μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπανιόντα, ὡς ἐπύθοντο καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα μεθʼ ἑτέρας προσιέναι, οἱ μὲν διπλασίως ἐδεδοίκεσαν, οἱ δʼ ὡς χρησόμενοι κατʼ Ἀντωνίου Καίσαρι ἠσμένιζον· οἱ δὲ αὐτῶν τὰς ἐν τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ διαλλαγὰς ἑωρακότες ὑπόκρισιν ἐνόμιζον εἶναι τὰ γιγνόμενα καὶ ἀντίδοσιν Ἀντωνίῳ μὲν δυναστείας, Καίσαρι δὲ τῶν φονέων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.6.40

Presently news was brought to Octavius by his secret emissaries that the army at Brundusium and the colonized soldiers were incensed against Antony for neglecting to avenge the murder of Caesar, and that they would assist him (Octavius) to do so if they could. For this reason Antony departed to Brundusium. As Octavius feared lest Antony, returning with the army, should catch him unprotected he went to Campania with money to enlist the veterans who had been colonized in those towns by his father. He first brought over those of Calatia and next those of Casilinum, two towns situated on either side of Capua, giving 500 drachmas to each man. He collected about 10,000 men, not fully armed and not mustered in regular cohorts, but serving merely as a body-guard under one banner The citizens of Rome were alarmed at the approach of Antony with an army, and when they learned that Octavius was advancing with another one some were doubly alarmed, while others were well pleased, believing that they could make use of Octavius against Antony. Still others, who had seen them reconciled to each other in the Capitol, considered these transactions a game of false pretences by which Antony was to have the supreme power and Octavius was to wreak vengeance on the murderers in return therefor.

Edition note

Cicero, who was, at this time, at or near Naples, gives an account of this mustering of forces by Octavius at Calatia and Casilinum in letters to Atticus (xvi. 8, 9). Cicero was thrown into trepidation by this movement and also by the approach of Antony, who was marching from Brundusium to Rome with one legion known as the Alaudae (the Larks), that had been raised by Caesar in Transalpine Gaul. He says that Octavius desired to have a secret interview with him at Capua or in the vicinity, which Cicero declined. Then Octavius sent a messenger to him who asked his advice whether he had best march to Rome with 3000 of his soldiers, or attempt to prevent Antony’s approach, or go and meet the three legions from Macedonia which were marching northward along the Adriatic coast and which he believed would join him. Cicero advised him to go to Rome because he thought the common people would be on his side, and that if he could gain their support the upper classes would join him also. Octavius answered that he would follow Cicero’s advice and then urged him to come to Rome also, saying that he (Octavius) wished to act under the authority of the Senate. I try to excuse myself, says Cicero. I cannot trust his youth, I do not know his real intentions. . . . I am afraid of Antony’s power and unwilling to leave the coast, and at the same time should be sorry to be absent in any crisis. He wants Atticus to advise him what to do. Velleius (ii. 61) mentions the enlistment of these veterans at Calatia and Casilinum.

3.6.41 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.6.41

ὧδε δὲ αὐτῶν θορυβουμένων, Καννούτιος ὁ δήμαρχος, ἐχθρὸς ὢν Ἀντωνίῳ καὶ παρʼ αὐτὸ Καίσαρι φίλος, ὑπήντα τῷ Καίσαρι καὶ τὴν γνώμην ἐκμαθὼν ἀπήγγελλε τῷ δήμῳ, μετʼ ἔχθρας Ἀντωνίου σαφοῦς ἐπιέναι τον Καίσαρα καὶ χρῆναι δεδιότας Ἀντώνιον ἐπὶ τυραννίδι τόνδε προσεταιρίσασθαι, στρατὸν ἄλλον οὐκ ἔχοντας ἐν τῷ παρόντι. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν ἐσῆγε τὸν Καίσαρα, αὐλισάμενον πρὸ τοῦ ἄστεος ἀπὸ σταδίων πεντεκαίδεκα ἐν τῷ τοῦ Ἄρεως ἱερῷ. ὡς δὲ εἰσῆλθον, ὁ μὲν εἰς τὸν νεὼν τῶν Διοσκούρων παρῆλθε, καὶ τὸν νεὼν περιέστησαν οἱ στρατευόμενοι ξιφίδια ἀφανῶς περιεζωσμένοι, Καννούτιος δὲ πρότερον ἐδημηγόρει κατὰ τοῦ Ἀντωνίου. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοὺς ὑπεμίμνησκε καὶ ὧν αὐτὸς ὑπὸ Ἀντωνίου πάθοι, διʼ ἃ καὶ τόνδε τὸν στρατὸν ἐς φυλακὴν εἴη συνειλεγμένος· ἔφη τε ἐς πάντα τῆς πατρίδος ὑπηρέτης καὶ κατήκοος ἔσεσθαι καὶ ἐς τὰ νὺν πρὸς Ἀντώνιον ἕτοιμος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.6.41

In this time of consternation Canutius, a tribune of the people and enemy of Antony, and hence friendly to Octavius, went to meet the latter. Having learned his intentions Canutius addressed the people, saying that Octavius was advancing with real hostility to Antony and that those who were afraid that Antony was aiming at tyranny should side with Octavius as they had no other army at present. After speaking thus he brought in Octavius, who was encamped before the city at the temple of Mars, fifteen stades distant. When the latter arrived he proceeded to the temple of Castor and Pollux, which his soldiers surrounded carrying concealed daggers. Canutius addressed the people first, speaking against Antony. Octavius also reminded them of his father and of what he had himself suffered at the hands of Antony, on account of which he had enlisted this army as a guard for himself. He declared himself the obedient servant of his country in all things, and said that he was ready to confront Antony in the present emergency.

Edition note

Velleius (ii. 64) says that both Cicero and Canutius suffered death for their defence of liberty; that the proscription began with the blood of the tribune and ended with that of Cicero as though even Antony were now satisfied. On the other hand, Dion Cassius says that Canutius was captured by Octavius at Perusia and put to death nearly three years later (xlviii. 14). Appian confirms this (v. 49 infra).

3.6.42 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.6.42

ὧδε δʼ εἰπόντος αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν διαλύσαντος ἐπὶ τῷδε, ὁ στρατὸς ἡγούμενος ἐς τὸ ἐναντίον ἐπὶ διαλλαγαῖς Ἀντωνίου τε καὶ Καίσαρος ἀφῖχθαι ἢ ἐς μόνην γε φυλακὴν τοῦ Καίσαρος καὶ τῶν φονέων ἄμυναν, ἤχθοντο τῇ κατʼ Ἀντωνίου προαγορεύσει, στρατηγοῦ τε σφῶν γεγονότος καὶ ὄντος ὑπάτου· καὶ οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ἐπανελθεῖν ᾔτουν εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα ὡς ὁπλιούμενοι· οὐ γὰρ ἄλλων ἢ τῶν ἰδίων ὅπλων ἀνέξεσθαι· οἱ δὲ καὶ τὸ ἀληθὲς ὑπέφαινον. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἠπόρητο μὲν ἐς τὸ ἐναντίον ὧν προσεδόκησε μετενεχθείς, ἐλπίσας δʼ αὐτῶν πειθοῖ μᾶλλον ἢ βίᾳ περιέσεσθαι, συνεχώρει ταῖς προφάσεσι καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἔπεμπε, τοὺς δὲ ἁπλῶς ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα. πάντας δʼ, ἐπικρύπτων τὴν ἀχθηδόνα, ἐπῄνει τῆς συνόδου καὶ ἐδωρεῖτο ἑτέραις δωρεαῖς καὶ δαψιλέστερον ἔτι ἀμείψεσθαι ἔλεγεν, αἰεὶ χρώμενος ἐς τὰ ἐπείγοντα ὡς πατρικοῖς φίλοις μᾶλλον ἢ στρατιώταις. χιλίους μὲν δὴ μόνους ἢ τρισχιλίους τάδε λέγων ἐπέκλασεν ἐκ μυρίων οἱ παραμεῖναι ʽδιαφέρονται γὰρ περὶ τοῦ ἀριθμοὖ. οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ τότε μὲν ἐξῄεσαν, ἀνεμιμνήσκοντο δʼ αὐτίκα γεωργίας τε πόνων καὶ κερδῶν στρατείας καὶ λόγων τῶν Καίσαρος καὶ εὐπειθείας αὐτοῦ, πρὸς ἃ ἐβούλοντο, καὶ χαρίτων, ὧν τε εἰλήφεσαν καὶ ὧν ἤλπιζον ἔτι λήψεσθαι. οἷόν τε ὄχλος ἀνώμαλος μετενόουν καὶ τῆς προφάσεως ἐς εὐπρέπειαν ἐπιβαίνοντες ὡπλίζοντο καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπανῄεσαν. ὁ δὲ ἤδη μετὰ χρημάτων ἄλλων τήν τε Ῥάβενναν καὶ τὰ ἀγχοῦ πάντα περιῄει, στρατεύων ἑτέρους ἐφʼ ἑτέροις· καὶ πάντας ἐς Ἀρρήτιον ἔπεμπεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.6.42

After he had thus spoken and the assembly had been dissolved, the soldiers, taking the opposite view (that they had come to support the alliance of Antony and Octavius or as a mere guard for the latter and to punish the murderers), were vexed at the declaration of war against Antony, who had been their general and was now consul. Some of them asked leave to return home in order to arm themselves, saying that they could not perform their duty with other arms than their own. Others spoke out the truth. As things had turned out contrary to his expectation, Octavius was at a loss what to do. Hoping, however, to retain them by persuasion rather than by force he yielded to their requests, and sent some of them to get their arms and others simply to their homes. Concealing his disappointment he praised all of the assembled multitude, gave them new presents, and said that he would reward them still more generously, for he made use of them for emergencies rather as the friends of his father than as soldiers. After he had spoken these words, from 10,000 he influenced 1000 only to remain with him, or perhaps 3000, for accounts differ as to the number. The rest then took their departure, but presently they remembered the toils of agriculture and the gains of military service, the words of Octavius, his compliance with their wishes, and the favors they had received and hoped still to receive from him. And so, like the fickle multitude, they repented, and seizing upon their former pretext for the sake of appearances, they armed themselves and went back to him. Octavius had already proceeded with new supplies of money to Ravenna and the neighboring parts, enlisting new forces continually and sending them all to Arretium.

3.7.43 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.7.43

Ἀντωνίῳ δʼ ἀφῖκτο μέσον ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον ἐκ πέντε τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ τελῶν τέσσαρα· ἐπιμεμφόμενοι δʼ αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐπεξελθόντα τῷ φόνῳ Καίσαρος, χωρὶς εὐφημίας ἐς τὸ βῆμα παρέπεμπον ὡς περὶ τοῦδε σφίσιν ἐκλογιούμενον πρώτου. ὁ δὲ αὐτοῖς χαλεπτόμενος τῆς σιωπῆς οὐ κατέσχεν, ἀλλʼ ὠνείδιζεν ἀχαριστίαν ἐκ Παρθυαίων ὑπὸ οὗ μετενεχθεῖσιν ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ οὐκ ἐπιμαρτυροῦσι τοιᾶσδε χάριτος· ἐμέμφετο δὲ καὶ ὅτι παρὰ μειρακίου προπετοῦς, ὧδε τὸν Καίσαρα καλῶν, ἄνδρας ἐπιπεμπομένους σφίσιν εἰς διαφθορὰν οὐκ αὐτοὶ προσάγουσιν αὑτῷ. ἀλλὰ τούσδε μὲν αὐτὸς εὑρήσειν, τὸν δὲ στρατὸν ἄξειν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐψηφισμένην οἱ χώραν εὐδαίμονα Κελτικήν, καὶ τοῖς παροῦσιν ἑκάστῳ δοθήσεσθαι δραχμὰς ἑκατόν. οἱ δὲ ἐγέλασαν τῆς σμικρολογίας καὶ χαλεπήναντος αὐτοῦ μᾶλλον ἐθορύβουν καὶ διεδίδρασκον. ὁ δὲ ἐξανέστη τοσοῦτον εἰπών· μαθήσεσθε ἄρχεσθαι. αἰτήσας δὲ παρὰ τῶν χιλιάρχων τοὺς στασιώδεις (ἀνάγραπτος γάρ ἐστιν ἐν τοῖς Ῥωμαίων στρατοῖς αἰεὶ καθʼ ἕνα ἄνδρα ὁ τρόπος) διεκλήρωσε τῷ στρατιωτικῷ νόμῳ καὶ οὐ τὸ δέκατον ἅπαν, ἀλλὰ μέρος ἔκτεινε τοῦ δεκάτου, νομίζων σφᾶς ὧδε καταπλήξειν διʼ ὀλίγου. οἱ δὲ οὐκ ἐς φόβον μᾶλλον ἢ ἐς ὀργὴν ἀπὸ τοῦδε καὶ μῖσος ἐτρέποντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.7.43

In the meantime four of the five Macedonian legions had joined Antony at Brundusium. They blamed him because he had not proceeded against the murderers of Caesar. They conducted him without applause to the platform, implying that they required explanations on this subject first. Antony was angry at their silence. He did not keep his temper, but charged them with ingratitude in that they had expressed no thanks for being transferred from the Parthian expedition to Italy. He blamed them because they had not arrested and delivered to him the emissaries of a rash boy (for so he called Octavius) who had been sent among them to stir up discord. But he would find them out, he said. He would lead the army to the province voted to him, the fair Gallic country, and would give 100 drachmas to each man present. They laughed at his parsimony, and when he became angry they broke out in tumult and went away. Antony rose and departed, saying, You shall learn to obey orders. Then he required the military tribunes to bring before him the fomenters of the sedition (for it is customary in Roman armies to keep at all times a record of the character of each man). From these he chose by lot a certain number according to military law, and he put to death not every tenth man, but a smaller number, thinking to strike terror into the rest by means of the few. But the others were turned to rage and hatred instead of fear by this act.

Edition note

This execution of soldiers at Brundusium is mentioned by Cicero in the third Philippic (4), where he says that the number of soldiers put to death was 300. In the fifth Philippic (8) he gives a more particular account of the affair, saying: What did his (Antony’s) journey to Brundusium mean? Why such haste? What did he hope to do unless to lead a great army to the city, or rather into the city ? Why that casting of lots by the centurions and that fierce outbreak of uncontrollable temper? When our bravest legions exclaimed against his promises, he commanded those centurions to come to his house whose strong attachment to the republic he was acquainted with, and there at his own feet, and at the feet of his wife, whom this austere general took with him to the army, he caused them to be killed. These soldiers were clearly mutineers, and Antony did not exceed his authority in punishing them; but mutiny and going over to the enemy were so common at that time that each man measured the turpitude of the act by its bearings on his own party.

3.7.44 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.7.44

ταῦτα δʼ ὁρῶντες οὓς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ διαφθορᾷ τῶνδε προπεπόμφει, βιβλία πολλὰ τότε μάλιστα διερρίπτουν ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον, ἀντὶ τῆς Ἀντωνίου μικρολογίας τε καὶ ὠμότητος ἐς τὴν Καίσαρος μνήμην τοῦ προτέρου καὶ βοήθειαν τοῦ νῦν καὶ χορηγίας δαψιλεῖς μετατίθεσθαι. οὓς ὁ Ἀντώνιος μηνύμασι τε μεγάλοις ἐζήτει, καὶ ἀπειλαῖς, εἴ τις ἐπικρύπτοι. οὐδένα δὲ συλλαβὼν ἐχαλέπηνεν ὡς τοῦ στρατοῦ σφᾶς ἐπικρύπτοντος. ἀπαγγελλομένων δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἀποικίαις τε καὶ ἐν Ῥώμῃ Καίσαρι πεπραγμένων ἐθορυβεῖτο. καὶ ἐπελθὼν αὖθις ἐπὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἔφη χαλεπῆναι μὲν τῶν γεγονότων ὑπὸ ἀνάγκης στρατιωτικῆς ὀλίγοις ἀντὶ πλεόνων ὧν ἐκόλαζεν ὁ νόμος, αὐτοὺς δὲ εἰδέναι σαφῶς οὔτε ὠμὸν οὔτε μικρολόγον Ἀντώνιον. ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν φθόνος οἰχέσθω, κεκορεσμένος, ἔφη, καὶ τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασι καὶ ταῖς κολάσεσι· τὰς δὲ ἑκατὸν δραχμὰς ὑμῖν οὐ δωρεάν (οὐ γὰρ τοῦτό γε τῆς Ἀντωνίου τύχης), ἀλλὰ τῆς πρώτης ἐς ὑμᾶς ἐντεύξεως προσαγορευτικὸν μᾶλλον ἢ δωρεὰν ἐκέλευσα δοθῆναι, καὶ χρὴ νόμῳ πατρίῳ τε καὶ στρατιωτικῷ καὶ ἐς τάδε καὶ ἐς πάντα εὐπειθεῖς ὑπάρχειν. ὁ μὲν οὕτως εἶπεν, οὐδέν τι ἔτι προσθεὶς τῇ δωρεᾷ τοῦ μὴ δοκεῖν ὁ στρατηγὸς ἡσσῆσθαι τοῦ στρατοῦ. οἱ δὲ ἐλάμβανον, εἴτε μεταγνόντες εἴτε καὶ δεδιότες. ὁ δὲ αὐτῶν τοὺς μὲν ταξιάρχους, εἴτε μηνίων ἔτι τῆς στάσεως εἴθʼ ἑτέρως ὑπονοῶν, ἐνήλλασσε, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς καὶ τἆλλα ἐν ταῖς χρείαις ἐδεξιοῦτο καὶ προύπεμπεν ἀνὰ μέρος τὴν παραθαλάσσιον ὁδεύειν ἐπὶ Ἀριμίνου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.7.44

In view of these facts the men whom Octavius had sent to tamper with the soldiers distributed the greatest possible number of handbills throughout the camp, reflecting on Antony’s stinginess and cruelty, recalling the memory of the elder Caesar and urging them to share the service of the younger one and his liberal gifts. Antony tried to find these emissaries by means of rewards to informers and threats against those who abetted them, but as he caught no one he became angry, believing that the soldiers concealed them. When the news came of what Octavius was doing among the colonized veterans and at Rome, he became alarmed, and going before the army again he said that he was sorry for what he had been compelled by military discipline to do to a few instead of the much larger number who were punishable by law, and that they must know very well that Antony was neither cruel nor stingy. Let us lay aside ill-will, he continued, and rest satisfied with these faults and punishments. The 100 drachmas which I have ordered to be given you is not my donative, for that would be unworthy of the fortune of Antony, but rather the salutation of our first meeting than a full reward, but it is necessary to obey the laws of our country, and of the army, in this affair as in all others. When he had thus spoken he did not as yet add anything to the donative, that it might not seem that as general he had yielded anything to the army. Whether moved by penitence or by fear they took what was given them. Antony, being still angry at the outbreak, or from some other suspicion, changed their tribunes. The remainder he treated well because he had need of their services, and he sent them forward by detachments along the sea-coast toward Ariminum.

Edition note

ἐς τάδε αὐτῷ: words not translatable. Mendelssohn suggests ἐς τόδε αὐτὸ.

3.7.45 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.7.45

αὐτὸς δʼ ἐπιλεξάμενος ἐκ πάντων στρατηγίδα σπεῖραν ἀνδρῶν ἀρίστων τά τε σώματα καὶ τὸν τρόπον ὥδευεν ἐς Ῥώμην ὡς ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ τὸ Ἀρίμινον ὁρμήσων. ἐσῄει δὲ ἐς τὴν πόλιν σοβαρῶς, τὴν μὲν ἴλην πρὸ τοῦ ἄστεως στρατοπεδεύσας, τοὺς δʼ ἀμφʼ αὑτὸν ἔχων ὑπεζωσμένους καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν νυκτοφυλακοῦντας ἐνόπλους· συνθήματά τε αὐτοῖς ἐδίδοτο, καὶ αἱ φυλακαὶ παρὰ μέρος ἦσαν ὡς ἐν στρατοπέδῳ. συναγαγὼν δὲ τὴν βουλὴν ὡς μεμψόμενος Καίσαρι περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων, ἐσιὼν ἤδη μανθάνει τῶν τεσσάρων τελῶν τὸ καλούμενον Ἄρειον κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐς Καίσαρα μετατεθεῖσθαι. καὶ αὐτῷ τὴν εἴσοδον ἐπισχόντι τε καὶ διαποροῦντι ἀγγέλλεται καὶ τὸ καλούμενον τέταρτον ὁμοίως τοῖς Ἀρείοις ἐς Καίσαρα μετατεθεῖσθαι. διαταραχθεὶς οὖν εἰσῆλθε μὲν ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον, ὡς δʼ ἐφʼ ἕτερα αὐτοὺς συναγαγὼν μικρὰ διελέχθη καὶ εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας ἐχώρει καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἐπὶ Ἄλβην πόλιν ὡς μεταπείσων τοὺς ἀποστάντας. βαλλόμενος δʼ ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἀνέστρεφε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις τέλεσι προσέπεμπεν ἀνὰ πεντακοσίας δραχμὰς ἑκάστῳ, καὶ σὺν οἷς εἶχεν αὐτὸς ἐς Τίβυρον ἐξῄει, σκευὴν ἔχων τὴν συνήθη τοῖς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολέμους ἐξιοῦσι· καὶ γὰρ ἤδη σαφὴς ἦν ὁ πόλεμος, Δέκμου τὴν Κελτικὴν οὐ μεθιέντος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.7.45

Antony chose from the whole number a praetorian cohort of the men who were best in body and character and marched to Rome, intending to push on thence toward Ariminum. He entered the city in a haughty manner leaving his squadron of horse encamped outside the walls. But the troops that accompanied him were girded as for war, and they mounted guard over his house at night under arms, and he gave them a countersign and relieved them regularly, just as in a camp. He convoked the Senate in order to make complaint of the acts of Octavius, and just as he was entering it he learned that the so-called Martian legion, one of the four on the road, had gone over to Octavius. While he was waiting at the entrance cogitating over this news it was announced to him that another legion, called the Fourth, had followed the example of the Martian and espoused the side of Octavius. Disconcerted as he was he entered the senate-house, pretending that he had convened them about other matters, said a few words, and immediately departed to the city gates, and thence to the town of Alba, in order to persuade the deserters to come back to him. They shot arrows at him from the walls, and he retreated. To the other legions he forwarded 500 drachmas per man. With the soldiers he had with him he marched to Tibur, taking the apparatus customary to those who are going to war; for war was now certain, since Decimus Brutus had refused to give up Cisalpine Gaul.

Edition note

In the fifth Philippic (6), which was delivered on the first of January, Cicero refers to this irruption of armed men in indignant terms: Will it not be advertised with the deepest shame, and by the records of our order, to the memory of posterity, that since the foundation of the city Antony alone had himself surrounded by armed men within its walls — something that neither the kings, nor those who sought to exercise royal power after their expulsion, ever did? I can remember Cinna; I have seen Sulla and lately Caesar. These three men have been more powerful than the whole republic at any time since the commonwealth was made free by Lucius Brutus. I cannot affirm that their satellites were without arms, but I can say that if they had any they were few and concealed, but a whole troop of armed men followed this wretch. It detracts somewhat from the force of these words that for want of an armed guard Caesar was murdered only a few months before, in the presence of the very men to whom Cicero was speaking, and that Cicero applauded the act.

Edition note

Alba was only fifteen miles from Rome. The Martian legion had halted here and revolted from Antony. (Cicero, Phil. iii. 3.)

Edition note

The modern Tivoli.

3.7.46 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.7.46

δεῦρο δὲ ὄντι ἥ τε βουλὴ σχεδὸν ἅπασα καὶ τῶν ἱππέων τὸ πλεῖστον ἀφίκετο ἐπὶ τιμῇ καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου τὸ ἀξιολογώτατον· οἱ καὶ καταλαβόντες αὐτὸν ὁρκοῦντα τοὺς παρόντας οἱ στρατιώτας καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῶν πάλαι στρατευσαμένων συνδραμόντας (πολὺ γὰρ καὶ τοῦτο ἦν) συνώμνυον ἑκόντες οὐκ ἐκλείψειν τὴν ἐς Ἀντώνιον εὔνοιάν τε καὶ πίστιν, ὡς ἀπορῆσαι, τίνες ἦσαν, οἳ πρὸ ὀλίγου παρὰ τὴν Καίσαρος ἐκκλησίαν τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐβλασφήμουν. ὁ μὲν δὴ λαμπρῶς οὕτως ἐς τὸ Ἀρίμινον προεπέμπετο, ὅθεν ἐστὶν ἡ τῆς Κελτικῆς ἀρχή. καὶ ὁ στρατὸς ἦν αὐτῷ, χωρίς γε τῶν νεολέκτων, τρία τέλη τὰ ἐκ Μακεδονίας μετάπεμπτα ʽἤδη γὰρ αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἀφῖκτὀ, ἐξεστρατευμένων δὲ ἕν, οἳ καὶ γηρῶντες ὅμως ἐδόκουν νεοσυλλόγων ἀμείνους ἐς τὸ διπλάσιον εἶναι. οὕτω μὲν Ἀντωνίῳ τέσσαρα ἐγίγνετο τέλη γεγυμνασμένων ἀνδρῶν καὶ ὅσον ἐξ ἔθους αὐτοῖς ἐπίκουρον ἄλλο ἕπεται, καὶ ἡ τοῦ σώματος φρουρὰ καὶ τὰ νεόλεκτα. Λέπιδός τε ἔχων ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ τέσσαρα τέλη καὶ Ἀσίνιος Πολλίων δύο καὶ Πλάγκος ἐν τῇ ἑτέρᾳ Κελτικῇ τρία ἐδόκουν αἱρήσεσθαι τὰ Ἀντωνίου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.7.46

While Antony was at Tibur nearly all the Senate, and the greater part of the knights, and the most influential plebeians, came there to do him honor. These persons, arriving while he was swearing into his service the soldiers present and also the discharged veterans who had flocked in (of whom there was a goodly number), voluntarily joined in taking the oath that they would not fail in friendship and fidelity to Antony; so that one would have been at a loss to know who were the men who, a little before, had decried Antony at Octavius’ public meeting. With this brilliant send-off Antony started for Ariminum, which lies on the border of Cisalpine Gaul. His army, exclusive of the new levies, consisted of three legions summoned from Macedonia (for the remainder had now arrived). There were also some discharged veterans, old men, who appeared nevertheless to be worth twice as much as the new levies. Thus Antony had four legions of well-disciplined troops, and the helpers who usually accompanied them, besides his body-guard and the new levies. Lepidus in Spain with four legions, Asinius Pollio with two, and Plancus in Transalpine Gaul with three, seemed likely to espouse the side of Antony.

Edition note

In the thirteenth Philippic (9) Cicero refers to this meeting as that pestilent assemblage at Tibur, but he makes it take place before the revolt of the two legions. In the fifth Philippic (9) he says that when Antony heard of the revolt of the legions just after he had convoked the Senate, and procured a man of consular rank to propose that Octavius be declared a public enemy, he immediately fainted away. This is doubtful. Antony was not one of the fainting kind, but Cicero was prone to exaggeration.

3.7.47 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.7.47

Καίσαρι δὲ ἦν δύο ὁμοίως ἀξιολογώτατα, τὰ ἐς αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀντωνίου μεταστάντα, ἓν δὲ νεοσυλλόγων, δύο δὲ ἐκ τῶν πρότερον ἐστρατευμένων, οὐκ ἐντελῆ μὲν ταῦτα τοῖς ἀριθμοῖς οὐδὲ ταῖς ὁπλίσεσιν, ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν νεοσυλλόγων καὶ ταῦτα ἀναπληρούμενα. συναγαγὼν δʼ ἅπαντας ἐς Ἄλβην ἐπέστελλε τῇ βουλῇ. ἡ δὲ ἐφήδετο μὲν αὖθις Καίσαρι, ὡς ἀπορεῖν καὶ τότε, τίνες ἦσαν, οἳ προύπεμπον Ἀντώνιον· ἤχθοντο δὲ τοῖς τέλεσιν οὐκ ἐς τὴν βουλήν, ἀλλʼ ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα μετελθοῦσιν. ἐπαινέσαντες δʼ ὅμως αὐτούς τε καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα, ἔφασαν ὀλίγον ὕστερον ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν αὐτοὺς ψηφιεῖσθαι, ὅταν αὐτοῖς αἱ νέαι ἀρχαὶ ἐς τὰ πράγματα παρέλθωσιν. ἦν δὲ σαφές, ὅτι χρήσονται μὲν αὐτοῖς κατὰ Ἀντωνίου· στρατὸν δὲ οὐδένα πω ἔχοντες ἴδιον οὐδὲ καταλέξαι χωρὶς ὑπάτων δυνάμενοι ἐς τὰς νέας ἀρχὰς πάντα ἀνετίθεντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.7.47

Octavius had two legions equally efficient, which had deserted from Antony to him, also one legion of new levies and two of discharged veterans, not complete in numbers or in arms, but filled up with new recruits. He brought them all to Alba and there communicated with the Senate, which congratulated him in such a way that now one would have been at a loss to know who were those who had lately ranged themselves with Antony; but it regretted that the legions had not come over to the Senate itself instead of to him. It praised them and Octavius nevertheless, and said that it would vote them whatever was needful as soon as the new magistrates should enter upon their duties. It was plain that the Senate would use these forces against Antony; but having no army of its own anywhere, and being unable to levy one without consuls, it adjourned all business until the new consuls should come in.

Edition note

The new consuls were Hirtius and Pansa. They had been designated in advance by Caesar and succeeded to the office by virtue of the decree of the Senate confirming all of Caesar’s acts.

3.7.48 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.7.48

τῷ Καίσαρι δʼ ὁ στρατὸς πελέκεάς τε καὶ ῥαβδοφόρους ἐσκευασμένους προσαγαγόντες, ἠξίουν ἑαυτὸν ἀντιστράτηγον ἀποφῆναι, πολέμου τε ἡγεμονεύοντα καὶ σφῶν αἰεὶ ὑπʼ ἄρχουσι ταχθέντων. ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν τιμὴν ἐπῄνει, τὸ δὲ ἔργον ἐς τὴν βουλὴν ἀνετίθετο· καὶ βουλομένους ἐπὶ τοῦτο χωρεῖν ἀθρόους ἐκώλυε καὶ πρεσβευομένους ἐπεῖχεν, ὡς καὶ τῆς βουλῆς ψηφιουμένης ταῦτα καθʼ ἑαυτήν, καὶ μᾶλλον, ἢν αἴσθωνται τὴν ὑμετέραν προθυμίαν καὶ τὸν ἐμὸν ὄκνον. διαλυθέντων δὲ μόλις οὕτω καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐς ὑπεροψίαν αὐτὸν αἰτιωμένων, ἐξελογεῖτο αὐτοῖς τὴν βουλὴν οὐκ εὐνοίᾳ πρὸς αὑτὸν ἀποκλίνειν μᾶλλον ἢ Ἀντωνίου δέει καὶ στρατιᾶς ἀπορίᾳ, μέχρι καθέλωμεν ἡμεῖς Ἀντώνιον καὶ οἱ σφαγεῖς φίλοι τε τῇ βουλῇ καὶ συγγενεῖς ὄντες δύναμιν αὐτοῖς συναγάγωσιν· ὧν αἰσθανόμενος ὑπηρετεῖν ὑποκρίνομαι. μὴ δὴ πρότεροι τὴν ὑπόκρισιν ἀποκαλύπτωμεν, ὡς προλαβοῦσι μὲν ἡμῖν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπικαλέσουσιν ὕβριν ἢ βίαν, αἰδεσθεῖσι δʼ ἴσως ἐπιδώσουσιν αὐτοὶ δέει, μὴ παρʼ ὑμῶν λάβοιμι. τοιάδε εἰπὼν ἐθεᾶτο γυμνάσια τῶν δύο τελῶν τῶν αὐτομολησάντων ἀπʼ Ἀντωνίου, διαστάντων τε ἐς ἀλλήλους καὶ δρώντων ἀφειδῶς ἔργα πολέμου πάντα πλὴν ἐς μόνον θάνατον. ἡσθεὶς οὖν τῇ θέᾳ καὶ τῆς προφάσεως ἐπιβαίνων ἄσμενος, ἑτέρας αὐτῶν ἑκάστῳ πεντακοσίας δραχμὰς ἐπεδίδου καί, εἴ τις πολέμου χρεία γένοιτο, νικήσασιν ἐπηγγέλλετο πεντακισχιλίας. ὧδε μὲν ὁ Καῖσαρ δαψιλείᾳ δωρεῶν τοὺς μισθοφόρους ἐκρατύνετο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.7.48

The soldiers of Octavius furnished him lictors provided with fasces and urged him to assume the title of propraetor, carrying on war and leading themselves, since they were always marshalled under magistrates. He thanked them for the honor, but referred the matter to the Senate. When they wanted to go before the Senate en masse he prevented them and would not even allow them to send messengers, believing that the Senate would vote these things to him voluntarily; and would do this all the more, he said, if they know of your zeal and my hesitation. They were reconciled to this course with difficulty. The leading officers complained that he disdained them, and he explained to them that the Senate was moved not so much by good-will toward him as by fear of Antony and the want of an army; and that will be the case, he continued, until we humble Antony, and until the murderers, who are friends and relatives of the senators, collect a military force for them. Knowing these facts I falsely pretend to be serving them. Let us not be the first to expose this false pretence. If we usurp the office they will accuse us of arrogance and violence, whereas if we are modest they will probably give it of their own accord, fearing lest I accept it from you. After he had thus spoken he witnessed some military exercises of the two legions that had deserted from Antony, who ranged themselves opposite each other and gave a complete representation of a battle, except only the killing. Octavius was delighted with the spectacle and was pleased to make this a pretext for distributing 500 drachmas more to each man, and he promised that in case of war he would give them 5000 drachmas each if they were victorious. Thus, by means of lavish gifts, did Octavius bind these mercenaries to himself. Such was the course of events in Italy.

3.8.49 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.49

καὶ τάδε μὲν ἦν ἀνὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ἐν δὲ τῇ Κελτικῇ τὸν Δέκμον ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐκέλευσεν ἐς Μακεδονίαν μετιέναι, πειθόμενόν τε τῷ δήμῳ καὶ φειδόμενον ἑαυτοῦ. ὁ δὲ ἀντέπεμπεν αὐτῷ τὰ παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς οἱ κεκομισμένα γράμματα, ὡς οὐχὶ διὰ τὸν δῆμον εἴκειν οἷ πρέπον ἢ διὰ τὴν βουλὴν Ἀντωνίῳ μᾶλλον. Ἀντωνίου δʼ αὐτῷ προθεσμίαν ὁρίζοντος, μεθʼ ἣν ὡς πολεμίῳ χρήσεται, μακροτέραν ὁ Δέκμος ἐκέλευεν ὁρίζειν ἑαυτῷ, μὴ θᾶσσον γένοιτο τῇ βουλῇ πολέμιος. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος εὐμαρῶς ἂν αὐτοῦ κρατήσας ἔτι ὄντος ἐν πεδίῳ ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις ἔκρινε προελθεῖν. αἱ δὲ αὐτὸν ἐδέχοντο. καὶ δείσας ὁ Δέκμος, μὴ οὐδʼ ἐσελθεῖν ἔς τινα αὐτῶν ἔτι δύνηται, πλάσσεται γράμματα τῆς βουλῆς καλούσης αὐτὸν ἐς Ῥώμην σὺν τῷ στρατῷ· καὶ ἀναζεύξας ἐχώρει τὴν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας, ὑποδεχομένων αὐτὸν ὡς ἀπιόντα πάντων, μέχρι Μουτίνην παροδεύων, πόλιν εὐδαίμονα, τάς τε πύλας ἀπέκλειε καὶ τὰ τῶν Μουτιναίων ἐς τὰς τροφὰς συνέφερεν, ὑποζύγιά τε ὅσα ἦν κατέθυε καὶ ἐταρίχευε δέει, μὴ χρόνιος ἡ πολιορκία γένοιτο, καὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ὑπέμενε. στρατιὰ δʼ ἦν αὐτῷ μονομάχων τε πλῆθος καὶ ὁπλιτῶν τρία τέλη, ὧν ἓν μὲν ἦν ἀρτιστρατεύτων ἀνδρῶν ἔτι ἀπείρων, δύο δέ, ἃ καὶ πρότερον ὑπεστρατευμένα αὐτῷ πιστότατα ἦν. ὁ δʼ Ἀντώνιος ἐπελθὼν αὐτῷ σὺν ὀργῇ τὴν Μουτίνην ἀπετάφρευέ τε καὶ ἀπετείχιζε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.49

In Cisalpine Gaul Antony ordered Decimus Brutus to withdraw to Macedonia in obedience to the decree of the Roman people, and for his own good. Decimus, in reply, sent him the letters that had been furnished him by the Senate, as much as to say that he cared no more for the command of the people than Antony did for that of the Senate. Antony then fixed a day for his compliance, after which he should treat him as an enemy. Decimus advised him to fix a later day lest he (Antony) should too soon make himself an enemy to the Senate. Although Antony could have easily overcome him, as he was still in the open country, he decided to proceed first against the cities. These opened their gates to him. Decimus, fearing lest none of them should be opened to him, fabricated letters from the Senate calling him to Rome with his army and retired towards Italy, welcomed by all as he passed along, until he arrived at the wealthy city of Mutina. Here he closed the gates and possessed himself of the property of the inhabitants for the support of his army. He slaughtered and salted all the cattle he could find there in anticipation of a long siege, and he awaited Antony. His army consisted of a large number of gladiators and three legions of infantry, one of which was composed of new recruits as yet inexperienced. The other two had served under him before and were entirely trustworthy. Antony advanced against him with fury, drew a line of circumvallation around Mutina, and laid siege to Decimus.

Edition note

The modern Modena.

Edition note

Y.R. 711

3.8.50 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.50

καὶ Δέκμος μὲν ἐπολιορκεῖτο, ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ κατὰ τὴν ἐτήσιον νουμηνίαν ὕπατοι γενόμενοι Ἵρτιός τε καὶ Πάνσας τὴν βουλὴν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ ταῖς θυσίαις ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ ἱερῷ συνῆγον ἐπὶ Ἀντωνίῳ. Κικέρων μὲν δὴ καὶ οἱ Κικέρωνος φίλοι πολέμιον αὐτὸν ἠξίουν ἤδη ψηφίσασθαι, τὴν Κελτικὴν ἀκούσης τῆς βουλῆς ἐς ἐπιτείχισμα τῆς πατρίδος βιαζόμενον ὅπλοις καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ Θρᾷκας αὐτῷ δεδομένον στρατὸν ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν διαγαγόντα· ἐπελέγοντο δὲ καὶ τὴν ἄλλην αὐτοῦ μετὰ Καίσαρα προαίρεσιν, ἔν τε τῇ πόλει φανερῶς δορυφορηθέντος ὑπὸ τοσῶνδε λοχαγῶν καὶ περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ὥσπερ ἄκραν ὅπλοις καὶ συνθήμασι κεχρημένου καὶ τἆλλα σοβαρωτέρου σφίσι φανέντος ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἐτήσιον ἀρχήν. Λεύκιος δὲ Πείσων, ὁ τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ τὴν ἀποδημίαν ἐπιτροπεύων, ἀνὴρ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Ῥωμαίων ἐπιφανής, ὅσοι τε ἄλλοι τῷ Πείσωνι διʼ αὐτὸν ἢ διʼ Ἀντώνιον ἢ κατʼ οἰκείαν γνώμην προσετίθεντο, καλεῖν αὐτὸν ἐς κρίσιν ἠξίουν, ὡς οὐ πάτριον σφίσιν ἀκρίτου καταδικάζειν οὐδʼ εὐπρεπὲς τοῦ χθὲς ὑπάτου τῆς ἐπιούσης ἡμέρας, οὗ γε μάλιστα συνεχεῖς ἐπαίνους ἄλλοι τε καὶ Κικέρων αὐτὸς εἶπε πολλάκις. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ τότε μὲν ἀγχώμαλοι ταῖς γνώμαις ἐς νύκτα περιῆλθον, ἅμα δʼ ἕῳ περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον συνελέγοντο· ἔνθα τῶν Κικερωνείων ἐπιβαρούντων ἐψήφιστο ἂν ὁ Ἀντώνιος πολέμιος, εἰ μὴ τῶν δημάρχων Σάλουιος ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἐκέλευσεν ἀναθέσθαι. ἔστι δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ὁ κωλύων ἀεὶ δυνατώτερος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.50

In Rome, at the beginning of the new year, the consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, convened the Senate on the subject of Antony immediately after the sacrifices had been performed and in the very temple. Cicero and his friends urged that Antony be now declared a public enemy, since he had seized Cisalpine Gaul with an armed force against the will of the Senate and made of it a point of attack on the republic, and had brought into Italy an army given to him to operate against the Thracians. They spoke also of his seeking the supreme power as Caesar’s successor, because he publicly surrounded himself in the city with such a large body of armed centurions, and converted his house into a fortress with arms and countersigns, and had borne himself more haughtily in other respects than was befitting a yearly magistrate. Lucius Piso, who had charge of Antony’s interests in his absence, a man among the most illustrious in Rome, and others who sided with him on his own account, or on Antony’s, or because of their own opinion, contended that Antony ought to have a trial, that it was not the custom of their ancestors to condemn a man unheard, that it was not decent to declare a man an enemy to-day who was a consul yesterday, and especially one whom Cicero himself as well as the rest had so often lavishly praised. The Senate, which was about equally divided in opinion, remained in session till night. Early the next morning it reassembled to consider the same question and then the party of Cicero was in the majority and Antony would have been voted a public enemy had not the tribune Salvius adjourned the sitting to the following day; for among the magistrates the one who has the veto power always prevails.

Edition note

B.C. 43

3.8.51 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.51

οἱ μὲν δὴ Κικερώνειοι καὶ τούτῳ μάλα φορτικῶς ὠνείδιζόν τε καὶ ἐνύβριζον καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐκδραμόντες ἠρέθιζον ἐπʼ αὐτὸν καὶ τὸν Σάλουιον ἐς αὐτὸν ἐκάλουν. ὁ δὲ ἀκαταπλήκτως ἐξέτρεχεν, ἕως ἡ βουλὴ κατέσχε δείσασα, μὴ μεταπείσειε τὸν δῆμον ἐς μνήμην ἀγαγὼν Ἀντωνίου. οὐ γὰρ ἠγνόουν καταγινώσκοντες ἀνδρὸς ἐπιφανοῦς πρὸ δίκης οὐδʼ ὅτι τὴν Κελτικὴν ὁ δῆμος αὐτῷ δεδώκει· ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ τῶν σφαγέων δεδιότες ὠργίζοντο πρώτῳ μετὰ τὴν ἀμνηστίαν ἀνακινήσαντι τὰ κατʼ αὐτούς. διὸ καὶ τῷ Καίσαρι ἐς αὐτὸν προκατεχρῶντο· καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐκ ἀγνοῶν ᾑρεῖτο καὶ αὐτὸς ὅμως προκαθελεῖν τὸν Ἀντώνιον. τοιᾷδε μὲν ἡ βουλὴ γνώμῃ τὸν Ἀντώνιον εἶχεν ἐν ὀργῇ, ἀναθέμενοι δὲ τὴν ψῆφον, ὡς ὁ δήμαρχος ἐκέλευεν, ἐψηφίσαντο ὅμως Δέκμον τε ἐπαινέσαι οὐκ ἐκστάντα Ἀντωνίῳ τῆς Κελτικῆς, καὶ τοῖς ὑπάτοις Ἱρτίῳ καὶ Πάνσᾳ Καίσαρα συστρατηγεῖν οὗ νῦν ἔχει στρατοῦ, ἐπίχρυσόν τε αὐτοῦ εἰκόνα τεθῆναι καὶ γνώμην αὐτὸν ἐσφέρειν ἐν τοῖς ὑπατικοῖς ἤδη καὶ τὴν ὑπατείαν αὐτὴν μετιέναι τοῦ νόμου θᾶσσον ἔτεσι δέκα, ἔκ τε τοῦ δημοσίου δοθῆναι τοῖς τέλεσι τοῖς ἐς αὐτὸν ἀπὸ Ἀντωνίου μεταστᾶσιν, ὅσον αὐτοῖς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ δώσειν ὑπέσχετο. οἱ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ψηφισάμενοι διελύθησαν, ὡς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἔργῳ διὰ τῶνδε εἰδέναι πολέμιον ἐψηφισμένον καὶ τὸν δήμαρχον ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν οὐδὲν ἔτι ἀντεροῦντα· Ἀντωνίου δὲ ἡ μήτηρ καὶ ἡ γυνὴ καὶ παῖς ἔτι μειράκιον οἵ τε ἄλλοι οἰκεῖοι καὶ φίλοι διʼ ὅλης τῆς νυκτὸς ἐς τὰς τῶν δυνατῶν οἰκίας διέθεον ἱκετεύοντες καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἰόντας ἠνώχλουν, ῥιπτούμενοί τε πρὸ ποδῶν σὺν οἰμωγῇ καὶ ὀλολυγαῖς καὶ μελαίνῃ στολῇ παρὰ θύραις ἐκβοῶντες. οἱ δὲ ὑπό τε τῆς φωνῆς καὶ τῆς ὄψεως καὶ μεταβολῆς ἐς τοσοῦτον αἰφνιδίου γενομένης ἐκάμπτοντο. δείσας δʼ ὁ Κικέρων ἐβουληγόρησεν ὧδε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.51

The Ciceronians heaped gross reproaches and insults on Salvius for this, and sallied out among the plebeians to excite them against him and summoned him to answer before them. He set forth to obey the summons undismayed until he was restrained by the Senate, which feared lest he should change the people around by recalling Antony to their memory; for the senators well knew that they were condemning an illustrious man without a trial, and that the people had given him this very Gallic province. But since they feared for the safety of the murderers they were angry with Antony because he had made the first movement against them after the amnesty, for which reason the Senate had previously needed the help of Octavius against him. Although Octavius knew this he desired nevertheless to take the lead in humbling Antony. Such were the reasons why the Senate was angry with Antony. Although the vote on him was adjourned by the command of the tribune, they passed a decree praising Decimus for not abandoning Cisalpine Gaul to Antony, and directing Octavius to assist the consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, with the army he now had. They awarded him a gilded statue and the right to declare his opinion among the consulars in the Senate even now, and the right to stand for the consulship itself ten years before the legal period, and voted from the public treasury to the legions that deserted from Antony to him the same amount that he had promised to give them if they should be victorious. After passing these decrees they adjourned, thinking that Antony would in fact know from the votes taken that he was declared a public enemy and believing, also, that on the following day the tribune would no longer interpose his veto. The mother, the wife, and the son of Antony (who was still a young man), and his other relatives and friends went around the whole night visiting the houses of influential men and beseeching them. In the morning they put themselves in the way of those going to the senate-house, fell at their feet with wailing and lamentation and in mourning garments, crying out alongside the doors. Some of the senators were moved by these cries, this spectacle, this so sudden change of fortune. Cicero, fearing the result, addressed the Senate as follows: —

Edition note

ὠνείδιζόν τε καὶ ἐνύβριζον: heaped reproaches and insults. The first three of these words are not in any printed text except that of Mendelssohn, who finds them in the Vatican codex.

3.8.52 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.52

ἃ μὲν ἔδει γνῶναι περὶ Ἀντωνίου, ἐχθὲς ἔγνωμεν· οἷς γὰρ αὐτοῦ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐτιμῶμεν, τούτοις ἐψηφιζόμεθα εἶναι πολέμιον. Σάλουιον δὲ τὸν μόνον ἐμποδὼν γινόμενον ἢ πάντων εἶναι χρὴ συνετώτερον ἢ φιλίᾳ τάδε πράσσειν ἢ τῶν ἐνεστώτων ἀμαθίᾳ. ὧν τὸ μὲν αἴσχιστόν ἐστιν ἡμῖν, εἰ δόξομεν ἀσυνετώτεροι πάντες ἑνὸς εἶναι, τὸ δὲ αὐτῷ Σαλουίῳ, εἰ φιλίαν τῶν κοινῶν προτιμῴη· ἀμαθῶς δʼ αὐτὸν ἔχοντα τῶν παρόντων ἔδει πιστεύειν ὑπάτοις ἀνθʼ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ στρατηγοῖς καὶ δημάρχοις τοῖς συνάρχουσιν αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις βουλευταῖς, οἳ τοσοίδε τὴν ἀξίωσίν τε καὶ τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες διά τε ἡλικίαν καὶ ἐμπειρίαν ὑπὲρ τὸν Σάλουιον, καταγινώκομεν Ἀντωνίου. ἔστι δʼ ἔν τε χειροτονίαις καὶ δίκαις αἰεὶ τὸ πλέον δικαιότερον. εἰ δὲ καὶ νῦν ἔτι χρῄζει τὰς αἰτίας μαθεῖν, λελέξεται διὰ βραχέος, ὡς ἐν ἀναμνήσει, τὰ μέγιστα αὐτῶν. τὰ χρήματα ἡμῶν Καίσαρος ἀποθανόντος ἐσφετερίσατο Ἀντώνιος. Μακεδονίας ἄρχειν παρʼ ἡμῶν ἐπιτυχὼν ἐπὶ τὴν Κελτικὴν ὥρμησε χωρὶς ἡμῶν. τὸν στρατὸν ἐπὶ Θρᾷκας λαβὼν ἀντὶ Θρᾳκῶν ἐπήγαγεν ἡμῖν ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν. ἑκάτερα τούτων αἰτήσας ἡμᾶς ἐπʼ ἐνέδρᾳ καὶ οὐ λαβὼν ἔπραξε διʼ ἑαυτοῦ. σπεῖραν ἐν Βρεντεσίῳ βασιλικὴν συνέταξεν ἀμφʼ αὑτὸν εἶναι, καὶ φανερῶς αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ πόλει σιδηροφοροῦντες ἄνδρες ἐδορυφόρουν τε καὶ ἐνυκτοφυλάκουν ὑπὸ συνθήματι. ἦγεν ἐκ τοῦ Βρεντεσίου καὶ τὸν ἄλλον στρατὸν ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἅπαντα, συντομώτερον ἐφιέμενος ὧν ἐπενόει Καῖσαρ· Καίσαρος δὲ αὐτὸν τοῦ νέου σὺν ἑτέρῳ στρατῷ φθάσαντος ἔδεισε καὶ ἐς τὴν Κελτικὴν ἐτράπετο ὡς εὔκαιρον ἐφʼ ἡμῖν ὁρμητήριον, ὅτι καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐκεῖθεν ὁρμώμενος ἐδυνάστευσεν ἡμῶν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.52

What decision ought to be reached concerning Antony we determined yesterday. When we bestowed honors on his enemies we thereby voted him an enemy. Salvius, who alone interrupted the proceedings, must either have been wiser than all the rest, or moved to do so by private friendship, or by ignorance of present circumstances. It would be most disgraceful to us, on the one hand, if all should seem to know less than one, and to Salvius, on the other hand, if he should prefer private friendship to the public weal. If he is not well acquainted with the present circumstances he ought to repose confidence in the consuls, rather than in himself, in the praetors, in his fellow-tribunes, and the other senators, so imposing in dignity and in numbers, so much his superiors in age and experience, who have condemned Antony. In our elections and in our jury trials justice is ever on the side of the majority. If it be needful still to acquaint him with the reasons for our action I will briefly recount the principal ones by way of reminder. At Caesar’s death Antony possessed himself of our money. Having been invested with the government of Macedonia by us he seized upon that of Cisalpine Gaul without our authority. Having received an army to operate against the Thracians he brought it into Italy against us instead. Each of these powers with his own secret motives he asked from us, and when they were refused he acted on his own authority. At Brundusium he organized a royal cohort for his own use and openly made men-at-arms his private guards and night watchmen, serving under a countersign. The whole remainder of the army he led from Brundusium to the city, aiming by a shorter path at the same designs that Caesar contemplated. Being anticipated by the younger Caesar and his army he became alarmed and turned his course to the Gallic province as a convenient point of attack on us, just as Caesar found it when he made himself our master.

3.8.53 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.53

τὴν στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τοῖσδε καταπλησσόμενος, ἵνα πρὸς μηθὲν αὐτῷ παρανομοῦντι κατοκνῇ, διεκλήρωσεν ἐς θάνατον, οὐ στασιάσαντας ἢ φυλακὴν ἢ τάξιν ἐν πολέμῳ λιπόντας, ἐφʼ ὧν μόνων ὁ στρατιωτικὸς νόμος τὴν οὕτως ὠμὴν ὥρισε τιμωρίαν, καὶ ὅμως αὐτῇ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖσδε ὀλίγοι μόλις ἐν τοῖς πάνυ κινδύνοις ἐχρήσαντο ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης· ὁ δὲ φωνῆς ἢ γέλωτος ἦγεν ἐς θάνατον τοὺς πολίτας καὶ θάνατον οὐ τῶν ἐλεγχθέντων, ἀλλὰ τῶν διαλαχόντων. τοιγαροῦν οἱ μὲν δυνηθέντες ἀπέστησαν αὐτοῦ, καὶ ὑμεῖς αὐτοῖς ὡς εὖ πράξασι δωρεὰς χθὲς ἐψηφίσασθε· οἱ δὲ οὐ δυνηθέντες ἀποδρᾶναι δεδιότες συναδικοῦσι καὶ χωροῦσιν ἐπὶ χώραν ὑμετέραν πολέμιοι καὶ πολιορκοῦσι στρατὸν ὑμέτερον καὶ στρατηγὸν ὑμέτερον, ᾧ γράφετε μὲν ὑμεῖς ἐμμένειν τῇ Κελτικῇ, Ἀντώνιος δʼ ἐξιέναι κελεύει. πότερον οὖν ἡμεῖς Ἀντώνιον ψηφιζόμεθα εἶναι πολέμιον, ἢ Ἀντώνιος ἡμᾶς ἤδη πολεμεῖ, καὶ ὁ δήμαρχος ἡμῶν ἔτι ἀγνοεῖ, μέχρι ἄρα Δέκμου πεσόντος ἥ τε χώρα τοσήδε οὖσα καὶ ὅμορος ἡμῖν καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ χώρᾳ ὁ Δέκμου στρατὸς ἐς τὰς καθʼ ἡμῶν ἐλπίδας Ἀντωνίῳ προσγένηται. τότε γὰρ αὐτόν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὁ δήμαρχος ψηφιεῖται πολέμιον, ὅταν ἡμῶν γένηται δυνατώτερος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.53

In order to intimidate the soldiers to do every unlawful act he should order, he decimated them although they had not revolted and had not abandoned their watch or their ranks in time of war, for which offences alone military law allows such cruel punishment, which only a few generals have visited upon their soldiers and with reluctance, in cases of extreme peril, as a matter of necessity. These citizens Antony put to death for a word or a laugh when they had not been regularly condemned but chosen by lot. For this reason those who could do so revolted from him, and you yesterday voted them a donative as well-doers. Those who could not desert joined him in wrong-doing under the influence of fear, marched against our province as enemies, and besieged our army and our general, to whom you sent letters directing him to hold the province. Antony now orders him to evacuate it. Are we voting Antony an enemy, or is he already making war against us? And these things our tribune is still ignorant of, and will remain so until Decimus is overthrown and this great province on our border, together with the army of Decimus, is added to the resources with which Antony hopes to attack us. I suppose that the tribune will vote Antony an enemy as soon as the latter becomes more powerful than we are.

Edition note

The fifth Philippic of Cicero was delivered in the Senate on the first day of January, 711, and the sixth to a popular assembly on the fourth day of the same month. They bear only slight resemblance to this speech, but are fierce invectives against Antony.

3.8.54 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.54

ταῦτʼ ἔτι τοῦ Κικέρωνος λέγοντος οἱ φίλοι θορυβοῦντες ἀπαύστως οὐδενὶ ἀντειπεῖν ἐπέτρεπον, μέχρι Πείσωνος αὐτοῦ παρελθόντος ἥ τε ἄλλη βουλὴ κατʼ αἰδῶ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἡσύχασε καὶ οἱ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἠνέσχοντο. καὶ ἔλεγεν ὁ Πείσων· ὁ μὲν νόμος, ὦ βουλή, δικαιοῖ τὸν εὐθυνόμενον αὐτὸν ἀκοῦσαί τε τῆς κατηγορίας καὶ ἀπολογησάμενον ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ κρίνεσθαι· καὶ τὸν δεινότατον εἰπεῖν Κικέρωνα ἐς ταῦτα προκαλοῦμαι. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὀκνεῖ μὲν παρόντος Ἀντωνίου κατηγορεῖν, ἀπόντος δʼ ἐγκλήματά τινα εἶπεν ὡς μέγιστα ἐκ πάντων καὶ ἀναμφίλογα ὄντα, παρῆλθον ἐγὼ δείξων αὐτὰ ψευδῆ βραχυτάταις ἀποκρισεσι. τὰ χρήματά φησιν Ἀντώνιον τὰ κοινὰ μετὰ τὴν Καίσαρος τελευτὴν σφετερίσασθαι, τοῦ μὲν νόμου τὸν κλέπτην οὐ πολέμιον ἀποφαίνοντος, ἀλλὰ ὡρισμένῃ δίκῃ ζημιοῦντος, Βρούτου δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρα κτείναντος ἐν τῷ δήμῳ καὶ τόδε κατηγορήσαντος, ὅτι ὁ Καῖσαρ τὰ χρήματα διεφόρησε καὶ κενὰ καταλέλοιπε τὰ ταμιεῖα, Ἀντωνίου δὲ μετʼ οὐ πολὺ ζητεῖν αὐτὰ ψηφισαμένου καὶ ὑμῶν ἀποδεξαμένων τε τὴν γνώμην καὶ κεκυρωκότων καὶ γέρας τοῖς μηνύουσι δεκάτην ὑπεσχημένων, ἣν διπλασιάσομεν ἡμεῖς, εἴ τις Ἀντώνιον περὶ αὐτῶν ἔχοι τι διελέγχειν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.54

Scarcely had Cicero finished speaking when his friends broke forth in such tumultuous applause that for a long time nobody could be heard on the other side, until finally Piso came forward, when the senators, out of respect for him, became silent and even the Ciceronians restrained themselves. Then Piso said: Our law, Conscript Fathers, requires that the accused shall himself hear the charge preferred against him and shall be judged after he has made his own defence; and for the truth of this I appeal to Cicero, our greatest orator. Since he hesitates to accuse Antony when present, but brings against him in his absence certain charges which he considers of the greatest gravity, and not open to doubt, I have come forward to show, in the fewest words, that these charges are false. He says that Antony converted the public money to his own use after Caesar’s death. The law declares such a person to be a thief, not a public enemy, and limits his punishment accordingly. After Brutus had killed Caesar he accused the latter before the people of plundering the public money and leaving the treasury empty. Soon afterward Antony proposed a decree to investigate these matters and you adopted and confirmed his motion and promised a reward of one-tenth to informers, which reward we will double if anybody will prove that Antony had any part in the fraud. So much for the charge in reference to money.

3.8.55 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.55

καὶ τάδε μὲν περὶ τῶν χρημάτων· τὴν δὲ Κελτικὴν ἡγεμονίαν οὐκ ἐψηφισάμεθα μὲν ἡμεῖς Ἀντωνίῳ, ἔδωκε δὲ ὁ δῆμος νόμῳ, παρόντος αὐτοῦ Κικέρωνος, ᾧ τρόπῳ καὶ ἕτερα πολλάκις ἔδωκε καὶ τήνδε τὴν ἡγεμονίαν αὐτὴν Καίσαρι πάλαι. μέρος δʼ ἐστὶ τοῦ νόμου τὸν Ἀντώνιον, τὴν δεδομένην οἱ μετιόντα, Δέκμῳ μὴ παραχωροῦντι πολεμεῖν καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἀντὶ Θρᾳκῶν οὐδὲν ἔτι κινουμένων ἐς τὴν Κελτικὴν ἐπὶ τὸν ἀντιλέγοντα. ἀλλὰ Κικέρων Δέκμον μὲν οὐχ ἡγεῖται πολέμιον, ἐναντία τῷ νόμῳ τιθέμενον ὅπλα, Ἀντώνιον δὲ πολέμιον, τῷ νόμῳ συμμαχοῦντα. εἰ δὲ αὐτὸν αἰτιᾶται τὸν νόμον, τοὺς θεμένους αἰτιᾶται· οὓς ἔδει μεταπείθειν, οὐχὶ συνθέμενον ὑβρίζειν, οὐδὲ τὴν χώραν Δέκμῳ μὲν πιστεύειν, ὃν ὁ δῆμος ἐδίωξεν ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ, Ἀντωνίῳ δὲ ἀπιστεῖν, ὅ τι ὁ δῆμος ἔδωκεν. οὐ γὰρ εὖ βουλευομένων ἐστὶ διαστασιάζεσθαι πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ἐν καιροῖς μάλιστα ἐπικινδύνοις οὐδὲ ἀμνημονεῖν, ὅτι καὶ τόδε αὐτὸ τοῦ δήμου πρότερον ἦν, τὸ κρίνειν τὰ φίλια καὶ πολέμια. μόνος γὰρ ἐκ τῶν πάλαι νόμων ὁ δῆμος αὐτοκράτωρ εἰρήνης πέρι καὶ πολέμου σκοπεῖν. ὧν μηδὲν ὁ δῆμος ἐπιστήσειε μηδὲ ἐπιμηνίσειεν ἡμῖν, προστάτου λαβόμενος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.55

We did not vote the governorship of Cisalpine Gaul to Antony. The people gave it to him by a law, Cicero being present; just as other provinces had often been given, and as this same governorship had previously been given to Caesar. It was a part of this law that, when Antony should arrive at the province given to him, if Decimus would not yield it Antony should declare war and lead the army into the Gallic province against him, instead of using it against the Thracians, who were still quiet. But Cicero does not consider Decimus, who is bearing arms against the law, an enemy, although he considers Antony an enemy who is fighting in accordance with law. He who accuses the law itself accuses the authors of the law, whom he ought to change by persuasion, not to insult after having himself agreed with them. He ought not to intrust the province to Decimus, whom the people drove out of the city on account of the murder, while refusing to intrust to Antony what the people gave to him. It is not the part of good counsellors to be at variance with the people, especially in times of danger, or to forget that this very power of deciding who are friends and who are enemies formerly belonged to the people. According to the ancient laws the people are the sole arbiters of peace and war. Heaven grant that they may not be reminded of this, and consequently be angry with us when they have found a leader.

Edition note

This is absurd and impossible. The Epitome of Livy (cxvii.) says that the law for the exchange of provinces was passed by Antony by violence. It was probably among those mentioned by Cicero in the fifth Philippic (3 and 4) as passed under military compulsion and in violation of the auspices. Not only was a tremendous thunder-storm raging so that Jove himself seemed to be prohibiting it by clamor from the skies, but the approaches to the forum were so fenced in that it would have been impossible to gain entrance without tearing down the barricade even if no armed soldiers had stood in the way.

3.8.56 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.56

ἀλλʼ ἔκτεινέ τινας τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὁ Ἀντώνιος. αὐτοκράτωρ γε ὢν καὶ ἐς τοῦτο ὑφʼ ὑμῶν κεχειροτονημένος. καὶ οὐδείς πω τῶνδε λόγον ὑπέσχεν αὐτοκράτωρ. οὐ γὰρ ἔκριναν οἱ νόμοι λυσιτελήσειν ἡμῖν τὸν ἄρχοντα τοῖς στρατευομένοις ὑπεύθυνον εἶναι· οὐδʼ ἔστιν ἀπειθείας τι χεῖρον ἐν στρατοπέδῳ, διʼ ἣν καὶ νικῶντές τινες ἀνῃρέθησαν, καὶ οὐδεὶς εὔθυνε τοὺς ἀνελόντας. οὐδὲ τῶν νῦν συγγενὴς οὐδείς, ἀλλὰ Κικέρων ἐπιμέμφεται καὶ φόνου κατηγορῶν πολέμιον κοινὸν ἀντὶ τῶν ὡρισμένων ἐπιτιμίων τοῖς φονεῦσι τίθεται. Ἀντωνίῳ δὲ τὸ στρατόπεδον ὅπως τε ἄτακτον ἦν καὶ ὅπως κατεφρόνει, δηλοῖ καὶ τὰ μεταστάντα αὐτοῦ δύο τέλη, ἃ ὑμεῖς μὲν ἐψηφίσασθε Ἀντωνίῳ στρατεύειν, αὐτομολήσαντα δὲ παρὰ τοὺς στρατιωτικοὺς νόμους, οὐ πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ἀλλʼ ἐς Καίσαρα, ὁ Κικέρων ὅμως ἐπῄνεσε καὶ ἐκ τῶν κοινῶν ἐχθὲς ἐμισθοδότησε· καὶ μή ποτε ὑμᾶς λυπήσειε τὸ παράδειγμα. Κικέρωνα δὲ καὶ ἐς ἀνωμαλίαν ἐξέστησεν ἡ ἔχθρα· κατηγορεῖ γὰρ Ἀντωνίου τυραννίδα καὶ κόλασιν στρατιωτῶν, ἀεὶ τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων τὰ στρατεύματα θεραπευόντων, οὐ κολαζόντων. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐκ ὤκνησεν οὐδε τὴν ἄλλην Ἀντωνίου μετὰ Καίσαρα ἀρχὴν ὡς τυραννικὴν διαβαλεῖν, φέρε πύθωμαι καθʼ ἕκαστον ὧδε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.56

But it is said that Antony put certain soldiers to death. Being commander-in-chief he was empowered to do so by you. No commander has ever rendered an account of such matters. The laws do not consider it expedient that the general should be answerable to his soldiers. There is nothing worse in an army than disobedience, on account of which some soldiers have been put to death even after a victory, and no one called to account those who killed them. None of their relatives complain now, but Cicero complains and while accusing Antony of murder stigmatizes him as a public enemy, instead of calling for the punishment prescribed for murderers. The desertion of two of his legions shows how insubordinate and arrogant Antony’s army was—which legions you had voted that he should command, and who deserted, in violation of military law, not to you, but to Octavius. Nevertheless Cicero praised them and yesterday proposed that they be paid out of the public treasury. Heaven grant that this example may not plague you hereafter. Hatred has betrayed Cicero into inconsistency, for he accused Antony of aiming at supreme power and yet punishing his soldiers, whereas such conspirators are always lenient, not severe, toward the men serving under them. As Cicero does not hesitate to arraign as tyrannical all the rest of Antony’s administration since Caesar’s death, come, let me examine his acts one by one.

3.8.57 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.57

τίνα ἔκτεινεν ὡς τύραννος ἄκριτον ὁ νῦν κινδυνεύων ἀκρίτως; τίνα δʼ ἐξέβαλε τῆς πόλεως; τίνα δὲ ὑμῖν διέβαλεν; ἢ καθʼ ἕνα μὲν τοιόσδε ἦν, ἐπεβούλευε δὲ πᾶσιν ὁμοῦ; πότε, ὦ Κικέρων; ὅτε τὴν ἀμνηστίαν ἐκύρου τῶν γεγονότων; ἢ ὅτε μηδένα διώκεσθαι φόνου; ἢ ὅτε ζήτησιν εἶναι τῶν κοινῶν χρημάτων; ἢ ὅτε Πομπήιον τὸν Πομπηίου τοῦ ὑμετέρου κατεκάλει καὶ τὴν πατρῴαν ἐκ τῶν δημοσίων αὐτῷ διέλυε περιουσίαν; ἢ ὅτε τὸν Ψευδομάριον λαβὼν ἐπιβουλεύοντα ἀπέκτεινε καὶ ἐπῃνέσατε πάντες καὶ τοῦτο μόνον διʼ ὑμᾶς οὐ διέβαλε Κικέρων; ἢ ὅτε ἐψηφίζετο μὴ εἰσηγεῖσθαι περὶ δικτάτορος μηδένα μήτε ἐπιψηφίζειν, ἢ νηποινεὶ πρὸς τοῦ θέλοντος ἀποθνῄσκειν; ταῦτα γάρ ἐστιν, ἃ ἐπολιτεύσατο ἡμῖν Ἀντώνιος ἐν δύο μησίν, οἷς μόνοις ἐπέμεινε τῇ πόλει μετὰ Καίσαρα, ἄρτι μὲν τοῦ δήμου τοὺς φονέας διώκοντος, ἄρτι δὲ ὑμῶν δεδιότων ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐσομένοις· οὗ τίνα καιρόν, εἰ πονηρὸς ἦν, ἀμείνονα εἶχεν; ἀλλʼ ἐς τὰ ἐναντία· οὐκ ἦρχε. πῶς; οὐ μόνος ἦρχεν ἀποδημήσαντος ἐπὶ Συρίας Δολοβέλλα; οὐ στρατὸν εἶχεν ἕτοιμον ἐν τῇ πόλει τὸν ὑφʼ ἡμῶν αὐτῷ δεδομένον; οὐκ ἐνυκτοφυλάκει τὴν πόλιν; οὐκ ἐνυκτοφυλακεῖτο διὰ τὴν τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐπιβουλήν; οὐ πρόφασιν εἶχε τὴν σφαγὴν Καίσαρος, φίλου τέ οἱ καὶ εὐεργέτου ὄντος καὶ τῷ δήμῳ μάλιστα ὑπεραρέσκοντος; οὐχ ἑτέραν εἶχεν οἰκείαν, ἐπιβεβουλευμένος ἐς τὸ σῶμα ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνδρῶν; ὧν ἔκτεινε μὲν ἢ ἐφυγάδευσεν οὐδένα, συνέγνω δέ, ὅσον εἶχε μέτρου καλῶς, καὶ διδομένας αὐτοῖς ἡγεμονίας οὐκ ἐφθόνησε δοθῆναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.57

Whom has Antony put to death in a tyrannical manner without trial—he who is now in danger of being condemned unheard? Whom has he banished from the city? Whom has he slandered in our presence? Or, if innocent toward us individually, has he conspired against all of us collectively? When, O Cicero? Was it when he carried through the Senate the act of amnesty for the past? Was it when he abstained from prosecuting anybody for the murder? Was it when he moved an investigation of the public moneys? Was it when he proposed the recall of Sextus Pompey, the son of your Pompey, and payment for his father’s confiscated property out of the public treasury? Was it when he seized that conspirator, the false Marius, and put him to death, and you all applauded? And because you did so it was the only act of Antony that Cicero did not calumniate. Was it when he brought in a decree that nobody should ever propose a dictatorship, or vote for it, and that anybody disobeying the decree might be killed with impunity by any one who wished? These are the public acts that Antony performed for us during two months the only months that he remained in the city after Caesar’s death, the very time when the people were pursuing the murderers and you were apprehensive of the future. If he were a villain what better opportunity could he have had? But it is said that he was not in a condition to do otherwise. How? Did he not exercise the sole authority after Dolabella departed for Syria? Did he not have an armed force in readiness in the city, one that you gave him ? Did he not patrol the city by night ? Was he not guarded at night against any conspiracy of his enemies? Did he not have an excuse for this in the murder of Caesar, his friend and benefactor, the man most beloved by the common people ? Did he not have another of a personal kind in the fact that the murderers conspired against his life also? None of them did he kill or banish, but pardoned them what he could in decency, and did not begrudge them the governorships that were offered to them. Ye behold then, O Romans, these very grave and indisputable charges of Cicero against Antony.

Edition note

ἀλλ’ ἐς τὰ ἐναντία οὐκ ἦρχε, an obscure sentence. Combes-Dounous suggested ἤρκει in place of ἦρχε, a change approved by Bekker and Mendelssohn.

3.8.58 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.58

τὰ μὲν δὴ μέγιστα, ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ ἀναμφίλογα Κικέρωνος ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐγκλήματα ὁρᾶτε· ἐπεὶ δέ γε ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐγκλήμασι καὶ μαντεύματα ἐπάγουσιν, ὡς ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἔμελλε μὲν τὸν στρατὸν ἄξειν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν, δείσειε δὲ προλαβόντος αὐτὴν ἑτέρῳ στρατῷ Καίσαρος, πῶς οὖν, εἰ τὸ μελλῆσαι μόνον ἐστὶν ἀνδρὸς πολεμίου, τὸν ἐλθόντα καὶ παραστρατοπεδεύσαντα ἡμῖν ἀσήμαντον οὐχ ἡγεῖται πολέμιον; πῶς δʼ, εἴπερ ἤθελεν ὁ Ἀντώνιος, οὐκ ἀφίκετο; ἢ τρισμυρίους ἔχων συντεταγμένους ἔδεισε τρισχιλίους τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Καίσαρα ὄντας ἀνόπλους, ἀσυντάκτους, ἐς μόνας Καίσαρι διαλλαγὰς συνελθόντας καὶ εὐθύς, ὡς ἔγνωσαν πολεμεῖν αἱρούμενον, καταλιπόντας; εἰ δὲ μετὰ τρισμυρίων ἐλθεῖν ἔδεισε, πῶς ἦλθε μετὰ μόνων χιλίων; μεθʼ ὧν αὐτὸν ἐς τὸ Τίβυρον ἐξιόντα πόσοι προεπέμπομεν καὶ πόσοι συνώμνυμεν οὐχ ὁρκούμενοι; πόσους δὲ Κικέρων ἐπαίνους ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀρετὴν ἀνάλισκε; πῶς δʼ αὐτὸς Ἀντώνιος, εἴ τι τοιοῦτον ἐγίγνωσκε, τὰ ἐνέχυρα τὰ νῦν ὄντα πρὸ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου κατέλιπεν ἡμῖν; μητέρα καὶ γυναῖκα καὶ μειράκιον υἱόν; οἳ κλαίουσι καὶ δεδίασι νῦν οὐ τὴν Ἀντωνίου πολιτείαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν τῶν ἐχθρῶν δυναστείαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.58

Since, in addition to charges, surmises are introduced to the effect that Antony was about to lead an army to the city, but became alarmed because Octavius had anticipated him with another army, how does it happen that when the mere intention to do this makes a man an enemy the one who actually comes and encamps alongside of us without authority is not considered an enemy? What would have prevented Antony from coming if he had wanted to? With 30,000 troops in line was he afraid of Octavius’ 3000, half-armed, unorganized, who had come together merely to gain his friendship, and who left him as soon as they knew that he had chosen them for war? If Antony was afraid to come with 30,000 how did he dare to come with only 1000? With these what a crowd of us accompanied him to Tibur! What a crowd of us voluntarily joined the soldiers in taking the oath of fidelity to him! What praises did Cicero lavish on his acts and virtues! If Antony himself contemplated any such thing [as invasion] why did he leave as pledges in our hands his mother, his wife, and his grown up son, who are even now at the door of the Senate weeping and fearful, not on account of what Antony has done, but on account of the overwhelming power of his enemies.

3.8.59 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.59

ταῦτα μὲν δὴ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐξενήνοχα δεῖγμα τῆς Ἀντωνίου τε ἀπολογίας καὶ Κικέρωνος μεταβολῆς· παραίνεσιν δʼ ἐπιθήσω τοῖς εὖ φρονοῦσι μήτε ἐς τὸν δῆμον μήτε ἐς Ἀντώνιον ἁμαρτάνειν μηδὲ ἔχθρας καὶ κινδύνους ἐπάγειν τοῖς κοινοῖς, νοσούσης ἔτι τῆς πολιτείας καὶ ἀπορούσης τῶν ὀξέως ἀμυνούντων, δύναμιν δʼ ἐν τῇ πόλει συστησαμένους, πρὶν θορυβῆσαί τι τῶν ἔξω, τὴν ἀρκέσουσαν, τότε τοῖς ἑκάστοτε ἐπείγουσιν ἐφεδρεύειν καὶ κρίνειν, οὓς ἂν ἐθέλητε, δυναμένους τὸ κεκριμένον τελεῖν. πῶς οὖν ἔσται ταῦτα; ἐὰν Ἀντώνιον μὲν ἐῶμεν ἐς πρόφασιν ἢ χάριν τοῦ δήμου τὴν Κελτικὴν ἔχειν, Δέκμον δὲ μετὰ τριῶν ὧν ἔχει τελῶν ἐνθάδε καλῶμεν καὶ ἀφικόμενον ἐκπέμπωμεν ἐς Μακεδονίαν, τὰ τέλη κατασχόντες. εἰ δὲ καὶ τὰ ἀπʼ Ἀντωνίου μεταστάντα δύο πρὸς ἡμᾶς μετέστη, καθάπερ φησὶ Κικέρων, καὶ τάδε καλῶμεν ἀπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐς τὴν πόλιν. οὕτω γὰρ πέντε τελῶν ἡμῖν ὑπαρχόντων ψηφιζοίμεθα ἄν, ὅ τι δοκιμάζοιμεν, ἐγκρατῶς, ἐς οὐδενὸς ἀνδρὸς ἐλπίδας αἰωρούμενοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.59

These facts furnish you an example of Antony’s defence and of Cicero’s fickleness. I will add an exhortation to right-minded men, not to do injustice to the people or to Antony, not to expose the public interests to new enmities and dangers while the commonwealth is sick and in want of timely defenders, but to establish a sufficient force in the city to ward off danger before breeding disorder outside, to provide against attacks from every quarter, and to come to such decisions as you please when you are able to carry them into effect. How shall these ends be accomplished? By allowing Antony, as a matter of policy, or for the sake of the people, to have Cisalpine Gaul. Call Decimus thence with his three legions, and when he comes send him to Macedonia, retaining his legions here. If the two legions that deserted from Antony deserted to us, as Cicero says, let us summon them also from Octavius to the city. Thus with five legions sustaining us we might pass such decrees as we think best with entire confidence, depending on the favor of no man.

3.8.60 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.60

καὶ τάδε μὲν εἴρηται τοῖς ἄνευ φθόνου καὶ φιλονικίας ἀκροωμένοις· τοῖς δὲ ἀπερισκέπτως καὶ ἀπαρασκεύως διʼ οἰκείαν ἔχθραν ἢ φιλονικίαν ἐκθορυβοῦσιν ὑμᾶς κριτὰς παραινῶ μὴ ταχεῖς εἶναι μηδὲ προπετεῖς ἐς ἄνδρας μεγίστους τε καὶ στρατιᾶς ἄρχοντας ἱκανῆς μηδὲ ἄκοντας ἐκπολεμοῦν, ἀναμιμνησκομένους Μαρκίου τε τοῦ Κοριολανοῦ καὶ τὰ ἔναγχος δὴ ταῦτα Καίσαρος, ὃν στρατιᾶς ὁμοίως ἡγούμενον καὶ σπονδὰς ἀρίστας ἂν ἡμῖν γενομένας προτείνοντα προπετῶς πολέμιον ψηφισάμενοι τῷ ὄντι πολέμιον ἠναγκάσαμεν γενέσθαι, φείδεσθαι δὲ καὶ τοῦ δήμου πρὸ βραχέος τοῖς φονεῦσι τοῖς Καίσαρος ἐπιδραμόντος, μὴ ἐς ὕβριν αὐτοῦ δοκῶμεν τοῖς μὲν ἡγεμονίας ἐθνῶν διδόναι, Δέκμον δὲ ἐπαινεῖν, ὅτι τοῦ δήμου νόμον ἀκυροῖ, καὶ Ἀντώνιον πολέμιον κρίνειν, ὅτι τὴν Κελτικὴν ἔλαβε παρὰ τοῦ δήμου. ὧν τοὺς μὲν εὖ βουλευομένους ἐνθυμεῖσθαι χρὴ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἔτι πλανωμένων, τοὺς δʼ ὑπάτους καὶ δημάρχους πλείονας κινδυνεύουσι τοῖς κοινοῖς γενέσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.60

I have addressed these words to men who listen to me without malice or the spirit of contention. Those who would excite you heedlessly and inconsiderately on account of private enmity and private strife I exhort not to come to hasty and rash decisions against the most important personages, who command strong armies, and not to force them into war against their will. Remember Marcius Coriolanus. Recall the recent doings of Caesar, whom we rashly voted an enemy while he was in like manner leading an army and offering us the fairest terms of peace, whereby we forced him to be an enemy in fact. Have regard for the people who were lately pursuing Caesar’s murderers, lest we seem to insult them by giving those murderers the governorship of provinces, by praising Decimus for nullifying the people’s law, and by voting Antony an enemy because he accepted the Gallic province from the people. For which reasons the well-wishers of the country ought to take thought for the erring, and the consuls and tribunes ought to be more than ever careful in view of the public dangers.

Edition note

Piso was the father of Caesar’s wife, Calpurnia. It is very doubtful whether this speech, or any other in defence of Antony, was made by him. Cicero tells us in the first Philippic (4, 6, and 7) that Piso made a strong speech on the first of August on the republican side. In a letter to Cassius (Ad Fam. xii. 2) he says that Piso is one of three senators whose blood Antony is seeking, the other two being P. Servilius and Cicero himself. It must be said, however, that Piso was capable of changing at any moment, for a blacker character never was painted than that which Cicero gives him in his Orations De Provinciis Consularibus and In Pisonem. Dion Cassius (xlvi. 1-28) says that Quintus Fufius Calenus took the lead in defending Antony in this debate. In the eighth Philippic (4-6) Cicero addresses himself to Fufius and answers arguments which the latter had made in favor of Antony in some debate. At an earlier period Fufius had been tribune and had fixed the jury which acquitted Clodius when he was tried for profaning the mysteries of the Bona Dea.

3.8.61 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.61

ὧδε μὲν ὁ Πείσων ἀπελογεῖτο καὶ ὠνείδιζεν ὁμοῦ καὶ ἐφόβει καὶ σαφῶς αἴτιος ἐγένετο μὴ ψηφισθῆναι πολέμιον Ἀντώνιον. οὐ μὴν ἐκράτησε τῆς Κελτικῆς αὐτὸν ἄρχειν· οἱ γὰρ τῶν σφαγέων φίλοι τε καὶ συγγενεῖς ὑπὸ δέους ἐκώλυσαν, μὴ τοῦ πολέμου λυθέντος ἐπεξέλθοι τὸν φόνον Καίσαρι συναλλαγείς· διὸ καὶ στασιάζειν αἰεὶ παρεσκεύαζον Καίσαρά τε καὶ Ἀντώνιον. ἐψηφίσαντο δʼ Ἀντωνίῳ προαγορεῦσαι Μακεδονίαν ἀντὶ τῆς Κελτικῆς ἔχειν· τὰς δὲ ἄλλας ἐντολάς, εἴτε λαθόντες εἴτʼ ἐξεπίτηδες, Κικέρωνα συγγράψαι τε καὶ δοῦναι τοῖς πρεσβεύουσι προσέταξαν. ὁ δὲ τὴν γνώμην παραφέρων συνέγραφεν ὧδε· Μουτίνης Ἀντώνιον εὐθὺς ἀπανίστασθαι καὶ Δέκμῳ τὴν Κελτικὴν μεθιέναι, ἐντὸς δὲ Ῥουβίκωνος ποταμοῦ, τοῦ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ὁρίζοντος ἀπὸ τῆς Κελτικῆς, ἡμέρᾳ ῥητῇ γενόμενον ἐπιτρέψαι τὰ καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἅπαντα τῇ βουλῇ. οὕτω μὲν φιλονίκως τε καὶ ψευδῶς τὰς ἐντολὰς ὁ Κικέρων συνέγραφεν, οὐδεμιᾶς ἔχθρας τοσῆσδε ὑπούσης, ἀλλʼ, ὡς ἔοικε, τοῦ δαιμονίου τὰ κοινὰ ἐς μεταβολὴν ἐνοχλοῦντος καὶ αὐτῷ Κικέρωνι κακῶς ἐπινοοῦντος. ἄρτι δὲ καὶ τῶν Τρεβωνίου λειψάνων κομισθέντων καὶ τῆς ἐς αὐτὸν ὕβρεως γνωσθείσης ἀκριβέστερον, οὐ δυσχερῶς ἡ βουλὴ τὸν Δολοβέλλαν ἔκρινεν εἶναι πολέμιον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.61

Thus did Piso defend Antony, reproaching his enemies and alarming them. He was evidently the cause of their not voting Antony an enemy. Nevertheless, he did not succeed in securing for him the governorship of the Gallic province. The friends and relatives of the murderers prevented it, fearing lest, at the end of the war, Antony should join Octavius in avenging the murder, for which reason they meant to keep Octavius and Antony always at variance with each other. They voted to offer Antony Macedonia instead of the Gallic province, and they ordered, either heedlessly or designedly, that the other commands of the Senate be reduced to writing by Cicero and delivered to the ambassadors. Cicero altered the decree and wrote as follows: Antony must raise the siege of Mutina forthwith, relinquish Cisalpine Gaul to Decimus, withdraw to the hither side of the river Rubicon (which forms the boundary between Italy and the province) before a specified day, and submit himself in all things to the Senate. Thus provokingly and falsely did Cicero write the orders of the Senate, not by reason of an underlying hostility, as it seems, but at the instigation of some evil spirit that was goading the republic to revolution and meditating destruction to Cicero himself. The remains of Trebonius having been lately brought home and the indignities visited upon them more carefully inquired into, the Senate with little opposition declared Dolabella a public enemy.

Edition note

The statement that Cicero falsified the message of the Senate to Antony is untrue. Cicero was vehemently opposed to sending ambassadors to Antony and in favor of an immediate declaration of war and the levying of troops against him. The terms of the message adopted by the Senate and sent by a special embassy are given in the sixth Philippic (2-3). They are in substance the same as those quoted above. Antony was ordered to recross the Rubicon, but not to come within 200 miles of Rome.

3.8.62 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.62

οἱ δʼ ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀπεσταλμένοι πρέσβεις, αἰδούμενοι τῶν ἐντολῶν τὸ ἀλλόκοτον, οὐδὲν μὲν ἔφασαν, αὐτὰς δʼ ἐπέδοσαν αὐτῷ. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος σὺν ὀργῇ πολλὰ ἔς τε τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τὸν Κικέρωνα ἀπερρίπτει, θαυμάζων, ὅτι Καίσαρα μὲν τὸν τὰ μέγιστα ὠφελήσαντα τὴν ἀρχὴν ἡγοῦνται τύραννον ἢ βασιλέα, Κικέρωνα δὲ οὐ νομίζουσιν, ὃν Καῖσαρ μὲν εἷλε πολέμῳ καὶ οὐκ ἀπέκτεινε, Κικέρων δὲ τοὺς ἐκείνου φονέας προτίθησι τῶν φίλων αὐτοῦ καὶ Δέκμον Καίσαρι μὲν ὄντα φίλον ἐμίσει, ἀνδροφόνον δὲ αὐτοῦ γενόμενον ἀγαπᾷ, καὶ τῷ μὲν παρʼ οὐδενὸς μετὰ Καίσαρα λαβόντι τὴν Κελτικὴν προστίθεται, τῷ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ δήμου λαβόντι πολεμεῖ. τῶν τε ἐψηφισμένων μοι τελῶν τοῖς μὲν αὐτομολήσασι γέρα δίδωσι, τοῖς δὲ παραμείνασιν οὔ, διαφθείρων οὐκ ἐμοὶ μᾶλλον ἀλλὰ τῇ πόλει τὰ στρατιωτικά. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἀνδροφόνοις ἀμνηστίαν ἔδωκεν, ᾗ κἀγὼ συνεθέμην διὰ δύο ἄνδρας αἰδεσίμους· Ἀντώνιον δὲ καὶ Δολοβέλλαν ἡγεῖται πολεμίους, ὅτι τῶν δεδομένων ἐχόμεθα. ἥδε γάρ ἐστιν ἡ ἀληθὴς αἰτία· κἂν ἀποστῶ τῆς Κελτικῆς, οὔτε πολέμιος οὔτε μόναρχός εἰμι. ταῦτα μέντοι μαρτύρομαι λύσειν τὴν οὐκ ἀγαπωμένην ἀμνηστίαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.62

The ambassadors who had been sent to Antony, ashamed of the extraordinary character of the orders, said nothing, but simply delivered them to him. Antony in his wrath indulged in many invectives against the Senate and Cicero. He was astonished, he said, that they should consider Caesar (the man who had contributed most to the Roman sway) a tyrant and a king, and did not so consider Cicero, whom Caesar had captured in war and whose life he had spared, while Cicero in return now prefers Caesar’s assassins to his friends. He hated Decimus as long as the latter was the friend of Caesar, but loves him now that he has become his murderer. He favors a man who took the province of Gaul after Caesar’s death without authority, and makes war on one who received it at the hands of the people. He gives rewards to those who deserted from the legions voted to me, and none to those who remain faithful, thus impairing military discipline not more to my disadvantage than to that of the state. He has given amnesty to the murderers, to which I have assented on account of two respectable men. He holds Antony and Dolabella as enemies because we keep what was given to us. That is the real reason. And if I but withdraw from Gaul, then I am neither enemy nor monarch! I declare that I will bring to naught the amnesty with which they are not satisfied.

Edition note

παρ’ οὐδενὸς: at the hands of nobody. In Secs. 49 and 50 we are told that Decimus held the province by the authority of the Senate, and in Sec. 124, Bk. I, that he had been designated as governor of the province by Caesar himself, all of whose acts were subsequently, on Antony’s motion, confirmed by the Senate.

3.8.63 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.8.63

τοιάδε πολλὰ εἰπὼν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἀντέγραφε τῷ δόγματι τῇ μὲν βουλῇ πεισθῆναι ἂν ἐς ἅπαντα ὡς πατρίδι, Κικέρωνι δὲ τῷ συγγράψαντι τὰς ἐντολὰς ὧδε ἀποκρίνεσθαι· ὁ δῆμος ἔδωκέ μοι τὴν Κελτικὴν νόμῳ, καὶ Δέκμον ἀπειθοῦντα τῷ νόμῳ μετελεύσομαι καὶ τοῦ φόνου δίκας ἀπαιτήσω μόνον ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων, ἵνα καὶ ἡ βουλὴ καθαρεύσῃ ποτὲ τοῦ μύσους, ἐμπιπλαμένη νῦν διὰ Κικέρωνα Δέκμῳ βοηθοῦντα. τάδε μὲν ὁ Ἀντώνιος εἶπέ τε καὶ ἀντέγραψε, καὶ ἡ βουλὴ αὐτὸν αὐτίκα ἐψηφίζετο εἶναι πολέμιον καὶ τὸν ὑπʼ αὐτῷ στρατόν, εἰ μὴ ἀποσταῖεν αὐτοῦ· Μακεδονίας δὲ καὶ τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος αὐτῆς καὶ τῶν ἐν ἀμφοτέραις ὑπολοίπων στρατῶν Μᾶρκον Βροῦτον ἄρχειν, μέχρι κατασταίη τὰ κοινά. ὁ δὲ ἴδιόν τε εἶχεν ἤδη στρατὸν καὶ παρὰ Ἀπουληίου τινὰ προσειλήφει καὶ ναῦς εἶχε μακράς τε καὶ ὁλκάδας καὶ χρημάτων ἐς μύρια καὶ ἑξακισχίλια τάλαντα καὶ ὅπλα πολλά, ὅσα ἐν Δημητριάδι Γαΐῳ Καίσαρι ἐκ πολλοῦ γιγνόμενα εὗρεν· οἷς ἅπασιν αὐτὸν ἡ βουλὴ τότε ἐψηφίζετο ἐς τὰ συμφέροντα τῆς πατρίδος χρῆσθαι. ἐψηφίσαντο δὲ καὶ Κάσσιον ἄρχειν τε Συρίας καὶ πολεμεῖν Δολοβέλλᾳ· τούς τε ἄλλους, ὅσοι τινὸς ἔθνους ἢ στρατοῦ Ῥωμαίων ἄρχουσιν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰονίου θαλάσσης ἐπὶ τὴν ἕω, πάντας ὑπακούειν ἐς ὅ τι προστάσσοι Κάσσιος ἢ Βροῦτος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.8.63

After saying much more to the same purpose Antony wrote his reply to the decree, saying that he would obey the Senate in all respects as the voice of his country, but to Cicero, who wrote the orders, he would make the following answer: The people gave me the province of Gaul by a law, and I shall prosecute Decimus for not obeying the law, and I shall visit punishment for the murder upon him alone, as representative of them all, in order that the Senate, which now participates in the wickedness by reason of Cicero’s support of Decimus, may at last be purged of the shocking crime. These words Antony spoke and wrote in reply. The Senate immediately voted him an enemy and also the army under him if it should not abandon him. The government of Macedonia and Illyria, with the troops still remaining in both, was assigned to Marcus Brutus until the republic should be reëstablished. The latter already had an army of his own and had received some troops from Apuleius. He also had war-ships and ships of burden and about 16,000 talents in money and quantities of arms which he found in Demetrias, where they had been placed by Gaius Caesar long before, all of which the Senate now voted that he should use for the advantage of the republic. They voted that Cassius should be governor of Syria and that he should make war against Dolabella, and that all other commanders of Roman provinces and soldiers between the Adriatic sea and the Orient should obey the orders of Cassius and Brutus in all things.

Edition note

Antony’s reply is quoted with a running comment in the eighth Philippic (8-9). It was a counter-proposition demanding money and lands for his troops; requiring that the edicts of himself and Dolabella relative to Caesar’s writings and note-books should not be questioned; that there should be no inquiry into the disposition made of the money left by Caesar in the temple of Ops; that he (Antony) should have the province of Transalpine Gaul with six legions (to be filled up from the forces under command of Decimus) for at least five years, and as long as Marcus Brutus and Cassius should retain their provinces.

Edition note

Apuleius was the quaestor of Asia. Plutarch, who gives him the name of Antistius, says that he was bringing some ships laden with money to Rome and that Brutus met him near Carystus (at the southern end of Eubœa) and persuaded him to deliver the ships and contents to himself, and that the amount of money was 500,000 drachmas. Plutarch mentions also the store of arms at Demetrias, accumulated by Caesar for the Parthian expedition. (Life of Brutus, 24-25.)

3.9.64 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.9.64

ὧδε μὲν ὀξέως σὺν ἀφορμῇ τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον ἐξελάμπρυνον, καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἕκαστα μαθὼν ἠπόρητο, τὴν μὲν ἀμνηστίαν ἡγούμενος εὐπρέπειαν ἐσχηκέναι φιλανθρωπίας καὶ ἔλεον συγγενῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ ὁμοτίμων, καὶ τὰς βραχυτέρας ἡγεμονίας ἀσφάλειαν· Δέκμῳ τε τὴν Κελτικὴν βεβαιοῦντας Ἀντωνίῳ δόξαι περὶ τυραννίδος διαφέρεσθαι, ᾧ προσποιήματι καὶ αὑτὸν ὑπάγεσθαι κατʼ Ἀντωνίου· τὸ δὲ καὶ Δολοβέλλαν πολέμιον ψηφίσασθαι διʼ ἕνα τῶν ἀνδροφόνων ἀναιρεθέντα καὶ Βρούτῳ καὶ Κασσίῳ τὰς ἡγεμονίας ἐς τὰ μέγιστα ἔθνη διαλλάξαι στρατόπεδά τε δοῦναι πολλὰ ἀθρόως καὶ χρήματα καὶ ἡγεμόνας ἡγεμονῶν ἀποφῆναι πάντων, ὅσοι πέραν εἰσὶ τῆς Ἰονίου θαλάσσης, σαφῶς εἶναι τὴν μὲν Πομπηίου μοῖραν αὐξόντων, τὴν δὲ Καίσαρος καθαιρούντων. ἐνεθυμεῖτο δὲ καὶ τῆς ἐς αὑτὸν ὡς μειράκιον τέχνης, εἰκόνα μὲν αὑτῷ καὶ προεδρίαν παρασχόντων καὶ ἀντιστράτηγον ἀποφηνάντων, ἔργῳ δὲ ἴδιον αὑτοῦ τὸν στρατὸν ὄντα ἀφαιρουμένων· ὑπάτων γὰρ συστρατηγούντων οὐδὲν εἶναι τὸν ἀντιστράτηγον· τά τε γέρα τοῖς ἀπὸ Ἀντωνίου μόνοις μεταστᾶσιν ἐψηφισμένα τοὺς αὑτῷ στρατευομένους ἀτιμοῦν· καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ὅλως αὑτῷ μὲν αἰσχύνην ἔχειν, ἔργῳ δὲ τὴν βουλὴν ἀποχρῆσθαί οἱ κατὰ Ἀντωνίου, μέχρι καθέλωσιν αὐτόν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.9.64

Thus quickly did the Senate seize the opportunity to put the affairs of Cassius and his party in a brilliant aspect. When Octavius learned what had been done he was troubled. He had considered the amnesty in the light of an act of humanity and of pity for the relatives and compeers of these men, and that the very small commands had been given them for their safety merely; finally, the confirming of the Gallic province to Decimus seemed to him to have been done by reason of the Senate’s difference with Antony respecting the supreme power, on which ground also they were inciting him against Antony. But the voting of Dolabella an enemy because he had put one of the murderers to death, the changing of the commands of Brutus and Cassius to the largest provinces, the granting of great armies and large sums of money to them and putting them in command of all the governors beyond the Adriatic sea —all pointed plainly to the building up of the party of Pompey and the pulling down of that of Caesar. He bethought himself of their artifice in treating him as a young man, in providing him a statue and a front seat, and giving him the title of propraetor, when in fact they were taking from him what army he did have, for a proprietor has no authority when consuls are serving with him. Then the rewards voted only to those of his soldiers who had deserted from Antony to him were an indignity to those who had enlisted under him. Finally the war would be nothing but a disgrace to him, for the Senate would simply make use of him against Antony till the latter was crushed.

Edition note

Cyrenaica and Crete; see Sec. 8. In the eleventh Philippic (12) Cicero praises Brutus for anticipating the desires of the Senate and not going to his own province of Crete, but flying to Macedonia, although it had been assigned to another. It had been assigned to Gaius Antonius.

3.9.65 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.9.65

ταῦτα λογιζόμενος ἐπέκρυπτε καὶ θύων ἐπὶ τῇ δεδομένῃ ἀρχῇ πρὸς τὸν στρατὸν ἔφη· καὶ τάδε μοι παρʼ ὑμῶν, ὦ συστρατιῶται, γέγονεν, οὐ νῦν, ἀλλʼ ἐξ οὗ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐδίδοτε· καὶ γὰρ ἡ βουλὴ διʼ ὑμᾶς ἔδωκεν. ὥστε ἐμὲ καὶ τούτων ἴστε τὴν χάριν ὑμῖν ὀφλήσοντα καί, ἢν οἱ θεοὶ παρέχωσιν εὐπραγεῖν, ἀποδώσοντα ἀθρόως. ὁ μέν οὑτωσὶ τὸν στρατὸν οἰκειούμενος ὑπήγετο, τῶν δὲ ὑπάτων Πάνσας μὲν ἀνὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐξενάγει, Ἵρτιος δὲ τῷ Καίσαρι τὸν στρατὸν ἐμερίζετο καί, ὡς αὐτῷ παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἐν ἀπορρήτῳ λέλεκτο, ἐς τὸ μέρος ᾔτει τὰ δύο τέλη τὰ παρὰ Ἀντωνίου μεταστάντα, εἰδὼς τάδε ὄντα τοῦ στρατοῦ τὸ ἀξιολογώτατον. καὶ ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ ἅπαντα συνεχώρει, μερισάμενοι δὲ ἐχείμαζον μετʼ ἀλλήλων· παροδεύοντος δὲ τοῦ χειμῶνος ἤδη Δέκμος μὲν ἔκαμνεν ὑπὸ λιμοῦ, Ἵρτιος δὲ καὶ Καῖσαρ ἐς τὴν Μουτίνην ἐχώρουν, μὴ κάμνοντα τὸν Δέκμου στρατὸν ὁ Ἀντώνιος παραλάβοι. ἀκριβῶς δὲ τῆς Μουτίνης φυλασσομένης ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀντωνίου, πανσυδὶ μὲν οὐ συνεπλέκοντο αὐτῷ Πάνσαν περιμένοντες, ἱππομαχίαι δʼ ἦσαν πυκναί, πολὺ μὲν πλείους ἱππέας ἔχοντος Ἀντωνίου· τοῦ πεδίου δὲ ἡ δυσχέρεια, διὰ χειμάρρους ἐκτεταφρευμένου, τὴν πλεονεξίαν τὸ πλῆθος ἀπεστέρει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.9.65

Meditating thus to himself he performed the sacrifices appertaining to the command assigned to him, and said to his army: I owe these honors of mine to you, fellow-soldiers, not now merely but from the time when you gave me the command; for the Senate conferred them upon me on account of you. Know, therefore, that my gratitude will be due to you for these things, and that it will be expressed to you abundantly if the gods grant success to our undertakings. In this way he conciliated the soldiers and attached them to himself. In the meantime, Pansa, one of the consuls, was collecting recruits throughout Italy, and the other one, Hirtius, shared the command of the forces with Octavius, and as he was secretly ordered to do it by the Senate he demanded as his share the two legions that had deserted from Antony, knowing that they were the most reliable in the army. Octavius yielded to him in everything and they shared with each other and went into winter quarters together. As winter advanced Decimus began to suffer from hunger, and Hirtius and Octavius advanced toward Mutina lest Antony should receive in surrender Decimus’ army now weak with famine; but as Mutina was closely hemmed in by Antony, they did not venture to come to close quarters with him at once, but waited for Pansa. There were frequent cavalry engagements, as Antony had a much larger force of horse, but the difficulty of the ground, which was cut up by torrents, deprived him of the advantage of numbers.

3.9.66 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.9.66

καὶ τάδε μὲν ἦν ἀμφὶ τῇ Μουτίνῃ, τὰ δʼ ἐν Ῥώμῃ τῶν ὑπάτων οὐ παρόντων ὁ Κικέρων ἦγεν ὑπὸ δημοκοπίας· καὶ συνεχεῖς ἦσαν ἐκκλησίαι, ὅπλα τε εἰργάζετο συναγαγὼν τοὺς δημιουργοὺς ἀμισθὶ καὶ χρήματα συνέλεγε καὶ βαρυτάτας ἐσφορὰς τοῖς Ἀντωνίου φίλοις ἐπετίθει. οἱ δὲ ἑτοίμως ἐσέφερον ἐκλυόμενοι τὴν διαβολήν, μέχρι Πούπλιος Οὐεντίδιος, ἐστρατευμένος τε Γαΐῳ Καίσαρι καὶ Ἀντωνίῳ φίλος ὤν, οὐκ ἤνεγκε τὴν βαρύτητα τοῦ Κικέρωνος, ἀλλʼ ἐς τὰς Καίσαρος ἀποικίας ἐκδραμὼν ὡς γνώριμος δύο ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀνεστράτευσε τέλη καὶ ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην συλλαβεῖν Κικέρωνα ἠπείγετο. τότε μὲν δὴ θόρυβός τε ἦν ἄπλετος, καὶ τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας ὑπεξέφερον οἱ πλείους μετὰ δυσελπιστίας, καὶ ὁ Κικέρων τῆς πόλεως ἀπεδίδρασκε. καὶ ὁ Οὐεντίδιος μαθων ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀνέστρεφε. διακλειόμενος δὲ ὑπὸ Καίσαρός τε καὶ Ἱρτίου ἐς τὴν Πικηνίτιδα παρῆλθε καὶ τέλος ἄλλο συλλογίσας ἐφήδρευε τοῖς ἐσομένοις. οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ τὸν Καίσαρα, τοῦ Πάνσα μετὰ στρατιᾶς πλησιάζοντος, Καρσουλήιον αὐτῷ προσέπεμπον ἄγοντα τὴν Καίσαρος στρατηγίδα τάξιν καὶ τὸ Ἄρειον τέλος ἐς βοήθειαν τῆς διόδου τῶν στενῶν. ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος τῶν μὲν στενῶν ὑπερεῖδεν ὡς οὐδὲν πλέον ἢ κωλύσων ἐν αὐτοῖς, ἐπιθυμίᾳ δὲ ἀγῶνος, οὐκ ἔχων τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἐλλαμπρύνασθαι διὰ τὸ πεδίον ἑλωδέστερον ὂν καὶ τεταφρευμένον, δύο ἐνήδρευσε τέλη τὰ ἄριστα ἐν τῷ ἕλει, τῆς ὁδοῦ, χειροποιήτου καὶ στενῆς οὔσης, ἑκατέρωθεν τῷ δόνακι κρύπτων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.9.66

Such was the course of events around Mutina. At Rome, in the absence of the consuls, Cicero took the lead by public speaking. He held frequent assemblies, procured arms by inducing the artificers to work without pay, collected money, and exacted heavy contributions from the Antonians. These paid without complaining in order to avoid calumny, until Publius Ventidius, who had served under Gaius Caesar and was a friend of Antony, unable to endure the exactions of Cicero, betook himself to Caesar’s colonies, where he was well known, and raised two legions for Antony and hastened to Rome to seize Cicero. The consternation was extreme. They removed most of the women and children in a panic, and Cicero himself fled from the city. When Ventidius learned this he turned his course toward Antony, but being intercepted by Octavius and Hirtius, he proceeded to Picenum, where he recruited another legion and waited to see what would happen. When Pansa was drawing near with his army, Octavius and Hirtius sent Carsuleius to him with Octavius’ praetorian cohort and the Martian legion to assist him in passing through a defile. Antony had disdained to occupy the defile as it served no other purpose than to hinder the enemy; but, eager to fight, and having no chance to win distinction with his cavalry, because the ground was marshy and cut by ditches, he placed his two best legions in ambush in the marsh, where they were concealed by the reeds and where the road, which had been thrown up artificially, was narrow.

Edition note

This tale, in so far as it relates to Cicero, must be entirely fictitious, since nothing of the kind is mentioned in the Philippics, although Ventidius is mentioned twice after his supposed march upon Rome to arrest Cicero.

3.9.67 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.9.67

Καρσουληίου δὲ καὶ Πάνσα τὰ στενὰ νυκτὸς διαδραμόντων, ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ μόνοις τοῖς Ἀρείοις καὶ πέντε ἄλλαις τάξεσιν ἐς τὴν χειροποίητον ὁδὸν ἐσβαλόντων, ἔτι καθαρευουσαν πολεμίων, καὶ τὸ ἕλος ἑκατέρωθεν ὂν περισκεπτομένων, ὅ τε δόναξ διακινούμενος ὑπωπτεύετο, καὶ ἀσπὶς ἤδη που καὶ κράνος ἐξέλαμπε, καὶ ἡ στρατηγὶς Ἀντωνίου τάξις αὐτοῖς αἰφνίδιον ἐπεφαίνετο ἐκ τοῦ μετώπου. οἱ δʼ Ἄρειοι περιειλημμένοι τε πάντοθεν καὶ οὐδαμόσε διαδραμεῖν ἔχοντες ἐκέλευον τοὺς νεήλυδας εἰ παραγένοιντο, μὴ συνεφάπτεσθαι σφίσι τῶν πόνων, ὡς μὴ συνταράξειαν αὑτοὺς ὑπὸ ἀπειρίας, τῇ στρατηγίδι δὲ Ἀντωνίου τὴν Καίσαρος στρατηγίδα ἀντέταξαν· αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐς δύο διαιρεθέντες ἐνέβαινον ἐς ἑκάτερον ἕλος, καὶ αὐτοῖς ἐπεστάτουν τῇ μὲν ὁ Πάνσας, τῇ δὲ ὁ Καρσουλήιος. δύο δὲ τῶν ἑλῶν ὄντων δύο ἦσαν οἱ πόλεμοι, τῇ διόδῳ εἰργόμενοι μὴ γινώσκειν τὰ ἀλλήλων· καὶ κατὰ τὴν δίοδον αὐτὴν αἱ στρατηγίδες πόλεμον ἄλλον ἐφʼ ἑαυτῶν ἐπολέμουν. γνώμη δὲ ἦν τοῖς μὲν Ἀντωνίου τοὺς Ἀρείους ἀμύνασθαι τῆς αὐτομολίας οἷα προδότας σφῶν γενομένους, τοῖς δʼ Ἀρείοις ἐκείνους τῆς ὑπεροψίας τῶν ἐν Βρεντεσίῳ διεφθαρμένων. συνειδότες τε ἀλλήλοις τὸ κράτιστον ὡς εἴη τῆς ἑκατέρου στρατιᾶς, ἤλπιζον ἐν τῷδε τῷ ἔργῳ μόνῳ τὸν πόλεμον κρινεῖν. καὶ τοῖς μὲν αἰδὼς ἦν τὸ δύο τέλεσιν οὖσιν διʼ ἑνὸς ἡσσᾶσθαι, τοῖς δὲ φιλοτιμία μόνοις τῶν δύο κρατῆσαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.9.67

Carsuleius and Pansa passed through the defile by night. At daybreak, with only the Martian legion and five other cohorts, they entered upon the road above mentioned, which was still free from enemies, and looked over the marsh on either side. There was a suspicious agitation of the bushes, then a gleaming of shields and helmets, and Antony’s praetorian cohort suddenly showed itself directly in their front. The Martian legion, surrounded on all sides and having no way to escape, ordered the new levies, if they came up, not to join in the fight lest they should cause confusion by their inexperience. The praetorians of Octavius confronted the praetorians of Antony. The other troops divided themselves in two parts and advanced into the marsh on either side, the one commanded by Pansa and the other by Carsuleius. Thus there were two battles in two marshes, and neither division could see the other by reason of the elevated road, while along the road itself the praetorian cohorts fought another battle of their own. The Antonians were determined to punish the Martians for desertion as being traitors to themselves. The Martians were equally determined to punish the Antonians for condoning the slaughter of their comrades at Brundusium. Recognizing in each other the flower of either army they hoped to decide the whole war by this single engagement. The one side was moved by shame lest its two legions should be beaten by one; the other by ambition that its single legion should overcome the two.

3.9.68 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.9.68

οὕτω μὲν ἀλλήλοις ἐπῄεσαν διωργισμένοι τε καὶ φιλοτιμούμενοι, σφίσι μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς οἰκεῖον ἡγούμενοι τόδε ἔργον· ὑπὸ δὲ ἐμπειρίας οὔτε ἠλάλαξαν ὡς οὐκ ἐκπλήξοντες ἀλλήλους, οὔτε ἐν τῷ πόνῳ τις αὐτῶν ἀφῆκε φωνὴν οὔτε νικῶν οὔτε ἡσσώμενος. περιόδους δὲ οὐκ ἔχοντες οὔτε δρόμους ὡς ἐν ἕλεσι καὶ τάφροις, ἀραρότως συνίσταντο, καὶ οὐδέτεροι τοὺς ἑτέρους ὤσασθαι δυνάμενοι τοῖς ξίφεσιν ὡς ἐν πάλῃ συνεπλέκοντο. πληγή τε οὐδεμία ἦν ἀργός, ἀλλὰ τραύματα καὶ φόνοι καὶ στόνοι μόνον ἀντὶ βοῆς· ὅ τε πίπτων εὐθὺς ὑπεξεφέρετο, καὶ ἄλλος ἀντικαθίστατο. παραινέσεων δὲ ἢ ἐπικελεύσεων οὐκ ἐδέοντο, διʼ ἐμπειρίαν ἕκαστος ἑαυτοῦ στρατηγῶν. ὅτε δὲ καὶ κάμοιεν, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς γυμνικοῖς ἐς ἀναπνοὴν ὀλίγον ἀλλήλων διίσταντο καὶ αὖθις συνεπλέκοντο. θάμβος τε ἦν τοῖς νεήλυσιν ἐπελθοῦσι, τοιάδε ἔργα σὺν εὐταξίᾳ καὶ σιωπῇ γιγνόμενα ἐφορῶσι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.9.68

Thus urged on rather by their own animosity and ambition than by their generals they assailed each other, considering this their own affair. Being veterans they raised no battle-cry, since they could not expect to terrify each other, nor in the engagement did they utter a sound, either as victors or vanquished. As there could be neither flanking nor charging in marshes and ditches, they stood together in close order, and since neither could dislodge the other they locked together with their swords as in a wrestling match. No blow missed its mark. There were wounds and slaughter but no cries, only groans; and when one fell he was instantly borne away and another took his place. They needed neither admonition nor encouragement, since experience had made each one his own general. When they were overcome by fatigue they drew apart from each other for a brief space to take breath, as in gymnastic games, and then rushed again to the encounter. Amazement took possession of the new levies who had come up, as they beheld such deeds done with such precision and in such silence.

3.9.69 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.9.69

πονουμένων δὲ ὧδε πάντων ὑπὲρ φύσιν ἀνθρωπίνην, ἡ μὲν στρατηγὶς ἡ Καίσαρος ἅπασα διεφθάρη, τῶν δὲ Ἀρείων οἱ μὲν ὑπὸ τῷ Καρσουληίῳ μᾶλλον ἐκράτουν τῶν κατὰ σφᾶς, οὐκ αἰσχρῶς, ἀλλὰ κατʼ ὀλίγον ἐνδιδόντων, οἱ δὲ ὑπὸ τῷ Πάνσᾳ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐβαροῦντο, διεκαρτέρουν δʼ ὅμως ἐπʼ ἴσης ἑκάτεροι, μέχρι Πάνσας ὀβελῷ τὴν λαγόνα τρωθεὶς ἐς Βονωνίαν ἐξεφέρετο. τότε γὰρ οἱ κατʼ αὐτὸν ἀνεχώρουν, ἐπὶ πόδα πρῶτον, εἶτα μεταβαλόντες ὀξύτερον ὡς ἐν φυγῇ. καὶ οἱ νεήλυδες ἰδόντες ἔφευγον ἀτάκτως καὶ μετὰ βοῆς ἐς τὸ χαράκωμα, ὅπερ αὐτοῖς ἐξείργαστο ὁ ταμίας Τορκουᾶτος συνεστώσης ἔτι τῆς μάχης, ὑπονοήσας ἐν χρείᾳ γενήσεσθαι. οἱ μὲν δὴ νεήλυδες ἐς αὐτὸ ἀτάκτως συνειλοῦντο, Ἰταλοὶ μὲν ὄντες ὁμοίως τοῖς Ἀρείοις· ἡ δὲ ἄσκησις ἄρα τοῦ γένους ἐς τοσοῦτον ἀρετῇ διαφέρει. οἱ δὲ Ἄρειοι οὐκ ἐσῆλθον μὲν ἐς τὸ χαράκωμα αὐτοὶ ὑπὸ ἀδοξίας, ἀλλὰ παρʼ αὐτὸ ἔστησαν· κατάκοποι δὲ ὄντες ὤργων ὅμως, εἴ τις ἐπίοι, μέχρι τοῦ ἀναγκαίου τέλους διαγωνίσασθαι. Ἀντώνιος δὲ τῶν μὲν Ἀρείων ἀπέσχετο ὡς ἐπιπόνων, τοῖς δὲ νεήλυσιν ἐπιδραμὼν πολὺν εἰργάζετο φόνον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.9.69

All put forth superhuman exertions, and the praetorians of Octavius perished to the last man. Those of the Martians who were under Carsuleius got the better of those opposed to them, who gave way, not in disgraceful rout, but little by little. Those under Pansa were likewise in difficulties, but they held out with equal bravery on both sides until Pansa was wounded in the abdomen by a javelin and carried off the field to Bononia. Then his soldiers retired, at first step by step, but afterward they turned and took refuge in flight. When the new levies saw this they fled in disorder, and with loud cries, to their camp, which the quaestor, Torquatus, had put in readiness for them while the battle was in progress, apprehending that it might be needed. The new levies dashed into it confusedly although they were Italians, the same as the Martians, so much more than race does training contribute to bravery. The Martians for fear of shame did not enter into the camp, but ranged themselves near it. Although fatigued they were still furious and ready to fight to the bitter end if anybody should attack them. Antony refrained from the attack as a bad job, but he fell upon the new levies and made a great slaughter.

3.9.70 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.9.70

Ἵρτιος δὲ ἐν Μουτίνῃ τῆς μάχης πυθόμενος, ἑξήκοντα στάδια ἀπεχούσης, ἵετο δρόμῳ μετὰ τοῦ ἑτέρου τέλους τῶν ἀπὸ Ἀντωνίου μεταστάντων. ἤδη τε ἦν ὀψία δείλη, καὶ οἱ νικήσαντες τῶν Ἀντωνίου παιανίζοντες ἐπανῄεσαν· καὶ αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἵρτιος ἀσυντάκτοις οὖσιν ἐπιφαίνεται συντεταγμένος ὁλοκλήρῳ τέλει καὶ ἀπαθεῖ. οἱ δὲ συνετάχθησαν μὲν αὖθις ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης, καὶ πολλὰ καὶ πρὸς τούσδε ἔργα λαμπρὰ ἐπεδείξαντο· οἷα δὲ ἀκμήτων ἡσσῶντο κεκμηκότες, καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον αὐτῶν μάλιστα τὸ ἔργον Ἱρτίου διέφθειρε, καίπερ οὐ διώκοντος αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ φόβου τῶν ἑλῶν, καὶ τῆς ἑσπέρας ἤδη μελαινομένης διέλυσεν αὐτούς. καὶ τὸ ἕλος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐπεπλήρωτο ὅπλων τε καὶ νεκρῶν καὶ ἀνδρῶν ἡμιθνήτων καὶ τετρωμένων· οἱ δὲ καὶ ἐρρωμένοι σφῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ κόπου κατεφρόνουν. ἱππέες δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐξ Ἀντωνίου περιθέοντες, ὅσοι παρήσπιζον αὐτῷ, διʼ ὅλης τῆς νυκτὸς ἀνελέγοντο καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀντὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν, τοὺς δὲ σὺν ἑαυτοῖς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἀνετίθεντο ἢ τῆς οὐρᾶς ἀντεχομένους παρεκάλουν παρατροχάζειν καὶ βοηθεῖν σφίσιν ἐς τὴν σωτηρίαν. ὧδε μὲν Ἀντωνίῳ καλῶς ἀγωνισαμένῳ διέφθαρτο ἡ ἰσχὺς διὰ Ἵρτιον ἐπελθόντα. καὶ ηὐλίσατο ἐν κώμῃ παρὰ τὸ πεδίον ἀχαρακώτως· ἀγορὰ Κελτῶν ἡ κώμη καλεῖται. ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἀμφὶ τοὺς ἡμίσεας ἑκατέρων, καὶ ἡ στρατηγὶς ἡ Καίσαρος ἅπασα, Ἱρτίου δὲ ὀλίγοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.9.70

When Hirtius near Mutina heard of this fight, at a distance of sixty stades, he hurried thither with the other legion that had deserted from Antony. It was already evening and the victorious Antonians were returning singing hymns of triumph. While they were in loose order Hirtius made his appearance in perfect order with his legion complete and fresh. The Antonians got themselves in line under compulsion, and performed against this foe also many splendid deeds of valor; but being wearied by their recent exertions they were overcome by the fresh army opposed to them, and the greater part of them were slain in this encounter by Hirtius, although the latter did not pursue, being apprehensive of the marshy ground. As darkness was coming on he allowed them to escape. A wide stretch of the marsh was filled with arms, corpses, wounded men, and half-dead men. Some were unhurt but were overcome by fatigue. Antony’s cavalry, as many as he had with him, went to their assistance and collected them through the entire night. Some they put on horse-back in their own places, others they took on the horses with themselves, still others they urged to take hold of the horses’ tails and run along with them and so secure their safety. Thus were Antony’s forces, after he had fought splendidly, scattered by the coming of Hirtius. He encamped without entrenchments in a village near the plain, named Forum Gallorum. Antony and Pansa each lost about one-half of their men. The whole of Octavius’ praetorian cohort perished. The loss of Hirtius was slight.

Edition note

The modern Castel Franco.

Edition note

A letter is preserved in the correspondence of Cicero giving an account of this battle by Servius Galba, who usually commanded the Martian legion, and who actually commanded eight cohorts of it in this fight. He had been one of Caesar’s lieutenants in the Gallic war (B. G. iii. 1-6), but had joined the conspirators because Caesar had rejected his claims to the consulship. He was great-grandfather of the Emperor Galba (Suetonius, Galba, 3). In his letter he says that he was sent 100 miles by Hirtius with the Martian legion and two praetorian cohorts to meet Pansa, who was advancing with four legions of newly raised soldiers. As they approached Forum Gallorum on their return, they passed a forest and a marsh and then met a detachment of Antony’s horse and light-armed troops. When these were seen the Martian legion and the two cohorts of veterans could not be restrained from attacking, wherefore it became necessary to support them. Antony had posted two veteran legions and two praetorian cohorts in Forum Gallorum in concealment. These he drew out and attacked the Martians. Pansa ordered up two of his new legions and a furious battle ensued. Galba saw Antony personally taking part in it. Pansa’s men were gradually forced back to their camp, in which they took refuge. Antony attacked the camp but was repulsed. As soon as Hirtius heard that a battle was in progress he started with twenty cohorts of veterans, met Antony as he was returning, attacked and totally routed him on the very ground where the first battle had been fought, taking two eagles and sixty standards. The letter is dated April 20. It says that the battle took place on the 15th. (Ad Fam. x. 30.) In the fourteenth Philippic (14) Cicero says that Hirtius did not lose a man in the second engagement.

3.10.71 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.10.71

τῆς δʼ ἐπιούσης ἀνεζεύγνυον ἐς τὰ ἐν τῇ Μουτίνῃ στρατόπεδα πάντες. γνώμη δὲ ἦν Ἀντωνίῳ μὲν ἐπὶ τοσῷδε πταίσματι μὴ ἐπιχειρεῖν ἔτι τοῖς ἐχθροῖς μεγάλῃ μάχῃ μηδʼ ἐπιόντων ἀμύνεσθαι, διὰ δὲ τῶν ἱππέων τὰ ἐφήμερα μόνα αὐτοὺς ἐνοχλεῖν, μέχρι παραδῴη Δέκμος αὑτὸν ἐς ἔσχατον ἤδη λιμοῦ τετρυμένος, Ἱρτίῳ δὲ καὶ Καίσαρι διὰ τοῦτο μάλιστα τὰ ἐς τὴν μάχην ἐπείγεσθαι. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐκτάσσουσιν αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἀντώνιος οὐκ ἐπεξῆγεν, ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ θάτερα τῆς Μουτίνης ἀφυλακτότερα ὄντα διὰ δυσχέρειαν ἐχώρουν ὡς βιασόμενοι βαρεῖ στρατῷ παρεσελθεῖν ἐς αὐτήν. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος αὐτῶν ἐξήπτετο τοῖς ἱππεῦσι καὶ τότε μόνοις. ἀμυνομένων δὲ κἀκείνων αὐτὸν ἱππεῦσι μόνοις καὶ τῆς ἄλλης στρατιᾶς χωρούσης, ἐφʼ ἃ ἐβούλοντο, δείσας ὁ Ἀντώνιος περὶ τῇ Μουτίνῃ ἐξῆγε δύο τέλη· οἱ δὲ ἡσθέντες ἐπέστρεφον καὶ ἐμάχοντο. ἄλλα δὲ Ἀντωνίου τέλη καλοῦντος ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων στρατοπέδων, ὧν βραδέως ὡς ἐν αἰφνιδίῳ τε μετακλήσει καὶ μακρόθεν ἰόντων ἐκράτουν οἱ τοῦ Καίσαρος τῇ μάχῃ. Ἵρτιος δὲ καὶ ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐσήλατο τοῦ Ἀντωνίου καὶ περὶ τὴν στρατηγίδα σκηνὴν μαχόμενος ἔπεσε. καὶ αὐτοῦ τό τε σῶμα ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐσδραμὼν ἀνείλετο καὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου κατέσχεν, ἕως μετʼ ὀλίγον ἐξεώσθη πρὸς Ἀντωνίου. διενυκτέρευσαν δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἑκάτεροι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.10.71

The next day they all withdrew to the camps at Mutina. After so severe a disaster Antony decided not to come to a general engagement with his enemies at present, not even if they should attack him, but merely to harass them daily with his cavalry until Decimus, who was reduced to extremity by famine, should surrender. For this very reason Hirtius and Octavius decided to push on a fight. As Antony would not come out when they offered battle, they moved toward the other side of Mutina where it was less closely besieged on account of the badness of the ground, as if about to force their way into the town with their strong army. Antony followed their movement with his cavalry and this time also with those alone. As the enemy fought him with their cavalry only, moving the rest of their army in whatever way they chose, Antony, lest he should lose Mutina, drew out of his entrenchments two legions. Then his enemies rejoiced at this, turned and delivered battle. Antony ordered up other legions from other camps, but as they came slowly, by reason of the suddenness of the call or the long distance, the army of Octavius won the victory. Hirtius even broke into Antony’s camp, where he was killed, fighting near the general’s tent. Octavius rushed in and carried off his body and possessed himself of the camp. A little later he was driven out by Antony. Both sides passed the night under arms.

Edition note

This battle was fought on the 27th. While it was in progress Decimus made a sortie from Mutina and completed the victory. This is mentioned in a letter of Cicero (Ad Fam. xi. 14). Also in a letter from Marcus Brutus to Cicero (Ad Brutum, 4). Antony fled from the field toward the Alps with a very small force of infantry and those without arms, but by opening the workhouses and impressing all sorts of people on the road, he collected a considerable number of men. So Decimus Brutus reported to Cicero, May 5. (Ad farm. xi. 10.)

3.10.72 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.10.72

καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος δευτέρᾳ τῇδε συμπεσὼν πληγῇ συνεβουλεύετο τοῖς φίλοις εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ πόνου. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἐδόκει τῆς προτέρας αὐτὸν γνώμης ἔχεσθαι, πολιορκοῦντα Μουτίνην καὶ ἐς μάχην οὐκ ἐπεξιόντα· τό τε γὰρ πάθος ὅμοιον ἀμφοῖν γεγονέναι καὶ Ἵρτιον ἀνῃρῆσθαι καὶ Πάνσαν νοσεῖν καὶ σφᾶς τοῖς ἱππεῦσι πλεονεκτεῖν Μουτίνην τε ἐς ἔσχατον ἀφῖχθαι λιμοῦ καὶ εὐθὺς ἐνδώσειν. ὧδε μὲν ἤρεσκε τοῖς φίλοις, καὶ ἦν τὰ ἄριστα· ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος, ἤδη θεοῦ βλάπτοντος, ἐδεδοίκει, μὴ ἐς τὴν Μουτίνην ὁ Καῖσαρ, ὥσπερ ἐχθὲς ἐπιχειρήσας, ἐσδράμοι ἢ αὑτὸν ἐπιχειρήσειε περιτειχίζειν, πλέον ἔχων τὸ ἐργάσιμον, ἐν ᾧ καὶ τῶν ἱππέων, ἔφη, γιγνομένων ἡμῖν ἀχρήστων, ὑπερόψεταί με Λέπιδος καὶ Πλάγκος ἡττώμενον. εἰ δὲ Μουτίνης ἐξανασταῖμεν, Οὐεντίδιός τε ἡμῖν αὐτίκα προσέσται, τρία τέλη φέρων ἐκ τῆς Πικηνίτιδος, καὶ Λέπιδος καὶ Πλάγκος ἐρρωμένως οἱ συμμαχήσουσι. ταῦτα ἔλεγεν, οὐκ ἄτολμος ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις ἀνήρ, καὶ εἰπὼν εὐθὺς ἀνίστατο καὶ ὥδευεν ἐπὶ τῶν Ἄλπεων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.10.72

When Antony had suffered this second defeat, he took counsel with his friends directly after the battle. They advised him to adhere to his first resolution, to continue the siege of Mutina and not to go out and fight, saying that the losses had been about equal on both sides, Hirtius having been killed and Pansa wounded; that he (Antony) was superior in cavalry and that Mutina was reduced to extremity by famine and must soon succumb. Such was the advise of his friends, and it was truly for the best. But Antony, now misled by a god, was fearful lest Octavius should make another attempt to break into Mutina like that of yesterday, or even try to enclose him (Antony), as Octavius had the greater force of laborers, in which case. said he, our cavalry will be useless and Lepidus and Plancus will despise me as a vanquished man. If we withdraw from Mutina, Ventidius will presently join us with three legions from Picenum, and Lepidus and Plancus will be emboldened to ally themselves with us. So he spoke, although he was not a timid man in the presence of danger; and breaking camp forthwith he made his way toward the Alps.

Edition note

It is plain from what has gone before that Antony aimed at the supreme power which Caesar had held, and that Octavius was, in his eyes, an impertinence and an inconvenience. It is evident also that Octavius aimed not to destroy Antony, but to cripple and humble him, and so convince him that he (Octavius) was a person to be reckoned with. A perception of this truth was forced upon Antony before he was dislodged from Mutina, for he wrote a letter to Hirtius and Octavius appealing to them as Caesarians, and pretending that he was solely concerned in taking vengeance on Decimus as one of the murderers. Hirtius sent it to Cicero, who read it, with a running comment, in the Senate (Phil. xiii. 10-21). It shows that Antony was not destitute of literary ability. A translation of it will be found in the appendix to Book III.

3.10.73 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.10.73

Δέκμῳ δὲ ἀπαλλαγέντι τῆς πολιορκίας ὁ φόβος ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα ἐνηλλάσσετο· τῶν γὰρ ὑπάτων ἐκποδὼν γενομένων ὡς ἐχθρὸν ἐδεδοίκει. τάς τε οὖν γεφύρας τοῦ ποταμοῦ διέκοπτε πρὸ ἡμέρας καὶ κελητίῳ τινὰς ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα ἀποστέλλων ἐμαρτύρει μὲν ὡς αἰτίῳ τῆς σωτηρίας, ἠξίου δὲ μέσον ἔχοντα τὸν ποταμὸν ἐς λόγους οἱ συνελθεῖν ἐπὶ μάρτυσι τοῖς πολίταις· πείσειν γάρ, ὅτι δαιμόνιον αὑτὸν ἔβλαψεν, ἐς τὴν Καίσαρος ἐπιβουλὴν ἐπηγμένον ὑφʼ ἑτέρων. Καίσαρος δὲ τοῖς ἥκουσιν ἀποκριναμένου τε πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ τὴν χάριν, ἣν δίδωσίν οἱ Δέκμος, διωθουμένου (οὐδὲ γὰρ Δέκμον ἐγὼ πάρειμι περισώσων, ἀλλʼ Ἀντωνίῳ πολεμήσων, ᾧ μοι καὶ συναλλαγῆναί ποτε θέμις· Δέκμῳ δὲ ἡ φύσις οὐδὲ ἐς ὄψιν ἢ λόγους ἐλθεῖν ἐπιτρέπει· σῳζέσθω μέντοι, μέχρι τοῖς ἐν ἄστει δοκεῖ), πυθόμενος τούτων ὁ Δέκμος ἔστη τε πρὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ καλῶν ὀνομαστὶ τὸν Καίσαρα, σὺν βοῇ τὰ γράμματα τῆς βουλῆς ἀνεγίνωσκε, διδούσης οἱ τὴν Κελτικὴν ἡγεμονίαν, ἀπηγόρευέ τε Καίσαρι χωρὶς ὑπάτων μὴ περᾶν τὸν ποταμὸν ἐς ἀλλοτρίαν ἡγεμονίαν μηδὲ ἐπὶ Ἀντώνιον ἔτι χωρεῖν· αὐτὸς γὰρ αὐτὸν διώκων ἀρκέσειν. ὁ δὲ ᾔδει μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς αὐτὸν ἐς τήνδε τὴν θρασύτητα αὐξανόμενον, δυνηθεὶς δʼ ἂν ἐκ προστάγματος ἑλεῖν ἐφείδετο ἔτι καὶ πρὸς τὸν Πάνσαν ἐς Βονωνίαν τραπεὶς ἔγραφε τῇ βουλῇ περὶ ἁπάντων. ἔγραφε δὲ καὶ Πάνσας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.10.73

When Decimus was delivered from the siege he began to be afraid of Octavius, whom, after the removal of the two consuls, he feared as an enemy. So he broke down the bridge over the river before daybreak and sent certain persons to Octavius in a boat, as if to return thanks for rescuing him, and asked that Octavius would come to the opposite bank of the river to hold a conversation with him in the presence of the citizens as witnesses, because he could convince Octavius, he said, that an evil spirit had deceived him and led him into the conspiracy against Caesar with the others. Octavius answered the messengers in a tone of anger, declining the thanks that Decimus gave him, saying: I am here not to rescue Decimus, but to fight Antony, with whom I may properly come to terms sometime, but nature forbids that I should even look at Decimus or hold any conversation with him. Let him have safety, however, as long as the authorities at Rome please. When Decimus heard this he stood on the river bank and, calling Octavius by name, read with a loud voice the letters of the Senate giving him command of the Gallic province, and forbade Octavius to cross the river without consular authority, into the government belonging to another, and not to follow Antony further, because he (Decimus) would suffice for the pursuit of the latter. Octavius knew that he was prompted to this audacious course by the Senate, and although able to seize him by giving an order, he spared him for the present and withdrew to Pansa at Bononia, where he wrote a full report to the Senate, and Pansa did likewise.

Edition note

From the letters of Decimus Brutus to Cicero, we learn that this entire section 73 is at variance with the facts. Immediately after Antony’s flight Decimus urged Octavius to cross the Apennines, in order to intercept Ventidius, who was leading three legions to Antony’s assistance, in which case, he says, I should have driven Antony to such straits that he would have succumbed to want rather than the sword. But I cannot command Octavius, nor can he command his own army, which is doubly unfortunate. (Ad Fam. xi. 10.) In another letter written from Pollentia, Decimus gives an account in detail of his movements after Antony’s flight. I was not able to pursue immediately, he says, because I had neither cavalry nor pack animals. I did not know that Hirtius was dead. I could not trust Octavius, until I had met and conversed with him. So that day passed. Early the next day I was summoned by Pansa to Bononia. While I was on the road thither news was brought to me that he was dead. So I returned to my little band, for so I can truly call it, reduced as it is to extremity by the want of everything. Thus Antony got two days the start of me. (Ad Fam. xi. 13.)

3.10.74 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.10.74

καὶ Κικέρων ἐν Ῥώμῃ τὰ μὲν ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἀνεγίγνωσκεν ὡς ὑπάτου, τὰ δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος τῇ βουλῇ μόνον· θυσίας τε ἐπʼ Ἀντωνίῳ πεντήκοντα ἡμερῶν ἱκεσίους ἐψηφίζετο, ὅσας οὔτε ἐπὶ Κελτοῖς οὔτε ἐπὶ ἄλλῳ πολέμῳ ποτὲ ἐψηφίσαντο Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ τὸν στρατὸν τῶν ὑπάτων ἐδίδου Δέκμῳ καίπερ ἔτι Πάνσα περιόντος ʽἤδη γὰρ ἀπεγιγνώσκετὀ, στρατηγόν τε τὸν Δέκμον ἀπέφηνεν ἐπʼ Ἀντωνίῳ μόνον εἶναι καὶ εὐχὰς δημοσίας ἐποιεῖτο Δέκμον Ἀντωνίου περιγενέσθαι. τοσοῦτος ἦν οἶστρος αὐτῷ κατὰ Ἀντωνίου καὶ ἀπειροκαλία. ἐβεβαίου τε αὖθις τοῖς δύο τέλεσι τοῖς ἀπὸ Ἀντωνίου μεταστᾶσι τὰς ἑκάστῳ προϋπεσχημένας παρὰ τοῦ κοινοῦ Ῥωμαίων ἐπινικίους δραχμὰς πεντακισχιλίας ὡς ἤδη νενικηκόσι καὶ στέφανον αὐτοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς αἰεὶ θαλλοῦ περιτίθεσθαι. περὶ δὲ Καίσαρος οὐδὲν ἦν ἐν τοῖς γραφομένοις, οὐδὲ τοὔνομα ὅλως· οὕτως αὐτίκα κατεφρονεῖτο ὡς Ἀντωνίου καθῃρημένου. ἔγραφον δὲ καὶ Λεπίδῳ καὶ Πλάγκῳ καὶ Ἀσινίῳ πολεμεῖν, ὅπως πλησιάσειαν Ἀντωνίῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.10.74

In Rome Cicero read to the people the report of the consul, and to the Senate alone that of Octavius. For the victory over Antony, he caused them to vote a thanksgiving of fifty days,— a longer festivity than the Romans had ever decreed even after the Gallic or any other war. He induced them to give the army of the consuls to Decimus, although Pansa was still alive (for his life was now despaired of), and to appoint Decimus the sole commander against Antony. Public prayers were offered that Decimus might prevail over him. Such was Cicero’s passion and want of decorum in reference to Antony. He confirmed again, to the two legions that had deserted from Antony, the 5000 drachmas per man previously promised to them as the rewards of victory, as though they had already conquered, and gave them the perpetual right to wear the olive crown at the public festivals. There was nothing about Octavius in the decrees, and his name was not even mentioned. He was forthwith disregarded as though Antony were already destroyed. They wrote to Lepidus, to Plancus, and to Asinius Pollio to fight Antony when he should draw near them. Such was the course of events at Rome.

Edition note

The decree of the Senate here referred to was passed after the first victory over Antony, and while both consuls were still alive. It forms the conclusion of the fourteenth and last Philippic. It awarded praise in equal measure to Pansa, to Hirtius, and to Octavius; it provided for a thanksgiving of fifty days, and for paying to the soldiers who had been engaged, or their surviving relatives, all the rewards previously promised them, and for the erection of a magnificent monument to the memory of those who fell in the battle.

3.10.75 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.10.75

καὶ τάδε μὲν ἦν τὰ ἐν Ῥώμῃ, Πάνσας δʼ ἐκ τοῦ τραύματος ἀποθνῄσκων Καίσαρά οἱ παρεστήσατο καὶ εἶπεν· ἐγὼ τῷ σῷ πατρὶ φίλος ἦν ὡς ἐμαυτῷ, ἀναιρεθέντι δὲ οὐκ εἶχον ἐπαμύνειν οὐδὲ τοῖς πλείοσι μὴ συνίστασθαι, οἷς γε δὴ καὶ σὺ καλῶς ποιῶν ὑπήκουσας, καίτοι στρατὸν ἔχων. δείσαντες δʼ ἐν ἀρχῇ δὲ καὶ Ἀντώνιον, φιλοτιμότατον κἀκεῖνον ἐς τὴν Καίσαρος γνώμην φανέντα, διαφερομένοις ὑμῖν ἐφήσθησαν ὡς ἐς ἀλλήλους συντριβησομένοις. ἐπεὶ δέ σε καὶ στρατοῦ δεσπότην εἶδον, προσεποιοῦντο εὐπρεπέσι καὶ ἀσθενέσι τιμαῖς οἷα μειράκιον. σοβαρωτέρου δέ σου καὶ ἐγκρατεστέρου τιμῆς τότε μάλιστα ὀφθέντος, ὅτε τὴν ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ στρατοῦ σοι δεδομένην οὐκ ἐδέξω, διεταράχθησαν καὶ συστρατηγεῖν σε ἡμῖν ἀπέφηναν, ἵνα σου τὰ δύο τέλη τὰ πρακτικώτερα ἀποσπάσωμεν, ἐλπίσαντες ἡττηθέντος ὑμῶν τοῦ ἑτέρου τὸν ἕτερον ἀσθενέστερόν τε καὶ μόνον ἔσεσθαι καὶ μετʼ αὐτὸν ἤδη πᾶσαν τὴν Καίσαρος ἑταιρείαν καθελόντες ἀνάξειν τὴν Πομπηίου· τόδε γάρ ἐστιν αὐτοῖς τῆς γνώμης τὸ κεφάλαιον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.10.75

In the meantime Pansa was dying of his wound, and he summoned Octavius to his side, and said: I loved your father as I did myself, yet I could not avenge his death, nor could I fail to unite with the majority, whom you have also done well to obey, although you have an army. At first they feared you and Antony, and especially Antony, as he seemed to be the one most ambitious to fill the rôle of Caesar, and they were delighted with your dissensions, thinking that you would mutually destroy each other. When they saw you the master of an army, they complimented you as a young man with specious and inexpensive honors. When they saw that you were more proud and self-restrained in respect of honors than they had supposed, and especially when you declined the magistracy that your army offered you, they were alarmed and they appointed you to the command with us in order that we might draw your two experienced legions away from you, hoping that when one of you was vanquished the other would be weakened and isolated, and so the whole of Caesar’s party would be effaced and that of Pompey be restored to power. This is their chief aim.

3.10.76 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.10.76

ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ Ἵρτιος τὸ προστεταγμένον ἐποιοῦμεν μέχρι συστεῖλαι τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐπιπολάζοντα ὑπεροψίᾳ· ἡττηθέντα δὲ σοὶ συναλλάσσειν ἐπενοοῦμεν, ὡς τῇ Καίσαρος φιλίᾳ τόδε χαριστήριον ἔχοντες ἀποδοῦναι καὶ μόνον τῇ μοίρᾳ χρησιμώτατον ἐσόμενον ἐς τὰ μέλλοντα. τοῦτο δʼ οὐκ ἦν ἐκφέρειν σοι πρότερον, ἡττημένου δὲ νῦν Ἀντωνίου καὶ Ἱρτίου τεθνεῶτος κἀμὲ τοῦ χρεὼν ἀπάγοντος, ἐν καιρῷ λέλεκται, οὐχ ἵνα μοι γινώσκῃς χάριν ἀποθανόντι, ἀλλʼ ἵνα σὺν δαιμονίᾳ μοίρᾳ γενόμενος, ὡς τὰ ἔργα ὑποδείκνυσι, τά τε σαυτῷ συμφέροντα γινώσκῃς καὶ τὴν ἐμὴν καὶ Ἱρτίου προαίρεσίν τε καὶ ἀνάγκην. τὸν μὲν οὖν στρατόν, ὃν ἡμῖν αὐτὸς ἔδωκας, εὐπροφάσιστον ἀποδοῦναί σοι, καὶ παραδίδωμι· τοὺς δὲ νεήλυδας εἰ μὲν καθέξεις λαβών, καὶ τούσδε σοι παραδώσω, εἰ δὲ τεθήπασι τὴν βουλὴν ἀμέτρως, ὅτι καὶ οἱ ἄρχοντες αὐτῶν φύλακες ἡμῖν ἐπέμφθησαν εἶναι, καὶ τό τε ἔργον ἐπίφθονον ἔσται σοι καὶ πρὸ τοῦ δέοντος ἐξανίστησί σε, ὁ ταμίας παραλήψεται Τορκουᾶτος. ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ τῷ ταμίᾳ τοὺς νεήλυδας ἐγχειρίσας ἀπέθανε. καὶ τούσδε μὲν ὁ ταμίας, καθὰ προσέτασσεν ἡ βουλή, Δέκμῳ παρεδίδου, Ἵρτιον δὲ καὶ Πάνσαν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπιφανῶς ἔθαπτε καὶ ἐς Ῥώμην ἔπεμπε μετὰ τιμῆς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.10.76

Hirtius and I did what we were ordered to do, until we could humble Antony, who was much too arrogant; but we intended when he was vanquished to bring him into alliance with you and thus to pay the debt of gratitude we owed to Caesar’s friendship, the only payment that could be serviceable to Caesar’s party hereafter. It was not possible to communicate this to you before, but now that Antony is vanquished and Hirtius dead, and I am about to pay the debt of nature, the time for speaking has come, not that you may be grateful to me after my death, but that you, born to a happy destiny, as your deeds proclaim, may know what is for your own interest, and know that the course taken by Hirtius and myself was a matter of necessity. The army that you yourself gave to us should most properly be given back to you, and I do give it. If you can take and hold the new levies, I will give you those also. If they are too much in awe of the Senate (for their officers were sent to act as spies upon us), and if the task would be an invidious one, and would create trouble for you prematurely, the quaestor Torquatus will take command of them. After speaking thus he transferred the new levies to the quaestor and expired. The quaestor transferred them to Decimus as the Senate had ordered. Octavius sent the bodies of Hirtius and Pansa with honors to Rome, where they received a public funeral.

Edition note

This is one of the rare cases in ancient history where it is possible to prove a negative. The letter of Decimus Brutus to Cicero from Pollentia, already referred to, disposes of all the time between the death of Hirtius and that of Pansa, so that no such interview as this could possibly have taken place. Hirtius was killed in the last engagement, the one in which Antony was put to flight. The next day Decimus had a meeting and conversation with Octavius at Mutina. Early on the following day he was summoned to Bononia to confer with Pansa, and while on the road thither received news of his death. Moreover, all that we know of the character of Pansa contradicts this tale of treachery. Pansa was a Caesarian, but he was not false to the cause he publicly served. The simultaneous deaths of Hirtius and Pansa put so much power in the hands of Octavius that a story became current that he had killed the former with his own hand, and had bribed the physician of the latter to poison his wound. The physician was a Greek named Glyco. He was arrested and put in prison. There is a letter from Marcus Brutus to Cicero, complaining bitterly of the injustice done to Glyco, who, it appears, had married a sister of one of Brutus’ Greek friends named Achilleus. The accusation, says Brutus, has not the least foundation. Who has suffered more than he from Pansa’s death? Moreover, he is a man of sobriety and character, whom not even self-interest could impel to such a crime. I ask you, I ardently beseech you (for our Achilleus is deeply pained) to have him released from custody, and take care of him. (Ad Brutum, 6.) Combes-Dounous thinks that the story of the death-bed interview with Pansa may have been invented during the reign of Augustus, to avert the suspicion of foul play against Pansa.

3.11.77 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.11.77

τῷ δʼ αὐτῷ χρόνῳ περί τε Συρίαν καὶ Μακεδονίαν τοιάδε ἐγίγνετο. Γάιος Καῖσαρ ὅτε Συρίαν διώδευε, τέλος ἐν αὐτῇ καταλελοίπει τὰ ἐς Παρθυαίους ἤδη διανοούμενος. τούτου τὴν μὲν ἐπιμέλειαν Καικίλιος Βάσσος εἶχε, τὸ δὲ ἀξίωμα Ἰούλιος Σέξστος, μειράκιον αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος συγγενές, ὅπερ ἐκδιαιτώμενον ἐς τρυφὴν τὸ τέλος ἀσχημόνως ἐπήγετο πανταχοῦ. μεμψαμένῳ δὲ τῷ Βάσσῳ ποτὲ ἐνύβρισε· καὶ καλῶν αὐτὸν ὕστερον, ἐπεὶ βραδέως ὑπήκουσεν, ἄγειν ἐκέλευσεν ἕλκοντας. θορύβου δὲ καὶ πληγῶν γενομένων ἡ στρατιὰ τὴν ὕβριν οὐ φέρουσα τὸν Ἰούλιον κατηκόντισε. καὶ εὐθὺς ἦν μετάνοια καὶ δέος ἐκ τοῦ Καίσαρος. συνομόσαντες οὖν, εἰ μή τις αὑτοῖς συγγνώμη καὶ πίστις γένοιτο, μέχρι θανάτου διαγωνιεῖσθαι καὶ ἐς αὐτὸ Βάσσον ἀναγκάσαντες ἄλλο συνέλεξαν τέλος καὶ συνεγύμνασαν. ὧδε μέν τισι περὶ τοῦ Βάσσου δοκεῖ, Λίβωνι δʼ, ὅτι τῆς Πομπηίου στρατιᾶς γενόμενος καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἧτταν ἰδιωτεύων ἐν Τύρῳ, διέφθειρέ τινας τοῦ τέλους, καὶ διεχρήσαντο τὸν Σέξστον καὶ τῷ Βάσσῳ σφᾶς ἐνεχείρισαν. ὁποτέρως δʼ ἐγένετο, Στάιον Μοῦρκον οἵδε, μετὰ τριῶν τελῶν ἐπιπεμφθέντα σφίσιν ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος, ἐγκρατῶς ἀπεμάχοντο, ἕως ὁ Μοῦρκος ἐπεκαλεῖτο Μάρκιον Κρίσπον ἡγούμενον Βιθυνίας καὶ ἀφίκετο αὐτῷ βοηθῶν ὁ Κρίσπος τέλεσιν ἄλλοις τρισίν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.11.77

The following events took place in Syria and Macedonia about the same time. Gaius Caesar, when he passed through Syria, left a legion there, as he was already contemplating an expedition against the Parthians. Caecilius Bassus had charge of it, but the title of commander was held by Sextus Julius, a young man related to Caesar himself, who was given over to dissipation and who led the legion around everywhere in an indecorous manner. Once when Bassus reproved him, he replied insultingly, and sometime later, when he called Bassus to him and the latter was slow in obeying, he ordered him to be dragged before him. A tumult and blows ensued. The soldiers would not tolerate the indignity and stabbed Julius. This act was followed by repentance and fear of Caesar. Accordingly, they took an oath together that they would defend themselves to the death if they were not pardoned and restored to confidence, and they compelled Bassus to take the same oath. They also enlisted and drilled another legion as associates with themselves. This is one account of Bassus, but Libo says that he belonged to the army of Pompey and that after the latter’s defeat he became a private citizen in Tyre, where he corrupted certain members of the legion, who slew Sextus and chose Bassus for their leader. However that may have been, Caesar sent Statius Marcus against him with three legions. Bassus defeated him badly. Finally, Marcus appealed to Marcius Crispus, the governor of Bithynia, and the latter came to his aid with three legions.

Edition note

Λίβωνι; as there is no historian known of the name of Libo, except one of much earlier date, most critics have concluded that this is a copyist’s error for Λιβίῳ (Livy). Mendelssohn does not concur in this view, He does not believe that a single particle of Appian can have been derived from Livy.

3.11.78 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.11.78

ὡς δὲ ὑπὸ τούτων ἐπολιορκοῦντο, ὁ Κάσσιος σὺν ἐπείξει καταλαβὼν τά τε τοῦ Βάσσου δύο τέλη παρελάμβανεν αὐτίκα καὶ τὰ τῶν πολιορκούντων αὐτὸν ἕξ, φιλίᾳ τε παραδόντων καὶ ὡς ἀνθυπάτῳ κατηκόων γενομένων· ἐψήφιστο γάρ, ὥς μοι προείρηται, πάντας ὑπακούειν Κασσίῳ τε καὶ Βρούτῳ. ἄρτι δὲ καὶ Ἀλλιηνός, ὑπὸ Δολοβέλλα πεμφθεὶς ἐς Αἴγυπτον, ἐπανῆγεν ἐξ αὐτῆς τέσσαρα τέλη τῶν ἐκ τῆς ἥσσης Πομπηίου τε καὶ Κράσσου διαρριφέντων ἢ ὑπὸ Καίσαρος Κλεοπάτρᾳ καταλελειμμένων. καὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Κάσσιος οὐδὲν προπεπυσμένον ἐν τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ περιέλαβέ τε καὶ ἠνάγκασεν ἑαυτῷ προσθέσθαι, δείσαντα τοῖς τέσσαρσι μάχεσθαι πρὸς ὀκτώ. ὧδε μὲν δὴ Κάσσιος ἐκ παραδόξου δυώδεκα τελῶν ἀθρόως ἐκράτει καὶ Δολοβέλλαν ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας σὺν δύο τέλεσιν ἐλθόντα τε καὶ ἐς Λαοδίκειαν ὑπὸ οἰκειότητος ἐσδεχθέντα περικαθήμενος ἐπολιόρκει. καὶ ἡ βουλὴ μαθοῦσα ἐφήδετο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.11.78

While Bassus was besieged by the latter, Cassius suddenly came up with them and took possession, not only of the two legions of Bassus, but also of the six that were besieging him, whose leaders surrendered in a friendly way and obeyed him as proconsul; for the Senate had decreed, as I have already said, that all [beyond the Adriatic] should obey Cassius and Brutus. Just then Allienus, who had been sent to Egypt by Dolabella, brought from that quarter four legions of soldiers dispersed by the disasters of Pompey and of Crassus, or left with Cleopatra by Caesar. Cassius surrounded him unawares in Palestine and compelled him to surrender, as he did not dare to fight with four legions against eight. Thus Cassius became the master, in a surprising way, of twelve legions, and laid siege to Dolabella, who was coming from Asia with two legions and had been received in Laodicea in a friendly manner. The Senate was delighted when it heard the news.

3.11.79 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.11.79

Μακεδονίας δὲ πέρι Γάιος Ἀντώνιος, ὁ Ἀντωνίου Μάρκου ἀδελφός, Βρούτῳ διεφέρετο καὶ ἐπολέμει, τέλος ἔχων ἓν ὁπλιτῶν· καὶ τὸν Βροῦτον ἡσσώμενος ἐνήδρευσεν. ὁ δʼ ἐκφυγὼν ἀντενήδρευσε καὶ οὐδὲν εἰργάσατο ἀποληφθέντας, ἀλλὰ ἀσπάσασθαι τῷ ἰδίῳ στρατῷ τοὺς ἐναντίους προσέταξε· τῶν δὲ οὐκ ἀντασπασαμένων οὐδὲ τὴν πεῖραν ἐνδεξαμένων, μεθῆκεν ἀπαθεῖς ἐκ τῆς ἐνέδρας ἀπιέναι. κατὰ δὲ ἄλλας ὁδοὺς περιελθὼν αὖθις ἐν ἀποκρήμνοις κατέστησε καὶ πάλιν οὐκ ἐπεχείρησεν, ἀλλʼ ἠσπάσατο. οἱ δέ, ὡς πολιτῶν τε περιφειδόμενον καὶ τῆς δόξης ἄξιον ἧς εἶχεν ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ τε καὶ πραότητι, ἠγάσαντο καὶ ἀντησπάσαντο καὶ ἐς αὐτὸν μετεβάλοντο. ἐπέτρεψε δὲ καὶ ὁ Γάιος ἑαυτὸν καὶ ἦν ἐν τιμῇ παρὰ Βρούτῳ, μέχρι τὸν στρατὸν πολλάκις διαφθείρων ἐλεγχθεὶς ἀνῃρέθη. οὕτω μὲν δὴ καὶ Βρούτῳ μετὰ τῶν προτέρων στρατῶν ἓξ ἐγίνετο τέλη· καὶ Μακεδόνας ἐπαινῶν δύο τέλη κατέλεξεν ἐξ αὐτῶν, καὶ ἐς τὸν Ἰταλικὸν τρόπον καὶ τάδε ἐγυμνάζετο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.11.79

In Macedonia Gaius Antonius, the brother of Mark Antony, with one legion of foot soldiers, contended with Brutus, and, being inferior in strength to the latter, laid an ambuscade for him. Brutus avoided the trap, and, in his turn, laid an ambuscade, but he did no harm to those whom he caught in it, but ordered his own soldiers to salute their adversaries. Although the latter did not return the salutation or accept the courtesy he allowed them to pass out of the trap unharmed. Then he went around by other roads and confronted them again at a precipice, and again did them no harm but saluted them. Then, regarding him as a saviour of his fellow-citizens, and as one deserving the reputation he had gained for wisdom and mildness, they conceived an admiration for him, saluted him, and passed over to him. Gaius also surrendered himself and was treated with honor by Brutus until he was convicted of having tried several times to corrupt the army, when he was put to death. Thus, including his former forces, Brutus had possession of six legions, and since he approved the valor of the Macedonians he raised two legions among them, whom he drilled in the Italian discipline.

Edition note

Plutarch mentions the attempt to corrupt the soldiers, but says that Gaius was put to death by Brutus in retaliation for the killing of Cicero and Decimus Brutus by Antony (Life of Brutus, 28).

3.11.80 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.11.80

τοιαῦτα μὲν δὴ καὶ τὰ περὶ Συρίαν καὶ Μακεδονίαν ἦν· ἐν δὲ τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐν ὕβρει θέμενος ἀντὶ οὗ Δέκμον ᾑρῆσθαι στρατηγὸν ἐπὶ Ἀντωνίῳ, τὴν μὲν ὀργὴν ἐπέκρυπτε, θρίαμβον δʼ ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰργασμένοις ᾔτει. καταφρονούμενος δʼ ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ὡς πρεσβύτερα τῆς ἡλικίας ἐπινοῶν, ἔδεισε, μὴ διαφθαρέντος Ἀντωνίου μᾶλλον ἔτι καταφρονηθείη, καὶ τὰς ἐς αὐτὸν συμβάσεις ἐπόθει, καθὰ καὶ Πάνσας αὐτῷ διεσήμαινεν ἀποθνῄσκων. τούς τε οὖν ἀλωμένους ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνου στρατιᾶς ἡγεμόνας ἢ στρατιώτας ἐφιλανθρωπεύετο, καὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις ἐγκατέλεγεν ἢ τοὺς ἐθέλοντας αὐτῶν ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἔπεμπεν, ὡς οὐ διʼ ἔχθρας ἀνηκέστου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἰόντα· Οὐεντιδίῳ τε τῷ Ἀντωνίου φίλῳ, μετὰ τριῶν τελῶν ὄντι, παραστρατοπεδεύσας καὶ δέος ἐμβαλὼν ἔπραξε μὲν οὐδὲν πολέμιον, ἐδίδου δὲ ὁμοίως συνεῖναί οἱ ἢ ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀδεῶς ἀπιέναι μετὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ μέμφεσθαι τῆς ἐς τὸ κοινὸν συμφέρον ἀγνωσίας. ὧν Οὐεντίδιος συνεὶς ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀπῄει. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ Δέκιον, τῶν τινα ἡγεμόνων Ἀντωνίου, περὶ Μουτίνην ληφθέντα διὰ τιμῆς ἄγων μεθῆκεν, εἰ θέλοι, πρὸς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀπιέναι· καὶ πυνθανομένῳ περὶ τῆς ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον γνώμης πολλὰ ἔφη σύμβολα τοῖς εὖ φρονοῦσιν ἐξενηνοχέναι, τοῖς δʼ ἄφροσιν οὐδὲ τὰ πλείονα ἀρκέσειν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.11.80

Such was the state of affairs in Syria and Macedonia. In Italy Octavius, although he considered it an insult that Decimus, instead of himself, was chosen general against Antony, concealed his indignation and asked the honors of a triumph for his exploits. Being disdained by the Senate as though he were seeking honors beyond his years, he began to fear lest if Antony were destroyed he should be despised still more, and so he desired a reconciliation with Antony, as Pansa on his death-bed had recommended to him. Accordingly, he began to make friends of those of Antony’s army who had been taken prisoners, both officers and soldiers. He enrolled them among his own troops, or if they wished to return to Antony he allowed them to do so, in order to show that he was not moved by implacable hatred against him. When he was encamped near to Ventidius, Antony’s friend, who had command of three legions, he inspired the latter with fear, but performed no hostile act, and in like manner gave him the opportunity to join himself or to go on safely with his army to Antony, and told him to chide the latter for ignoring their common interests. Ventidius took the hint and proceeded to join Antony. Octavius also allowed Decius, one of Antony’s officers, who had been taken prisoner at Mutina, and had been treated with honor, to return to Antony if he wished, and when Decius tried to find out what were his sentiments toward Antony, he said that he had given plenty of indications to persons of discernment and that more would be insufficient for fools.

Edition note

As soon as Antony was defeated and driven to the Alps the Senate supposed that it had no further need of Octavius. Cicero, who was the first wit, as well as the greatest orator of the age, indulged in an unseasonable jest about this time. The first account we have of it is in a letter from Decimus Brutus to Cicero, dated Eporedia, May 23. My affection and duty to you, he says, compel me to feel for you what I never feel for myself, namely, fear. It is about a saying that I have heard several times, and have at no time made light of, and very lately from Labeo Segulius (so very like himself), who tells me that he was with Octavius, and they were having much conversation about you. Octavius himself did not make any complaint of you, except as to a phrase that he said you had uttered, namely, laudandum adolescentem, ornandum, tollendum.. The force of this bon mot is found in the last word, which has a double meaning, so that the sentence may read: The young man should be praised, honored, and extolled, or The young man should be praised, honored, and taken off. Decimus continued, Octavius said that he should not furnish any opportunity for his taking off. He added that very likely Segulius himself had reported this saying to Octavius, or even that he had invented the whole thing himself (Ad Fam. xi. 20). We have Cicero’s reply to this letter. May the gods confound Segulius, he says, for the basest creature of all who live, or have lived, or shall live, but he does not deny that he made use of the phrase (Ad Fam. xi. 21).

3.11.81 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.11.81

Ἀντωνίῳ μὲν δὴ τάδε ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐνεσήμαινε, Λεπίδῳ δὲ καὶ Ἀσινίῳ σαφέστερον ἔτι περὶ τῆς ἐς αὑτὸν ὕβρεως καὶ τῆς τῶν σφαγέων ἀθρόας προαγωγῆς ἐπέστελλεν, ἐκφοβῶν αὐτούς, μὴ ἐς χάριν τῆς Πομπηιανῆς ἑταιρείας καθʼ ἕνα τῶν Καίσαρος ἕκαστος ὅμοια Ἀντωνίῳ πάθοι, κἀκείνῳ διʼ ἀφροσύνην καὶ ὑπεροψίαν τοῦδε τοῦ δέους τάδε παθόντι. ἠξίου τε ἐς μὲν εὐπρέπειαν τῆς βουλῆς εἶναι κατηκόους, ἐς δὲ τὸ σφέτερον ἀσφαλὲς συμφρονεῖν, ἕως ἔτι δύνανται, καὶ ὀνειδίζειν ταῦτα Ἀντωνίῳ, μιμεῖσθαί τε τοὺς ὑπὸ σφίσιν ὁπλίτας· οὐ διαλυομένους, οὐδʼ ὅτε παύσαιντο τῶν στρατειῶν, ἵνα μὴ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς εἶεν εὐεπίθετοι, ἀλλʼ ἀθρόους ἐν ἀλλοτρίᾳ συνοικίζεσθαι διὰ τὴν ἰσχὺν μᾶλλον ἐθέλοντας ἢ καθʼ ἕνα τῶν πατρίδων ἀπολαύειν. τάδε μὲν ὁ Καῖσαρ Λεπίδῳ τε ἐπέστελλε καὶ Ἀσινίῳ· Δέκμῳ δὲ ὁ ἀρχαῖος στρατὸς ἐνόσει πιμπλάμενος ἐκ λιμοῦ καὶ τὰς γαστέρας κατερρήγνυντο, ὅ τε νεοστράτευτος ἀγύμναστος ἔτι ἦν. Πλάγκος δὲ προσεγένετο μετὰ τοῦ οἰκείου στρατοῦ, καὶ ὁ Δέκμος ἐπέστελλε τῇ βουλῇ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀλώμενον κυνηγετήσειν ναυτικῶν περ ἤδη γεγονότων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.11.81

After conveying these hints to Antony, Octavius wrote still more plainly to Lepidus and Asinius concerning the indignities put upon himself and the rapid advancement of the murderers, causing them to fear, lest in consequence of the favor extended to the Pompeian faction, each of the Caesarians should, one by one, share the fate of Antony, although he was suffering the consequences of his own folly and arrogance. He advised that, for the sake of appearances, they should obey the Senate, but that they should confer together for their own safety while they could still do so, and reproach Antony for his conduct; that they should follow the example of their own soldiers, who did not separate even when theywere discharged from the service but, in order that they might not be exposed to the assaults of enemies, preferred to unite their strength by settling together on ground that belonged not to them in groups, rather than enjoy their own homesteads singly. These things Octavius wrote to Lepidus and Asinius. The first soldiers of Decimus fell sick by reason of excessive eating after their famine, and suffered from dysentery, and the newer ones were still undrilled. Plancus soon joined him with his army, and then Decimus wrote to the Senate that he would pursue and capture Antony immediately.

Edition note

κἀκείνῳ δι’ ἀφροσύνην καὶ ὑπεροψίαν τοῦδε τοῦ δέους τάδε παθόντι, a sentence rendered obscure by the introduction of the words τοῦδε τοῦ δέους. Nauck thinks that the whole sentence is spurious.

Edition note

That Octavius was serving his own interest, and not that of the republic, was perceived by Plancus, who wrote to Cicero as follows: You know, my dear Cicero, that I share your affection for Octavius. Because of my intimacy with Caesar when he was alive, I was under the necessity of defending and loving Octavius, and for the further reason that, as far as I could discover, he was himself a young man of most moderate and humane sentiments. Considering the distinguished friendship that existed between Caesar and myself, it would have been base in me not to hold him in the place of a son, when he had been adopted as such by Caesar, and confirmed by the judgment of the Senate. Now, what I write to you I swear that I write more in sorrow than in anger. That Antony is alive to-day, that Lepidus has joined him, that they have an army not to be despised, that they have hope and courage, are due wholly to Octavius. Not to go farther back, if he had been willing to join me at the time he said he would, either the war would now be ended, or it would be pushed into Spain, which is most hostile to them, to their great disadvantage. (Ad Fam. x. 24.) This letter is dated July 28.

Edition note

ναυτικῶν περ ἤδη γεγονότων; literally whose naval arrangements were already made. This is so incongruous with historical facts that most commentators have substituted some other word for ναυτικῶν. Schweighäuser suggested ναστίκον (hard pressed), but he left a blank at this place in the Latin version. Combes-Dounous adds the word αὖτῳ, and renders the passage that Antony had made preparations for flight by water. Tyrwhitt (as we learn from the preface to the Didot edition) conceived that the right words were αὐτίκα. ὦνπερ ἤδη γεγονότων, οἵ τε Πομπηϊανοὶ, etc., the last six words being transferred to the beginning of Sec. 82. Thus the rendering would be: Decimus wrote to the Senate that he would pursue and capture Antony immediately. When the Pompeians learned what had happened, etc., a rational explanation.

3.11.82 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.11.82

οἵ τε Πομπηιανοὶ πυθόμενοι θαυμαστοὶ ὅσοι διεφάνησαν, ἐκβοῶντες ἄρτι τὴν πάτριον ἐλευθερίαν ἀπειληφέναι, καὶ θυσίαι καθʼ ἕνα ἦσαν καὶ χειροτονίαι δέκα ἀνδρῶν ἐς εὔθυναν τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς Ἀντωνίου. πρόσχημα δὲ τοῦτο ἦν ἐς ἀκύρωσιν τῶν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος διατεταγμένων· Ἀντώνιος γὰρ οὐδὲν αὐτὸς ἢ πάνυ σμικρά, πάντα δὲ ἐκ τῶν Καίσαρος ὑπομνημάτων διῳκήκει, καὶ τόδε σαφῶς εἰδυῖα ἡ βουλὴ τὰ μέν τινα αὐτῶν ἐπὶ προφάσεσι διέλυεν, ἀθρόα δὲ οὕτως ἤλπιζε διαλύσειν. οἱ μὲν δὴ δέκα προύγραφον, ὅ τι τις λάβοι παρὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν Ἀντωνίου, πάντας αὐτίκα ἀπογράφεσθαι καὶ διδάσκειν· ἀπειλαί τε τοῖς ἀπειθοῦσιν ἐπετίθεντο. καὶ τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν ἐς τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ ἔτους οἱ Πομπηιανοὶ μετῄεσαν ἀντὶ Ἱρτίου τε καὶ Πάνσα· μετῄει δὲ καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ, οὐκ ἐς τὴν βουλὴν ἔτι πέμπων, ἀλλʼ ἐς τὸν Κικέρωνα ἰδίᾳ, καὶ αὐτὸν παρεκάλει καὶ συνάρξαι, ὡς Κικέρωνα μὲν τὴν ἀρχὴν διοικήσοντα πρεσβύτερόν τε καὶ ἐμπειρότερον ὄντα, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν καρπωσόμενος μόνην ἐς ἀπόθεσιν τῶν ὅπλων εὐπρεπῆ, οὗ δὴ καὶ πρῴην ἕνεκα τὸν θρίαμβον αἰτῆσαι. Κικέρων μὲν δὴ τούτοις ἐπαρθεὶς διὰ φιλαρχίαν, ἔλεγεν αἰσθέσθαι σπονδῶν ἐν τοῖς ἔξω στρατηγοῖς ὑπονοουμένων καὶ συνεβούλευε θεραπεῦσαι τὸν ἄνδρα, ὑβρισμένον καὶ στρατοῦ ἔτι ἄρχοντα πολλοῦ, ἀνασχέσθαι τε παρʼ ἡλικίαν ἄρχοντος ἐν τῇ πόλει μᾶλλον ἢ μηνίοντος ἐν ὅπλοις· ὡς δʼ ἄν τι μὴ πράξειε παρὰ τὸ τῇ βουλῇ συμφέρον, ἐκέλευεν αὐτῷ συνελέσθαι τῶν τινα πρεσβυτέρων ἔμφρονα, τῆς ἐκείνου νεότητος ἐγκρατῆ παιδαγωγόν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.11.82

When the Pompeians learned what had happened (and an astonishing number showed themselves to be of that party), they exclaimed that their ancestral freedom had at last been regained, and they each offered sacrifices. Decemvirs were chosen to examine the accounts of Antony’s magistracy. This was a preliminary step to annulling Caesar’s arrangements, for Antony had done little or nothing himself, but had conducted all the affairs of state in accordance with Caesar’s memoranda. The Senate knew this well, but it hoped that by finding a pretext for annulling a part of the measures it should be enabled in the same way to annul the whole. The decemvirs gave public notice that whoever had received anything from Antony’s government should make it known in writing immediately, and threatened any who should disobey. The Pompeians also sought the consulship for the remainder of the year in place of Hirtius and Pansa. But Octavius also sought it, applying not to the Senate, but to Cicero privately, whom he urged to become his colleague, saying that Cicero should carry on the government, as he was the elder and more experienced, and that he (Octavius) would enjoy the title only, by which means he could dismiss his army in a becoming manner, for which reason he had previously asked the honor of a triumph. Cicero, whose desire for office was excited by this proposal, said to the Senate that he understood that a negotiation was on foot among the generals commanding the provinces, and he advised that they should conciliate the man whom they had treated with disdain and who was still at the head of a large army, and allow him to hold office in the city, notwithstanding his youth, rather than that he should remain under arms in a hostile attitude. But lest he should do anything contrary to the interest of the Senate, Cicero proposed that some man of prudence from among the older ones should be chosen as his colleague as a firm check upon the immaturity of Octavius. The Senate laughed at Cicero’s ambition, and the relatives of the conspirators especially opposed him, fearing lest Octavius, as consul, should bring the murderers to punishment.”

Edition note

This is very far from the truth. Appian’s partiality for Antony is equal to all emergencies.

Edition note

Plutarch says that Octavius sent friends to Cicero to beg and persuade him to obtain the consulship for both of them, saying that he (Cicero) might conduct the business in whatever way he chose after entering upon the office, and might govern him, as he was a young man solicitous only for the name and the honor. Octavius himself acknowledges that, as he was fearful of being ruined and in danger of being deserted, he made use of Cicero’s desire for office by persuading him to seek the consulship in coöperation with himself, and to assist him in the canvass. Thereupon Cicero, although now an old man, was allured by the young man and cheated by him, for he aided Octavius in this canvass for the consulship, and brought the Senate over to his side; but being presently blamed by his friends, he perceived a little later that he was undone, and that he had betrayed the liberty of the people. (Life of Cicero, 45 and 46.) It seems that Plutarch drew his information, either directly or indirectly, from the memoirs of Octavius, which were extant in his time. It is probable that Appian drew from the same source, as he refers to it in his Illyrian history, Sec. 14. Both Dr. Middleton and Mr. Strachan-Davidson, in their respective biographies of Cicero, doubt this tale, and I agree with them. Yet its truth might be conceded without discredit to Cicero. That he was hoodwinked disastrously by Octavius is well known. In the fifth Philippic (18) he had pledged himself to the Senate in the most fervent terms for the fidelity of Octavius to the republic, and he might well have reasoned that the latter would allow him to guide the republic, whose fate was then trembling in the balance. The death of the two consuls had left Rome at the mercy of half a dozen commanders in the field, who could not be controlled by the Senate. Under such circumstances Cicero might have grasped at the consulship in conjunction with Octavius, without the motive of personal ambition. But the whole story is incongruous with known facts. The Epitome of Livy makes no mention of it.

3.12.82 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.12.82

ἀλλὰ Κικέρωνα μὲν ἥ τε βουλὴ τῆς φιλαρχίας ἐγέλασε, καὶ οἱ συγγενεῖς μάλιστα τῶν σφαγέων ἐνέστησαν, δεδιότες μὴ αὐτοὺς ὁ Καῖσαρ τίσαιτο ὑπατεύων· ὑπερθέσεων δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ χειροτονίᾳ γιγνομένων ἐννόμων κατὰ ποικίλας αἰτίας, ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐν τῷ τέως τὰς Ἄλπεις ὑπερέβαλε, Κουλλεῶνα πείσας τὸν ἐκ Λεπίδου φύλακα αὐτῶν, ἐπί τε ποταμὸν ἦλθεν, ἔνθα ἐστρατοπεδευμένος ἦν ὁ Λέπιδος, καὶ οὔτε χάρακα περιεβάλετο οὔτε τάφρον ὡς δὴ φίλῳ παραστρατοπεδεύων. διαπομπαὶ δὲ ἦσαν ἐς ἀλλήλους πυκναί, Ἀντωνίου μὲν ὑπομιμνήσκοντος φιλίας τε καὶ χαρίτων ποικίλων, καὶ διδάσκοντος, ὅτι μεθʼ αὑτὸν ὅμοια πείσονται καθʼ ἕνα πάντες, οἳ τῆς Καίσαρος ἐγένοντο φιλίας, Λεπίδου δὲ τὴν μὲν βουλὴν δεδιότος πολεμεῖν αὐτῷ κελεύουσαν, ὑπισχνουμένου δʼ ὅμως οὐ πολεμήσειν ἑκόντος. ὁ δὲ στρατὸς ὁ τοῦ Λεπίδου τό τε ἀξίωμα αἰδούμενοι τὸ Ἀντωνίου καὶ τῶν διαπομπῶν αἰσθανόμενοι καὶ τὴν ἀφέλειαν αὐτοῦ τῆς στρατοπεδείας ἀγάμενοι, ἐπεμίγνυντο τοῖς Ἀντωνίου λανθάνοντες, εἶτα φανερῶς οἷα πολίταις τε καὶ συστρατιώταις γενομένοις, τῶν τε χιλιάρχων κωλυόντων ὑπερεώρων καὶ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐς εὐμάρειαν τῆς ἐπιμιξίας ναυσὶν ἐγεφύρουν· τό τε καλούμενον δέκατον τέλος, ἐξεναγημένον ὑπὸ Ἀντωνίου πάλαι, τὰ ἔνδον αὐτῷ παρεσκεύαζεν.

Translation

No corresponding unit in this selected edition.

3.12.84 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.12.84

ὧν αἰσθανόμενος Λατερήσιος, τῶν τις ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπιφανῶν, προηγόρευε τῷ Λεπίδῳ καὶ ἀπιστοῦντα ἐκέλευε τὴν στρατιὰν ἐς πολλὰ διελόντα ἐκπέμψαι κατὰ δή τινας χρείας, ἐς ἐπίδειξιν ἢ τῆς προδοσίας ἢ τῆς πίστεως. καὶ ὁ Λέπιδος ἐς τρία διελών, ἐκέλευε νυκτὸς ἐξορμᾶν ἐς φρουρὰν ταμιείων πλησιαζόντων. οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ τὴν ἐσχάτην φυλακήν, ὡς ἐς τὴν ἔξοδον ὁπλισάμενοι, τὰ ἐρυμνὰ τοῦ στρατοπέδου κατέλαβον καὶ τὰς πύλας ἀνεῴγνυον Ἀντωνίῳ. ὁ δʼ ἐπὶ τὴν Λεπίδου σκηνὴν ἵετο δρόμῳ, τοῦ στρατοῦ παντὸς ἤδη τοῦ Λεπίδου παραπέμποντος αὐτὸν καὶ τὸν Λέπιδον αἰτοῦντος εἰρήνην τε καὶ ἔλεον ἐς ἀτυχοῦντας πολίτας. ὁ μὲν δὴ Λέπιδος, ὡς εἶχεν, ἐκ τῆς εὐνῆς ἄζωστος ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐξέθορε καὶ ὑπισχνεῖτο ποιήσειν καὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἠσπάζετο καὶ ἐξελογεῖτο τῆς ἀνάγκης. οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ προσπεσεῖν Ἀντωνίῳ νομίζουσιν, ἄπρακτον μὲν ὄντα καὶ ἄτολμον, οὐ μὴν ἅπασι τοῖς συγγραφεῦσι πιστὸν οὐδʼ ἐμοὶ πιθανόν· οὐ γάρ πώ τι αὐτῷ πολέμιον ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐπέπρακτο, δέους ἄξιον. οὕτω μὲν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐς μέγα δυνάμεως αὖθις ἐπῆρτο, καὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἦν ἐπιφοβώτατος· στρατὸν γὰρ εἶχεν, ὅν τε ἐξανέστησε Μουτίνης καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ λαμπρότατον ἱππικόν, τρία τε αὐτῷ τέλη κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν προσγεγένητο τὰ Οὐεντιδίου, καὶ Λέπιδος αὐτῷ σύμμαχος ἐγίγνετο ἑπτὰ ἔχων ὁπλιτικὰ τέλη καὶ πολὺν ὅμιλον ἄλλον καὶ παρασκευὴν ἀξιόλογον. καὶ τοῖσδε ὁ μὲν Λέπιδος ἐπωνομάζετο ἔτι, ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος ἅπαντα διῴκει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.12.84

When Laterensis, one of the distinguished members of the Senate, perceived this he warned Lepidus. As the latter was incredulous Laterensis advised him to divide his army in several parts and send them away on certain errands in order to test whether they were faithful or not. Accordingly, Lepidus divided them in three parts, and ordered them to go out by night in order to protect some quaestors who were approaching. About the last watch the soldiers armed themselves as if for the march, seized the fortified parts of the camp, and opened the gates to Antony. The latter came running to the tent of Lepidus, whose whole army was now escorting Antony, and they besought Lepidus for peace and compassion to their unfortunate fellow-citizens. Lepidus leaped out of bed among them undressed, just as he was, promised to do what they asked, embraced Antony, and pleaded necessity as his excuse. Some say that he fell on his knees before Antony, being an inexperienced and timid man. Not all writers put faith in this report, nor do I, for he had as yet done nothing whatever inimical to Antony and nothing to cause fear. Thus did Antony again become a very powerful man and most formidable to his enemies. He had the army with which he had abandoned the siege of Mutina, including its magnificent cavalry. Ventidius had joined him on the road with three legions. Lepidus had become his ally with seven legions of foot soldiers and a great number of auxiliary troops and apparatus in proportion. Lepidus nominally retained the command of these, but Antony directed every-thing.

3.12.85 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.12.85

Ἐξαγγελθέντων δὲ τῶνδε ἐς Ῥώμην θαυμαστὴ καὶ αἰφνίδιος ἦν αὖθις μεταβολή, τῶν μὲν ἐκ τῆς οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ καταφρονήσεως ἐς δέος, τῶν δὲ ἐς θάρσος ἀπὸ τοῦ δέους μεθισταμένων. αἵ τε προγραφαὶ τῶν δέκα ἀνδρῶν κατεσπῶντο σὺν ὕβρει, καὶ αἱ χειροτονίαι τῶν ὑπάτων ἐπείχοντο ἔτι μᾶλλον· ἥ τε βουλὴ πάμπαν ἀποροῦσα, καὶ δεδιυῖα, μὴ συνθοῖντο ἀλλήλοις ὅ τε Καῖσαρ καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος, ἔπεμπε μὲν ἐς Βροῦτόν τε καὶ Κάσσιον κρύφα ἀπὸ σφῶν Λεύκιον καὶ Πάνσαν, ὡς ἐπὶ θέας εἰς Ἑλλάδα ἐξιόντας, ἀμύνειν αὑτοῖς ἐς ὃ δύναιντο, μετεκάλει δὲ ἐκ Λιβύης ἀπὸ τριῶν τῶν ὑπὸ Σέξτιον δύο τέλη, καὶ τὸ τρίτον ἐκέλευε Κορνιφικίῳ παραδοθῆναι, τῆς ἑτέρας ἄρχοντι Λιβύης καὶ τὰ τῆς βουλῆς φρονοῦντι, εἰδότες μὲν καὶ τούσδε Γαΐῳ Καίσαρι ἐστρατευμένους καὶ τὰ ἐκείνου πάντα ὑπονοοῦντες· ἡ δὲ ἀπορία σφᾶς ὧδε ἤπειγεν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὸν νέον Καίσαρα, δεδιότες μὴ συνθοῖτο Ἀντωνίῳ, στρατηγὸν αὖθις ἐπὶ Ἀντωνίῳ μάλα ἀπρεπῶς ἐχειροτόνουν ἅμα Δέκμῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.12.85

When these facts became known at Rome a wonderful and sudden change took place. Those who had just now held Antony in contempt were alarmed, while the fears of others were changed to courage. The edicts of the decemvirs were torn down with derision and the consular election was still further postponed. The Senate, wholly at a loss what to do and fearful lest Octavius and Antony should form an alliance, sent two of their number, Lucius and Pansa, secretly to Brutus and Cassius, under pretence of attending the games in Greece, to urge them to lend all the assistance possible. It recalled from Africa two of the three legions under Sextius, and ordered the third to be given over to Cornificius, who commanded another portion of Africa, and who favored the senatorial party. Although they knew that these legions had served under Gaius Caesar, and although they suspected everything of his, yet the want of other forces compelled them to take this course. Most awkwardly, too, they reappointed the young Octavius as general with Decimus against Antony, for they feared lest he should unite with Antony.

3.12.86 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.12.86

ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἤδη τὸν στρατὸν εἰς ὀργὴν ὑπέρ τε αὑτοῦ, ὡς συνεχῶς ὑβριζόμενος, ἀνεκίνει καὶ ὑπὲρ σφῶν ἐκείνων, ἐπὶ δευτέραν στρατείαν πεμπομένων, πρὶν ἐπὶ τῇ προτέρᾳ λαβεῖν τὰς πεντακις χιλίας δραχμάς, ὅσας αὐτοῖς ὑπέσχοντο δώσειν· ἐδίδασκέ τε πέμποντας αἰτεῖν. οἱ δʼ ἔπεμπον τοὺς λοχαγούς. καὶ ἡ βουλὴ συνίει μὲν αὐτοὺς ἐς ταῦτα διδασκομένους, ἀποκρινεῖσθαι δὲ αὐτοῖς ἔφη διʼ ἑτέρων πρέσβεων. καὶ ἔπεμπον, οὓς ἐδίδαξαν τοῖς δύο τέλεσι τοῖς ἀπʼ Ἀντωνίου μεθεστηκόσιν ἐντυχεῖν ἄνευ τοῦ Καίσαρος, καὶ διδάσκειν μὴ ἐφʼ ἑνὶ ποιεῖσθαι τὰς ἐλπίδας, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ τῇ βουλῇ τὸ κράτος ἀθάνατον ἐχούσῃ μόνῃ, χωρεῖν δὲ πρὸς Δέκμον, ἔνθα σφίσι τὰ χρήματα ἀπαντήσειν. ταῦτʼ ἐπισκήψαντες λέγειν ἐσέφερον ἤδη τὸ ἥμισυ τῆς δωρεᾶς καὶ δέκα ἄνδρας ἐς τὴν διανέμησιν ἐχειροτόνουν, οἷς οὐδὲ ἑνδέκατον προσετίθεσαν εἶναι τὸν Καίσαρα. οἱ μὲν δὴ πρέσβεις, οὐκ ἀνασχομένων τῶν δύο τελῶν ἐντυχεῖν σφίσιν ἄνευ τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὑπέστρεφον ἄπρακτοι· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ οὐκέτι τοὺς λόγους καθίει διʼ ἑτέρων οὐδὲ μέλλειν ἠξίου, ἀλλʼ αὐτὸς ἐς τὸν στρατὸν συνειλεγμένον ἐπελθών, τά τε ὑβρίσματα, ὅσα ἐς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς γεγένητο, κατέλεξε, καὶ τὴν ἐς πάντας τοὺς Γαΐου Καίσαρος ἐπιβουλήν, καθʼ ἕνα καθαιρουμένους, δεδιέναι τε αὐτοῖς περὶ σφῶν διεκελεύσατο, μεταφερομένοις ἔς τε πολέμιον τῆς μοίρας στρατηγὸν καὶ πολέμους ἑτέρους ἀφʼ ἑτέρων, ἵνʼ ἢ ἐκφθαρεῖεν ἢ καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους στασιάσειαν· ἐπὶ γὰρ τῷδε καὶ τοῦ περὶ Μουτίνην ἔργου κοινοῦ γεγονότος τὰ γέρα τοῖς δύο τέλεσι μόνοις δίδοσθαι, ἵνʼ αὐτοὺς ἐς ἔριν καὶ στάσιν ἐμβάλοιεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.12.86

Octavius excited the army to anger against the Senate on account of its repeated indignities toward himself, and for requiring the soldiers to undertake a second campaign before paying them the 5000 drachmas per man which it had promised to give them for the first. He advised them to send and ask for the money. They sent their centurions. The Senate understood that the men had been advised to this course by Octavius and said that it would make answer by its own legates. It sent the latter, under instructions, to address themselves, when Octavius was not present, to the two legions which had deserted from Antony, and to advise the soldiers not to rest their hopes on a single person, but on the Senate, which alone had perpetual power, and to go to the camp of Decimus, where they would find the promised money. Having delivered this charge to the legates it forwarded one-half of the donative and appointed ten men to divide it, to whom it did not add Octavius as the eleventh. As the two legions refused to meet them without Octavius, the legates returned leaving the business unfinished. Octavius no longer held communication with the troops through the medium of others and no longer asked them to wait, but assembled the army and came before them and related to them the indignities he had suffered from the Senate, and its purpose to destroy all the friends of Gaius Caesar, one by one. He admonished them also to beware against being transferred to a general opposed to their party and sent to one war after another for the purpose of being killed or arrayed in opposition to each other. This was the reason why, after their common struggles at Mutina were ended, rewards were given to only two legions, in order to induce strife and sedition in the army.

3.12.87 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.12.87

Ἴστε δέ, ἔφη, καὶ ἐφʼ οἷς ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἔναγχος ἡττήθη οἷά τε τοὺς Πομπηιανοὺς ἐπύθεσθε ἐν ἄστει πεποιηκέναι κατὰ τῶν τινας δωρεὰς παρὰ Καίσαρος εἰληφότων. τί δὴ πιστὸν ἢ ὑμῖν ὧν ἐλάβετε παρʼ ἐκείνου χωρίων τε καὶ χρημάτων ἢ ἐμοὶ τῆς σωτηρίας, ὧδε ἐν τῇ βουλῇ δυναστευόντων τῶν οἰκείων τοῖς σφαγεῦσι; κἀγὼ μὲν ἐκδέξομαι τὸ τέλος, ὅ τι ἂν ἐπιγίγνηταί μοι ʽκαλὸν γάρ τι καὶ παθεῖν πατρὶ ἐπικουροῦντἀ, ὑπὲρ δὲ ὑμῶν δέδια τοιῶνδε καὶ τοσῶνδε, κινδυνευόντων ἐς ἐμὴν καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς χάριν. ἴστε μὲν δή με καθαρεύοντα φιλοτιμίας, ἐξ οὗ στρατηγεῖν μοι διδόντων ὑμῶν ὑπὸ σημείοις οὐκ ἐδεχόμην· ἓν δὲ μόνον ὁρῶ νῦν ἀμφοτέροις σωτήριον, εἰ διʼ ὑμῶν ὕπατος ἀποδειχθείην. τά τε γὰρ παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ὑμῖν δοθέντα πάντα βέβαια ἔσται, ἀποικίαι τε προσέσονται αἱ ἔτι ὀφειλόμεναι, καὶ γέρα πάντα ἐντελῆ· ἐγώ τε τοὺς φονέας ὑπὸ δίκην ἀγαγὼν τοὺς ἄλλους ἂν ὑμῖν καταλύσαιμι πολέμους.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.12.87

You know, he said, the reason why Antony was lately vanquished. You have heard what the Pompeians in the city did to those who had received certain gifts from Caesar. What confidence can you have of keeping the lands and money you have received from him, or what confidence can I have in my own safety while the relatives of the murderers dominate the Senate ? I shall accept my fate, whatever it may be, for it is beautiful to suffer anything in the service of a father; but I fear for you, such a host of brave men, who have incurred danger in behalf of me and my father. You know that I have been free from ambition from the time when I declined the praetorship that you offered me with the insignia of that office. I see only one path of safety now for both of us, and that is that I obtain the consulship by your help. In that case all of my father’s gifts to you will be confirmed, the colonies that are still due to you will be forthcoming, and all your rewards will be paid in full; and after bringing the murderers to punishment I will release you from any more wars.

3.12.88 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.12.88

ὧν λεγομένων ἥ τε στρατιὰ προθύμως ἐπεβόησε, καὶ τοὺς λοχαγοὺς αὐτίκα ἔπεμπον αἰτήσοντας τὴν ἀρχὴν τῷ Καίσαρι. ὑποκριναμένης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἔλεγον οἱ λοχαγοὶ ἃ ἐδιδάχθησαν, ὅτι καὶ πάλαι Κορουῖνός τε ἄρξειε νεώτερος ὢν ἔτι καὶ Σκιπίων ὕστερον, ὅ τε πρότερος καὶ ὁ δεύτερος, καὶ ἐκ τῆς νεότητος ἑκάστου πολλὰ ὄναιτο ἡ πατρίς. τά τε ἔναγχος ταῦτα καὶ Πομπήιον Μάγνον αὐτοῖς καὶ Δολοβέλλαν προύφερον, αὐτῷ τε Καίσαρι ἤδη δεδόσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν μετιέναι θᾶσσον ἐτῶν δέκα. ταῦτα τῶν λοχαγῶν σὺν πλέονι παρρησίᾳ λεγόντων, οὐκ ἀνασχόμενοί τινες τῶν βουλευτῶν λοχαγοὺς ὄντας ὧδε παρρησιάζεσθαι, ἐπέπλησσον ὡς θρασυνομένοις ὑπὲρ τὸ στρατιώταις πρέπον. καὶ ὁ στρατὸς πυθόμενος ἔτι μᾶλλον ὠργίζοντο καὶ ἄγειν σφᾶς εὐθὺς ἐκέλευον ἐς τὴν πόλιν, ὡς αὐτοὶ χειροτονήσοντες αὐτὸν ἐξαιρέτῳ χειροτονίᾳ, Καίσαρος υἱὸν ὄντα, πολλά τε τὸν πρότερον Καίσαρα ἀπαύστως εὐφήμουν. ὧδε δὲ αὐτοὺς ὁρμῆς ἔχοντας ὁ Καῖσαρ ἰδὼν ἦγεν εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς συνόδου, ὀκτὼ τέλη πεζῶν καὶ ἵππον ἱκανὴν καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα τοῖς τέλεσι συνετάσσετο. περάσας δὲ τὸν Ῥουβίκωνα ποταμὸν ἐκ τῆς Κελτικῆς ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ὅν τινα αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁ πατὴρ ὁμοίως ἐπὶ τῷ πολιτικῷ πολέμῳ πρῶτον ἐπέρασεν, ἐς δύο πάντας διῄρει· καὶ τὸ μὲν ἕπεσθαι κατὰ σχολὴν ἐκέλευσε, τὸ δὲ ἄμεινον ἐπιλεξάμενος ἐτρόχαζεν, ἐπειγόμενος ἔτι ἀπαρασκεύους καταλαβεῖν. μέρους τε τῶν χρημάτων ὑπαντῶντος, ἃ ἐς τὰ γέρα τοῖς στρατιώταις ἡ βουλὴ πεπόμφει, δείσας ἐπὶ τοῖς μισθοφόροις ὁ Καῖσαρ προύπεμπε κρύφα τοὺς ἐκφοβήσοντας· καὶ οἱ μὲν ἔφευγον μετὰ τῶν χρημάτων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.12.88

At these words the army cheered heartily, and forthwith sent their centurions to ask the consulship for Octavius. When the Senate began to make talk about his youth, the centurions replied, as they had been instructed, that in the olden time Corvinus had held the office and at a later period the Scipios, both the elder and the younger, before the legal age, and that the country profited much from the youth of each. They instanced, as recent examples, Pompey the Great and Dolabella and said that it had been granted to Caesar himself to stand for the consulship ten years before the legal age. While the centurions were arguing with much boldness, some of the senators, who could not endure that army officers should use such freedom of speech, rebuked them for exceeding the bounds of military discipline. When the army heard of this, they were still more exasperated and demanded to be led immediately to the city, saying that they would hold a special election and elevate him to the consulship because he was Caesar’s son. At the same time they extolled the elder Caesar without stint. When Octavius saw them in this excited state, he led them directly from the assembly toward the city, eight legions of foot and a corresponding number of horse, and the auxiliary troops that were serving with the legions. Having crossed the river Rubicon from the Gallic province into Italy, — the stream that his father crossed in like manner at the beginning of the civil war, — he divided his army in two parts. One of these divisions he ordered to follow in a leisurely way. The other and better one, consisting of picked men, made forced marches, hastening in order to take the city unprepared. Meeting a convoy on the road with a part of the money which the Senate was sending as a present to the soldiers, Octavius feared the effect it might have on his mercenaries. So he secretly sent forward a force to scare away the convoy, and they took to flight with the money.

Edition note

This is erroneous. Caesar was first elected consul in the year 694 (B.C. 60), and entered upon the office at the beginning of 695, at which time he had just reached the legal age of forty-three.

3.13.89 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.13.89

ἐς δὲ τὸ ἄστυ τῆς ἀγγελίας ἀφικομένης θόρυβος ἦν καὶ φόβος ἄπλετος, διαθεόντων τε ἀκόσμως καὶ γύναιά τινων ἢ παῖδας ἢ ὅσα τιμιώτατα ἄλλα ἐς ἀγροὺς ἢ τὰ ἐρυμνὰ τῆς πόλεως μεταφερόντων· οὐ γάρ πω σαφοῦς ὄντος, ὅτι μόνης ὀρέγοιτο ὑπατείας, πολέμιον στρατὸν ἐπιέναι σὺν ὀργῇ πυνθανόμενοι ἐς πάντα ἐδεδοίκεσαν. ἡ βουλὴ δʼ ἐξεπέπληκτο ἀμέτρως, οὐδεμιᾶς αὑτοῖς οὔσης ἑτοίμου δυνάμεως, ἀλλήλους τε, οἷον ἐν τοῖς φόβοις γίγνεται, κατεμέμφοντο, οἱ μὲν ὅτι τὴν στρατιὰν αὐτὸν ἀφέλοιντο τὴν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ὑβριστικῶς, οἱ δὲ τῆς ἐς τὸν θρίαμβον ὑπεροψίας, οὐκ ἄδικον ὄντα, οἱ δὲ τοῦ φθόνου τῆς διανεμήσεως τῶν χρημάτων, οἱ δὲ οὐδὲ ἑνδέκατον ἐπιγράψαντες· οἱ δὲ αὐτὰ τὰ ἆθλα, οὔτε ὀξέως οὔτε ἐντελῆ διδόμενα, τὴν στρατιὰν σφίσιν ἔλεγον ἐκπολεμῶσαι. τῆς τε φιλονικίας τὸ ἄκαιρον μάλιστα ἐμέμφοντο, Βρούτου μὲν καὶ Κασσίου πορρωτέρω τε ὄντων καὶ συνισταμένων ἔτι, ἐν δὲ πλευραῖς Ἀντωνίου καὶ Λεπίδου πολεμίων· οὓς ὅτε ἐνθυμηθεῖεν Καίσαρι συναλλαγήσεσθαι, πάμπαν ἤκμαζεν ὁ φόβος. Κικέρων τε, ὃς τέως αὐτοῖς ἐπεπόλαζεν, οὐδὲ ἐφαίνετο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.13.89

When the news of Octavius’ approach reached the city there was immense confusion and alarm. People ran hither and thither, and some conveyed their wives and children and whatever they held most dear to the fields and to the fortified parts of the city, for it was not yet known that he aimed only at securing the consulship. Having heard that an army was advancing with hostile intentions, there was nothing that they did not fear. The Senate was struck with consternation since it had no military force in readiness. As is usual in cases of panic they blamed each other. Some were blamed because they had wrongfully deprived him of the command of the campaign against Antony, others because they had treated with contempt his demand for a triumph, a request which was not without justice; others because they had envied him the honor of distributing the money; others because he had not been made an additional member of the board of ten. Still others said that the army had become hostile because the gifts voted to them had not been quickly and fully paid. They complained especially because of the inopportune time for such a strife, while Brutus and Cassius were far away and their forces not yet organized, and on their own flank in a hostile attitude were Antony and Lepidus, who, they thought, might form an alliance with Octavius. Thus their fears were greatly augmented. Cicero, who had so long taken the lead, was nowhere to be seen.

Edition note

In the month of July Cicero wrote a despairing letter to Brutus acquainting him with the demand made by Octavius for the consulship. Octavius, he says, who has hitherto been governed by my counsels and who has shown a most excellent disposition and an admirable firmness, has been pushed on by certain persons by most wicked letters and lying reports and messages to an absolutely certain hope of the consulship. As soon as I learned this I ceased not to admonish him by letters while absent, and to accuse his friends who are present, and who seem to support his claims, nor did I hesitate to expose in the Senate the source of these most wretched designs. Nor do I remember any affair in which the Senate or the magistrates have shown a better spirit. For it has never before happened when it was a question of conferring an extraordinary honor on a powerful man, or rather an all-powerful man (since power now resides in force and arms), that no one, whether tribune of the people or other magistrate or even a private person, would lift his voice in favor of it. Yet in the midst of this firmness and virtue the city was in a state of anxiety. We are made sport of, Brutus, by the whims of the soldiers and the insolence of the general. Each one demands as much power in the republic as he has the force to extort. Reason, moderation, law, custom, duty, count for nothing, nor is regard for the opinion of citizens, or shame for that of posterity, of any avail. It was because I foresaw all this long ago that I fled from Italy, at the time when the report of your proclamation recalled me. (Ad Brutum, 10.)

3.13.90 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.13.90

ἀθρόα δὴ πάντων ἐς πάντα ἦν μετάθεσις, ἀντὶ μὲν δισχιλίων καὶ πεντακοσίων δραχμῶν τὰς πεντακισχιλίας, ἀντὶ δὲ τῶν δύο τελῶν τοῖς ὀκτὼ δοθῆναι, Καίσαρά τε αὐτοῖς ἀντὶ τῶν δέκα ἀνδρῶν διανέμειν καὶ ἐς τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν παραγγέλλειν ἀπόντα. πρέσβεις τε ἐξέτρεχον, οἳ τάδε φράσειν ἔμελλον αὐτῷ κατὰ σπουδήν. ὧν ἄρτι τῆς πόλεως ἐκδραμόντων μετάνοια ἐνέπιπτε τῇ βουλῇ, μὴ δεῖν οὕτως ἀνάνδρως καταπεπλῆχθαι, μηδὲ ἑτέραν ἐνδέξασθαι τυραννίδα ἀναιμωτί, μηδὲ ἐθίσαι τοὺς ἀρχῆς ἐφιεμένους ἐκ βίας τυγχάνειν, μηδὲ τοὺς στρατευομένους ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος ἄρχειν τῆς πατρίδος, ὁπλισαμένους δὲ ἐκ τῶν ἐνόντων τοὺς νόμους τοῖς ἐπιοῦσι προτείνειν· προσδοκᾶν γὰρ οὐδὲ ἐκείνους νόμων προτεινομένων ὅπλα τῇ πατρίδι ἐποίσειν· εἰ δὲ φέροιεν, ἀνέχεσθαί τε πολιορκίας, μέχρι Δέκμος ἢ Πλάγκος ἔλθοι; καὶ ἀμύνεσθαι μέχρι θανάτου μᾶλλον ἢ ἑκόντας ἐνδέξασθαι δουλείαν ἄνωθεν ἀδιόρθωτον· τά τε ἀρχαῖα Ῥωμαίων ἐπὶ ἐλευθερίᾳ φρονήματα καὶ πάθη, πρὸς οὐδὲν ἐνδόντων ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας, ἀνελέγοντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.13.90

There was a sudden change on all hands. Instead of 2500 drachmas 5000 were given. Instead of two legions only, the entire eight were to be paid. Octavius was appointed to make the distribution instead of the ten commissioners, and he was allowed to be a candidate for the consulship while absent. Messengers were hastily despatched to tell him these things. Directly after they had left the city the Senate repented. It felt that it ought not to be so weakly terror-stricken, or accept a new tyranny without bloodshed, or accustom those seeking office to gain it by violence, or the soldiers to govern the country by the word of command. Rather should they arm themselves as far as possible and oppose the laws to the invaders, for there was some hope that, if the laws were opposed to them, not even they would bear arms against their country. If they should do so, it would be best to endure a siege until Decimus and Plancus should come to the rescue, and to defend themselves to the death rather than submit voluntarily to a slavery thenceforth without remedy. They recounted the high spirit and endurance in behalf of freedom of the Romans of old, who never yielded anything prejudicial to their liberty.

3.13.91 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.13.91

ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰ δύο τέλη τὰ ἐκ Λιβύης μετάπεμπτα ἐς τὸν λιμένα αὐτῆς ἡμέρας ἀφίκετο, τοὺς θεοὺς σφᾶς ἔδοξαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἐποτρύνειν. ἡ μὲν δὴ μετάνοια ἐκεκύρωτο, καὶ μετεψηφίζετο ἅπαντα, Κικέρωνος αὖθις αὐτοῖς ἐπιφανέντος· ἥ τε στρατεύσιμος ἡλικία προεγράφετο πᾶσα, καὶ τὰ δύο τέλη τάδε, τὰ ἐκ Λιβύης, καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτοῖς ἱππέες χίλιοι καὶ τέλος ἕτερον, ὃ Πάνσας αὐτοῖς ὑπολελοίπει, πάντες οἵδε μερισθέντες οἱ μὲν τὸν λόφον τὸν καλούμενον Ἰάνουκλον, ἔνθα καὶ τὰ χρήματα ἐσώρευσαν, ἐφρούρουν, οἱ δὲ τὴν τοῦ ποταμοῦ γέφυραν, ἐπιδιῃρημένων σφίσι τῶν στρατηγῶν τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν· ἄλλοι δὲ αὐτοῖς τὰ ἐν τῷ λιμένι σκάφη καὶ ναῦς καὶ χρήματα εὐτρέπιζον, εἰ δεήσειεν ἡττωμένους φυγεῖν διὰ θαλάσσης. καὶ τάδε σὺν εὐθαρσείᾳ πράσσοντες οὕτως ὀξέως ἤλπιζον ἀντικαταπλήξειν τὸν Καίσαρα, καὶ ἢ μεταπείσειν παρὰ σφῶν ἀντὶ τοῦ στρατεύματος αἰτεῖν τὴν ἀρχήν, ἢ ἐγκρατῶς ἀμυνεῖσθαι· τούς τε τῆς ἐναντίας μοίρας νῦν γε μεταθήσεσθαι προσεδόκων, μέχρι περὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐστὶν ὁ ἀγών. τὴν δὲ μητέρα Καίσαρος καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν οὔτε φανερῶς οὔτε λάθρᾳ ζητοῦντες εὕρισκον. ἐθορυβοῦντο οὖν αὖθις ὁμήρων μεγάλων ἀφῃρημένοι· καὶ τῶν Καισαριανῶν οὔπω σφίσιν ἐπικλωμένων, ὑπὸ ἐκείνων αὐτὰς ὧδε ἀκριβῶς ἐνόμιζον ἐπικρύπτεσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.13.91

As the two legions sent for from Africa happened to arrive in the harbor on the same day, it seemed as though the gods were urging them to defend their freedom. Their regret for what they had done was confirmed; Cicero again made his appearance, and they repealed all of the decrees above mentioned. All who were of military age were called to arms, also the two legions from Africa, and 1000 horse with them, and another legion that Pansa had left behind, all these were assigned to their proper places. Some of them guarded the so-called hill of Janiculum, where the money was stored, others held the bridge over the Tiber, and the city praetors were put in command of the separate divisions. Others made ready small boats and ships in the harbor, together with money, in order to escape by sea in case they should be vanquished. While courageously making these hasty preparations they hoped to alarm Octavius in his turn, and induce him to seek the consulship from them instead of the army, or they hoped at least to defend themselves to the last extremity. They hoped also to change those of the opposite faction as soon as it became a contest for liberty. When they sought for the mother and sister of Octavius, and did not discover them either in any open or secret abode, they were again alarmed at finding themselves deprived of such important hostages, and as the Caesarians showed no disposition to yield to them they concluded that these women had been carefully concealed by them.

3.13.92 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.13.92

Καίσαρι δὲ ἔτι τῶν πρέσβεων ἐντυγχανόντων τὰ μετεψηφισμένα ἀγγέλλεται· καὶ αὐτὸν οἱ πρέσβεις ἀπολιπόντες ἀνέστρεφον ὑπὸ αἰδοῦς. ὁ δὲ τῷ στρατῷ μᾶλλον ἔτι παρωξυμμένῳ κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐχώρει, σὺν φόβῳ μή τι πάθοιεν αἱ γυναῖκες· ἔς τε τὸν δῆμον τεθορυβημένον ἱππέας ἔπεμψεν ἀτρεμεῖν ἐπικελεύων, καὶ τεθηπότων πάντων τὰ πέραν τοῦ Κυριναλίου λόφου κατέλαβεν, οὐδενὸς ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν ἢ κωλύειν ὑποστάντος. ἦν τε αὖθις ἑτέρα θαυμάσιος ἄφνω μεταβολή, θεόντων ἐς αὐτὸν τῶν ἐπιφανῶν καὶ προσαγορευόντων· ἔθει δὲ καὶ ὁ δημότης λεὼς καὶ τὴν εὐταξίαν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὡς εἰρηνικὴν ἀπεδέχοντο. ὁ δὲ τὸν στρατόν, ἔνθαπερ ἦν, ἀπολιπὼν ἐχώρει τῆς ἐπιούσης πρὸς τὸ ἄστυ, φυλακὴν ἔχων ἀμφʼ αὑτὸν ἱκανήν. οἱ δὲ καὶ τότε ὑπήντων διʼ ὅλης τῆς ὁδοῦ κατὰ μέρη καὶ προσηγόρευον, οὐδὲν ἐνδέοντες ἢ φιλοφροσύνης ἢ θεραπείας ἀσθενοῦς. ἡ δὲ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἡ ἀδελφὴ ἐν τῷ τῆς Ἑστίας ἱερῷ μετὰ τῶν ἱερῶν παρθένων ἠσπάσαντο. καὶ τὰ τρία τέλη, τῶν στρατηγῶν ὑπεριδόντα, πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπρέσβευε καὶ μετετίθετο· καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν οἳ ἦρχον αὐτῶν, Κορνοῦτος μὲν ἑαυτὸν ἔκτεινεν, οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι σπονδῶν καὶ πίστεων ἔτυχον. Κικέρων τε τῶν σπονδῶν πυθόμενος ἔπραξε διὰ τῶν Καίσαρος φίλων ἐντυχεῖν αὐτῷ, καὶ ἐντυχὼν ἀπελογεῖτο καὶ τὴν εἰσήγησιν τῆς ὑπατείας ὑπερεπῇρεν, ἣν αὐτὸς ἐν τῇ βουλῇ πρότερον εἰσηγήσατο. ὁ δὲ τοσοῦτον ἀπεκρίνατο ἐπισκώπτων ὅτι τῶν φίλων αὑτῷ τελευταῖος ἐντυγχάνοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.13.92

While Octavius was still giving audience to the messengers, it was announced to him that the decrees had been rescinded. The messengers thereupon withdrew, covered with confusion. With his army still more exasperated Octavius hastened to the city, fearing lest some evil should befall his mother and sister. To the plebeians, who were in a state of consternation, he sent horsemen in advance to tell them to have no fear. While all were amazed he took a position just beyond the Quirinal hill, no one daring to fight or prevent him. Now another wonderful and sudden change took place. Patricians flocked out and saluted him. The common people ran also and admired the good order of the soldiers, which they considered a sign of peace. On the following day Octavius advanced toward the city, leaving his army where it was, and having with him only a sufficient guard. Here, again, crowds met him along the whole road and saluted him, omitting nothing that savored of friendliness and weak compliance. His mother and sister, who were in the temple of Vesta with the Vestal virgins, embraced him. The three legions, in spite of their generals, sent ambassadors and transferred themselves to him. One of the generals in command of them, Cornutus, killed himself. The others allied themselves with Octavius. When Cicero learned this he sought an interview with Octavius through friends. When it was granted he defended himself and dwelt much upon his proposing Octavius for the consulship, as he had done in the Senate on a former occasion. Octavius answered ironically that Cicero seemed to be the last of his friends to greet him.

3.13.93 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.13.93

νυκτὸς δʼ ἄφνω δόξης γενομένης, ὅτι δύο τέλη Καίσαρος, τό τε Ἄρειον καὶ τὸ τέταρτον, μεταθοῖτο ἐς τὴν πόλιν ὡς διʼ ἐνέδρας ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα ἐπαχθέντα, οἱ στρατηγοὶ καὶ ἡ βουλὴ πάμπαν ἀταλαιπώρως ἐπίστευσαν, καίπερ ὄντος ἐγγυτάτω τοῦ στρατοῦ· νομίσαντές τε ἀνθέξειν αὐτοῖς οὖσιν ἀρίστοις πρὸς τὰ λοιπὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος, μέχρι τις ἑτέρωθεν αὑτοῖς ἰσχὺς ἐπιγένοιτο, νυκτὸς ἔτι Μάνιον Ἀκύλιον Κράσσον ἐς τὴν Πικηνίτιδα ἐξέπεμπον στρατὸν ἀθροίζειν, καὶ τῶν τινα δημάρχων Ἀπουλήιον ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἐποίουν τὸ εὐαγγέλιον ἐκφέρειν περιθέοντα. ἥ τε βουλὴ νυκτὸς ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον συνέθεον, Κικέρωνος ἐπὶ ταῖς θύραις αὐτοὺς δεξιουμένου. ψευδοῦς δὲ τῆς δόξης φανείσης ἐν φορείῳ διέφυγεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.13.93

The next night a rumor gained currency that two of Octavius’ legions, the Martian and the Fourth, had gone over to the side of the republic, because they had been led against their country by deception. The praetors and the Senate put faith in this report heedlessly, although the army was very near, thinking that with the assistance of these two legions, as they were the bravest, it would be possible to hold out against the rest of Octavius’ army until some force from elsewhere should come to the rescue. The same night they sent Manius Aquilius Crassus to Picenum to raise troops, and ordered one of the tribunes, named Apuleius, to run through the city and proclaim the good news to the people. The senators assembled by night in the senate-house, and Cicero received them at the door, but when the news was contradicted he took flight in a litter.

3.13.94 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.13.94

ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐπιγελάσας αὐτοῖς τὸν μὲν στρατὸν ἐγγυτέρω τῆς πόλεως προήγαγεν, ἐς τὸ πεδίον τὸ καλούμενον Ἄρειον, τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν τότε μὲν οὐδένα ἠμύνατο, οὐδὲ Κράσσον τὸν ἐς Πικήνην ἐκδραμόντα, καίπερ οἱ προσαχθέντα ὡς εἶχε ληφθεὶς ἐν σχήματι οἰκέτου, ἀλλὰ μεθῆκεν ἅπαντας ἐς δόξαν φιλανθρωπίας. οὐ πολὺ δὲ ὕστερον ἐπὶ θανάτῳ προυγράφησαν. τὰ χρήματα δέ, ὅσα τε κοινὰ ἦν ἐν τῷ Ἰανούκλῳ ἢ ἑτέρωθι καὶ ἄλλα συνενεχθῆναι κελεύσας, ὁπόσα Κικέρωνος ἐσηγουμένου πρότερον αὐτοῖς ἐπεγέγραπτο, διένειμεν ἀνὰ δισχιλίας καὶ πεντακοσίας δραχμὰς τῷ στρατῷ, καὶ τὸ ἐπίλοιπον ἐπιδώσειν ὑπέσχετο. καὶ τῆς πόλεως ὑπεξῆλθε, μέχρι χειροτονήσαιεν ὑπάτους αἱρετούς. αἱρεθεὶς δὲ αὐτὸς σὺν ᾧ περ ἐβούλετο Κοΐντῳ Πεδίῳ, ὃς τὸ μέρος αὐτῷ δεδώρητο τῆς Καίσαρος κληρονομίας, ἐς τὴν πόλιιαὖθις ὡς ὕπατος ἐσῄει, καὶ ἔθυε, δώδεκά οἱ γυπῶν φανέντων, ὅσους φασὶ καὶ Ῥωμύλῳ τὴν πόλιν οἰκίζοντι ὀφθῆναι. ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν θυσιῶν ἑαυτὸν εἰσεποιεῖτο τῷ πατρὶ αὖθις κατὰ νόμον κουριάτιον. ἔστι δʼ ἐπὶ τοῦ δήμου γίγνεσθαι τὴν θέσιν· κουρίας γὰρ ἐς μέρη τὰς φυλὰς ἢ τοὺς δήμους διαιροῦντες καλοῦσιν, ὡς Ἕλληνες, εἰκάζοντι φάναι, φατρίας. ἐπινομώτατος δʼ ἐστὶ Ῥωμαίοις ὁ τρόπος οὗτος ἐπὶ τῶν ἀπατόρων· καὶ δύνανται μάλιστα αὐτοὶ ἴσα τοῖς γνησίοις παισὶν ἄγειν τοὺς συγγενεῖς τῶν θεμένων καὶ ἀπελευθέρους. Γαΐῳ δʼ ἦν τά τε ἄλλα λαμπρὰ καὶ ἐξελεύθεροι πολλοί τε καὶ πλούσιοι, καὶ διὰ τόδʼ ἴσως μάλιστα ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τῇ προτέρᾳ θέσει, κατὰ διαθήκας οἱ γενομένῃ, καὶ τῆσδε ἐδεήθη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.13.94

Octavius laughed at them and moved his army nearer to the city and stationed it in the Campus Martius. He did not then punish any of the praetors, not even Crassus who had rushed off to Picenum, although the latter was brought before him just as he was caught, in the disguise of a slave. He pardoned all in order to acquire a reputation for clemency. But not long afterward they were put on the list of the proscribed. He ordered that the public money on the Janiculum or elsewhere be brought to him, and that the amount that had been previously ordered to be paid on the motion of Cicero be distributed; that is, he divided 2500 drachmas per man and promised to give them the remainder. Then he took his departure from the city until the consuls should be chosen by the comitia. Having been elected, together with Quintus Pedius, whom he desired to have as his colleague, and who had given to him his own portion of his inheritance from Caesar, he entered the city as consul. He offered the usual sacrifices, and twelve vultures were seen; the same number, they say, that appeared to Romulus when he laid the foundations of the city. After the sacrifices he caused his adoption by his father to be ratified again, according to the lex curiata, — that is, by a popular vote, — for the parts into which the tribes, or the common people, are divided are called curiae, just as I suppose the similar divisions among the Greeks are called phratriae. Among the Romans this was the method of adoption most in accordance with law in the case of orphans; and those who follow it have the same rights as real sons in respect of the relatives and the freedmen of the persons who adopt them. Among the other splendid accessories of Caesar was a large number of freedmen, many of them rich, and this was perhaps the principal reason why Octavius wanted the adoption by a vote of the people in addition to the former adoption which came to him by Caesar’s will.

Edition note

Suetonius says that Octavius obtained his first consulship in the month Sextilis and that he gave it his own name (August) in commemoration of the event (Aug. 31). Velleius says that he entered upon his consulship on the 22d of September and that this was the day before he became twenty years of age (ii. 65). The Epitome of Livy (cxix) says: The Senate showed little gratitude to Octavius, the only survivor of the three leaders at Mutina. The honor of a triumph was decreed to Decimus Brutus, who was delivered from the siege of Mutina by Octavius. They did not make sufficiently grateful mention of Octavius and his soldiers, for which reason, after a reconciliation had been effected by him with Antony through Marcus Lepidus, he came to Rome with his army, struck terror into those who had treated him unjustly, and was created consul when he was nineteen years of age.

3.14.95 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.14.95

νόμῳ δʼ ἑτέρῳ ἀπέλυε μὴ εἶναι πολέμιον Δολοβέλλαν, καὶ εἶναι φόνου δίκας ἐπὶ Καίσαρι. καὶ εὐθὺς ἦσαν γραφαί, τῶν φίλων τοῦ Καίσαρος γραφομένων τοὺς μὲν αὐτόχειρας, τοὺς δὲ συνεγνωκέναι μόνον. καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο ἐνίοις ἐπεγράφη, καί τισιν οὐδʼ ἐπιδημήσασιν, ὅτε ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐκτείνετο. πᾶσι δʼ ὁρισθείσης ὑπὸ κηρύγματι μιᾶς ἡμέρας ἐς κρίσιν, ἐρήμην ἅπαντες ἑάλωσαν, ἐφορῶντος τὰ δικαστήρια τοῦ Καίσαρος καὶ τῶν δικαστῶν οὐδενὸς τὴν ἀπολύουσαν φέροντος πλὴν ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς τῶν ἐπιφανῶν, ὃς τότε μὲν οὐδʼ αὐτός τι ἔπαθε, μικρὸν δʼ ὕστερον ἐπὶ θανάτῳ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων καὶ ὅδε προυγράφη. ἔδοξε δὲ ταῖσδε ταῖς ἡμέραις Κόιντος Γάλλιος, ἀδελφὸς Μάρκου Γαλλίου συνόντος Ἀντωνίῳ, τὴν πολιτικὴν στρατηγίαν ἄρχων, αἰτῆσαι παρὰ Καίσαρος τὴν στρατηγίαν τῆς Λιβύης, καὶ οὕτω τυχὼν ἐπιβουλεῦσαι τῷ Καίσαρι· καὶ αὐτοῦ τὴν μὲν στρατηγίαν περιεῖλον οἱ σύναρχοι, τὴν δʼ οἰκίαν διήρπασεν ὁ δῆμος, ἡ δὲ βουλὴ κατεγίνωσκε θάνατον. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐκέλευσε χωρεῖν, καὶ δοκεῖ νεὼς ἐπιβὰς οὐδαμοῦ ἔτι φανῆναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.14.95

He caused a new law to be passed to repeal the one which declared Dolabella a public enemy, and also to punish the murder of Caesar. Indictments were found forthwith, the friends of Caesar bringing accusations against some for actual participation in the crime and against others as having guilty knowledge only. Several were indicted, and among them some who were not in the city when Caesar was killed. One day was fixed by public proclamation for the trial of all, and judgment was taken against all by default while Octavius was overlooking the court. None of the judges voted for acquittal except one patrician, who then escaped with impunity, but was included with others in the proscription a little later. It appears that about this time Quintus Gallius, a city praetor and brother of Marcus Gallius, who was serving with Antony, asked Octavius for the command of Africa, and, being thus brought into his presence, attempted to take his life. His colleagues stripped him of his praetorship, the people tore his house down, and the Senate condemned him to death. Octavius ordered him to depart to his brother, and it is said that he took ship and was never seen again.

Edition note

Suetonius gives us two different accounts of this affair of Quintus Gallius. One of these says that Gallius, while paying his respects to Octavius, had a pair of tablets hidden under his garments. Octavius suspected him of concealing a sword, but did not search him lest he should find that it was something else but caused him presently to be dragged away by centurions and soldiers, and subjected to torture like a slave; and as he confessed nothing, ordered him to be put to death after digging out his eyes with his own hands. The other account, which Suetonius says was written by Octavius himself, agrees substantially with that of Appian (Aug. 27).

3.14.96 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.14.96

τοσάδε πράξας ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπενόει μὲν τὰς ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον διαλύσεις, πυνθανόμενος ἤδη τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον εἴκοσι συνῆχθαι τέλη στρατοῦ, καὶ χρῄζων ἐπʼ αὐτὰ Ἀντωνίου, ἐξῄει δὲ τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰόνιον καὶ σχολαίως ἀνεζεύγνυε, τὰ παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπιμένων· Πέδιος γὰρ αὐτὴν ἀποστάντος τοῦ Καίσαρος ἔπειθε τὰ ἐς ἀλλήλους μὴ δυσίατα ποιουμένους συναλλαγῆναι Λεπίδῳ τε καὶ Ἀντωνίῳ. οἱ δὲ προεώρων μὲν ὅτι μὴ σφίσι μηδʼ ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος εἰσὶν αἱ διαλλαγαί, ἀλλʼ ἐς συμμαχίαν Καίσαρι κατὰ Κασσίου τε καὶ Βρούτου, ἐπῄνουν δʼ ὅμως καὶ συνετίθεντο ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης. καὶ τὰ πολέμια δόγματα Ἀντωνίου τε καὶ Λεπίδου καὶ τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτοῖς στρατῶν κατελύετο, εἰρηναῖα δὲ ἕτερα αὐτοῖς ἐπέμπετο. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτοῖς συνήδετο γράφων, Ἀντωνίῳ δὲ καὶ βοηθὸς ἐπὶ Δέκμου ὑπισχνεῖτο ἥξειν, εἰ δέοιτο. οἱ δὲ ἀντεφιλοφρονοῦντο μὲν αὐτὸν ἄφνω καὶ ἐπῄνουν, ὁ δʼ Ἀντώνιος ἔγραφεν αὐτὸς ἀποτίσεσθαι Δέκμον τε ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος καὶ Πλάγκον ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ συμμίξειν Καίσαρι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.14.96

These things accomplished, Octavius formed plans for a reconciliation with Antony, for he had learned that Brutus and Cassius had already collected twenty legions of soldiers, and he needed Antony’s help against them. He moved out of the city toward the Adriatic coast and proceeded in a leisurely way, waiting to see what the Senate would do. Pedius persuaded the senators, after Octavius had taken his departure, not to make their differences with each other irremediable, but to be reconciled to Lepidus and Antony. They foresaw that such a reconciliation would not be for their advantage or for that of the country, but would be merely an assistance to Octavius against Brutus and Cassius. Nevertheless, they gave their approval and assent to it as a matter of necessity. So the decrees declaring Antony and Lepidus, and the soldiers under them, public enemies, were repealed, and others of a peaceful nature were sent to them. Thereupon Octavius wrote and congratulated them, and he promised to lend assistance to Antony against Decimus Brutus if he needed it. They replied to him at once in a friendly spirit and eulogized him. Antony wrote that he would himself take vengeance on Decimus for Caesar’s account and on Plancus for his own, and that then he would join forces with Octavius.

Edition note

The movements of Plancus are minutely described in his numerous letters to Cicero. Although a Caesarian, he intended to remain faithful to the republic and would probably have done so had not the supremacy acquired by Octavius at Rome and the reconciliation of the latter with Antony made his military position untenable.

3.14.97 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.14.97

τοσάδε μὲν ἀλλήλοις ἐπέστειλαν, διώκοντι δὲ τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ Δέκμον προσγίγνεται Πολλίων Ἀσίνιος ἄγων δύο τέλη. καὶ Πλάγκῳ μὲν Ἀσίνιος ἔπραξε διαλλαγάς, καὶ ὁ Πλάγκος σὺν τρισὶ τέλεσι μεθίστατο ἐς τὸν Ἀτώνιον, ὥστε ἤδη βαρυτάτης δυνάμεως ἦρχεν ὁ Ἀντώνιος· Δέκμῳ δὲ ἦν τέλη δέκα, ὧν τέσσαρα μὲν τὰ ἐμπειροπολεμώτατα ὑπὸ λιμοῦ διέφθαρτο καὶ ἐνόσει ἔτι, τὰ νεοστράτευτα δὲ ἦν ἕξ, ἀταλαίπωρα ἔτι καὶ πόνων ἄπειρα. ἀπογνοὺς οὖν μάχεσθαι, φεύγειν ἔκρινε πρὸς Βροῦτον ἐς Μακεδονίαν. ἔφευγε δʼ οὐκ ἐπὶ τάδε τῶν Ἄλπεων, ἀλλʼ ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἢ Ἀκυληίαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ Καῖσαρ ὥδευε ταύτῃ, ἄλλην μακροτέραν ὁδὸν καὶ δύσπορον ἐπενόει, τόν τε Ῥῆνον περᾶσαι καὶ τὰ ἀγριώτερα τῶν βαρβάρων ὑπερελθεῖν· ὅθεν αὐτὸν ὑπό τε τῆς ἀπορίας καὶ τοῦ καμάτου πρῶτοι μὲν οἱ νεοστράτευτοι καταλιπόντες ἐς Καίσαρα ἐχώρουν, ἐπὶ δὲ ἐκείνοις καὶ τὰ ἀρχαιότερα τέσσαρα ἐς Ἀντώνιον καὶ ὁ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ἤδη χωρὶς τῶν σωματοφυλάκων ἱππέων Κελτῶν. ὁ δὲ καὶ τούτων τοῖς ἐθέλουσιν ἐπιτρέψας ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα σφῶν ἀφίστασθαι καὶ διαδοὺς ἐκ τοῦ παρόντος ἔτι χρυσίου, μετὰ τριακοσίων τῶν παραμεινάντων μόνων ἐπὶ τὸν Ῥῆνον ἐφέρετο. δυσπόρου δʼ ὄντος αὐτοῦ περᾶν σὺν ὀλίγοις, ἀπελείφθη καὶ ὑπὸ τῶνδε πλὴν δέκα μόνων. ἤλλαξε δὲ τὴν ἐσθῆτα ἐς τὸ Κελτικόν, ἐξεπιστάμενος ἅμα καὶ τὴν φωνήν, καὶ διεδίδρασκε σὺν ἐκείνοις οἷά τις Κελτός, οὐ τὴν μακροτέραν ἔτι περιιών, ἀλλὰ ἐπὶ Ἀκυληίας, λήσεσθαι νομίζων διὰ τὴν ὀλιγότητα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.14.97

Such were the letters which they exchanged with each other. While pursuing Decimus, Antony was joined by Asinius Pollio with two legions. Asinius also brought about an arrangement with Plancus, by virtue of which the latter passed over to Antony with three legions, so that Antony now had much the strongest force. Decimus had ten legions, of whom four, the most experienced in war, had suffered severely from famine and were still enfeebled. The other six were new levies, still untrained and unaccustomed to their labors. As he despaired of fighting, he decided to flee to Marcus Brutus in Macedonia. He retreated not by the higher Alps, but toward Ravenna and Aquileia. Since Caesar had travelled by this route, Decimus proposed another longer and more difficult one — to cross the Rhine and traverse the wild country of barbarian tribes. Thereupon the new levies, bewildered and fatigued, were the first to desert him and join Octavius. After them the four older legions joined Antony, and the auxiliaries did the same, except a body-guard of Gallic horse. Then Decimus allowed those who wished to do so to return to their own homes, and, after distributing among them the gold he had with him, proceeded toward the Rhine with 300 followers, the only ones who remained. As it was difficult to cross the river with so few, he was now abandoned by all the others except ten. He put on Gallic clothing, and, as he was acquainted with the language, he proceeded on his journey with these, passing himself off as a Gaul. He no longer followed the longer route, but went toward Aquileia, thinking that he should escape notice by reason of the smallness of his force.

Edition note

Appian’s geography is much in need of amendment. It is impossible to trace the route taken by Decimus from this description.

3.14.98 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:3.14.98

ἁλοὺς δὲ ὑπὸ λῃστῶν καὶ δεθείς, ἤρετο μὲν ὅτου Κελτῶν δυνάστου τὸ ἔθνος εἴη, μαθὼν δʼ ὅτι Καμίλου, πολλὰ πεποιηκὼς εὖ τὸν Κάμιλον, ἄγειν αὑτὸν αὐτοῖς ἐς τὸν Κάμιλον ἐκέλευεν. ὁ δὲ ἀχθέντα ἰδὼν ἐφιλοφρονεῖτο μὲν ἐς τὸ φανερὸν καὶ τοῖς δήσασιν ἐπεμέμφετο ὑπʼ ἀγνοίας ἐνυβρίσασιν ἀνδρὶ τοσῷδε, κρύφα δʼ ἐπέστελλεν Ἀντωνίῳ. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιός τι παθὼν ἐπὶ τῇ μεταβολῇ οὐχ ὑπέστη τὸν ἄνδρα ἰδεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐκέλευσε τῷ Καμίλῳ κτείναντα τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐς αὑτὸν ἐκπέμψαι· καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἰδὼν ἐκέλευσε τοῖς παροῦσι θάψαι. τοῦτο Δέκμῳ τέλος ἦν, ἱππάρχῃ τε Καίσαρος γενομένῳ καὶ ἄρξαντι τῆς παλαιᾶς Κελτικῆς ὑπʼ ἐκείνῳ καὶ ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἔτος ὑπατεύειν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ κεχειροτονημένῳ καὶ τῆς ἑτέρας Κελτικῆς ἄρχειν. καὶ δεύτερος τῶν σφαγέων οὗτος ἐπὶ Τρεβωνίῳ δίκην ἐδίδου μετʼ ἐνιαυτόν που καὶ ἥμισυ τῆς ἀναιρέσεως. τῷ δʼ αὐτῷ χρόνῳ καὶ Μινούκιος Βάσιλος, σφαγεὺς καὶ ὅδε Καίσαρος, ὑπὸ τῶν θεραπόντων ἀνῃρέθη, εὐνουχίζων τινὰς αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.14.98

Having been captured by robbers and bound, he asked them who was the chief of this Gallic tribe. He was informed that it was Camillus, a man to whom he had done many favors. So he told them to bring him to Camillus. When the latter saw him led in, he greeted him in a friendly way in public, and scolded those who had bound him, for putting an indignity on so great a man through ignorance; but he sent word to Antony secretly. Antony was some-what touched by this change of fortune, and was not willing to see Decimus, but he ordered Camillus to kill him and send his head to himself. When he saw the head he ordered his attendants to bury it. Such was the end of Decimus, who had been Caesar’s praefect of horse and had governed Farther Gaul under him and had been designated by him for the consulship the coming year and for the governorship of Hither Gaul. He was the next of the murderers after Trebonius to meet punishment, within a year and a half of the assassination. About the same time Minucius Basilus, another of Caesar’s murderers, was killed by his slaves, some of whom he was castrating by way of punishment.

Edition note

Velleius (ii. 64) gives a somewhat different account of the death of Decimus. Decimus Brutus, he says, deserted first by Plancus and afterwards plotted against by him, seeing his army melting away, took to flight and accepted the hospitality of a nobleman named Camelus, in whose house he was found by Antony’s emissaries and slain. The Epitome of Livy (cxx.) says that Decimus was put to death by Capenas Sequanus by order of Antony, into whose hands he had fallen.

Edition note

τῆς παλαιᾶς Κελτικῆς; older Gaul, which, as Appian himself tells us in iv. 2, infra, means that part of Transalpine Gaul which was held by the Romans before Caesar’s conquests. Yet we know from ii. III, supra, that the whole of Transalpine Gaul was placed in charge of Decimus Brutus by Caesar just before he embarked for Africa. These facts make it almost certain that the original text was περαίας instead of παλαιᾶς.

4.1.1 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.1.1

δύο μὲν δὴ Γαΐου Καίσαρος φονεῖς οὕτω δίκην, ἐν ταῖς σφετέραις αὐτῶν στρατηγίαις ἐκπολεμηθέντες, ἐδεδώκεσαν, Τρεβώνιος ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ καὶ Δέκμος ἐν τῇ Κελτικῇ· ὅπως δὲ ἔδοσαν Κάσσιός τε καὶ Βροῦτος, οἳ καὶ μάλιστα τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἐπὶ τῷ Καίσαρι ἦρξαν, καὶ γῆς ἐκράτουν ἀπὸ Συρίας ἐπὶ Μακεδονίαν ἁπάσης, καὶ στρατὸς ἦν αὐτοῖς πολύς, ἱππικός τε καὶ ναυτικὸς καὶ ὁπλιτῶν ὑπὲρ εἴκοσι τέλη, καὶ νῆες ὁμοῦ καὶ χρήματα, ἡ τετάρτη τῶν ἐμφυλίων ἥδε ὑποδείκνυσιν. ἅμα δὲ τούτοις ἐγίγνοντο αἱ ἐν Ῥώμῃ τῶν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ προγραφέντων ἔρευναί τε καὶ εὑρέσεις καὶ παθήματα πάμπαν ἐπαχθῆ, οἷα οὔτε ἐπὶ Ἑλλήνων ἐν στάσεσιν ἢ πολέμοις οὔτʼ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίων αὐτῶν ἐμνημονεύετο γενέσθαι, πλὴν ἐπὶ μόνου Σύλλα τοῦ πρώτου τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐς θάνατον προγράψαντος. Μάριος μὲν γὰρ ἐζήτει καὶ ἐκόλαζεν, οὓς εὕροι· Σύλλας δὲ ὑπὸ μισθοῖς τε μεγάλοις καὶ κολάσεσι τῶν ἐπικρυψάντων ὁμοίαις τὸν ἐντυχόντα κτείνειν προέγραφεν. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἀμφὶ Μάριόν τε καὶ Σύλλαν ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνων προείρηται, τὰ δὲ ἑξῆς οὕτως ἐγένετο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.1.1

THUS was punishment visited upon two of Caesar’s murderers, who were conquered in their own provinces, Trebonius in Asia and Decimus Brutus in Gaul. How vengeance overtook Cassius and Marcus Brutus, who were the principal leaders in the conspiracy against Caesar, and who controlled the territory from Syria to Macedonia, and had large forces of cavalry and sailors, and more than twenty legions of infantry, together with ships and money, this fourth book of the Civil Wars will show. During the progress of these events came the pursuit and capture of the proscribed in Rome and the sufferings consequent thereon, the like of which cannot be recalled among the civil commotions or wars of the Greeks, or those of the Romans themselves save only in the time of Sulla, who was the first to put his enemies on a proscription list. Marius searched for his and punished those whom he found, but Sulla proclaimed large rewards to persons who should kill the proscribed and severe punishment to those who should conceal them. But what took place in the time of Marius and Sulla I have previously narrated in the history relating to them. The following events came next in order.

4.1.2 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.1.2

Καῖσαρ μὲν καὶ Ἀντώνιος ἐς φιλίαν ἀπʼ ἔχθρας συνῄεσαν ἀμφὶ Μουτίνην πόλιν, ἐς νησῖδα τοῦ Λαβινίου ποταμοῦ βραχεῖάν τε καὶ ὑπτίαν, ἔχων ἑκάτερος ὁπλιτῶν τέλη πέντε· καὶ τάδε ἀλλήλοις ἀντικαθιστάντες ἐχώρουν σὺν τριακοσίοις ἑκάτερος ἐπὶ τὰς τοῦ ποταμοῦ γεφύρας. Λέπιδος δʼ αὐτὸς προελθὼν διηρεύνα τὴν νῆσον καὶ τῇ χλαμύδι κατέσειεν ἥκειν ἑκάτερον. οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν γεφυρῶν τοὺς τριακοσίους μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἀπολιπόντες ἐς τὸ μέσον ᾔεσαν ἐν περιόπτῳ, καὶ συνήδρευον οἱ τρεῖς, Καίσαρος ἐν μέσῳ διὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν προκαθίσαντος. δύο δὲ ἡμέραις ἕωθεν ἐς ἑσπέραν συνιόντες τάδε ἔκριναν· ἀποθέσθαι μὲν τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν Καίσαρα καὶ Οὐεντίδιον αὐτὴν ἐς τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ ἔτους μεταλαβεῖν, καινὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν ἐς διόρθωσιν τῶν ἐμφυλίων νομοθετηθῆναι Λεπίδῳ τε καὶ Ἀντωνίῳ καὶ Καίσαρι, ἣν ἐπὶ πενταετὲς αὐτοὺς ἄρχειν, ἴσον ἰσχύουσαν ὑπάτοις· ὧδε γὰρ ἔδοξεν ἀντὶ δικτατόρων ὀνομάσαι, διὰ τὸ δόγμα ἴσως τὸ Ἀντωνίου κωλῦον ἔτι γίγνεσθαι δικτάτορα. τοὺς δὲ ἀποφῆναι μὲν αὐτίκα τῆς πόλεως ἄρχοντας ἐς τὰ ἐτήσια ἐπὶ τὴν πενταετίαν, τὰς δὲ ἡγεμονίας τῶν ἐθνῶν νειμαμένους, ἔχειν Ἀντώνιον μὲν τὴν Κελτικὴν ἅπασαν ἄνευ τῆς συναφοῦς τοῖς Πυρηναίοις ὄρεσιν, ἣν παλαιὰν ἐκάλουν Κελτικήν· ταύτης δὲ Λέπιδον ἄρχειν καὶ Ἰβηρίας ἐπὶ ταύτῃ· Καίσαρι δὲ εἶναι Λιβύην καὶ Σαρδὼ καὶ Σικελίαν καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλη νῆσος ἐνταῦθα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.1.2

Octavius and Antony composed their differences on a small, gradually sloping islet in the river Lavinius, near the city of Mutina. Each had five legions of soldiers whom they stationed opposite each other, after which each proceeded with 300 men to the bridges over the river. Lepidus himself went before them, searched the island, and shook his military cloak as a signal to them to come. Then each left his three hundred in charge of friends on the bridges and advanced to the middle of the island in plain sight, and there the three sat together in council, Octavius in the centre because he was consul. They were in conference from morning till night for two days, and came to these decisions: That Octavius should resign the consulship and that Ventidius should take it for the remainder of the year; that anew magistracy for quieting the civil dissensions should be created by law, which Lepidus, Antony, and Octavius should hold for five years with consular power (for this name seemed preferable to that of dictator, perhaps because of Antony’s decree abolishing the dictatorship); that these three should at once designate the yearly magistrates of the city for the five years; that a distribution of the provinces should be made, giving to Antony the whole of Gaul except the part bordering the Pyrenees Mountains, which was called Old Gaul. The latter, together with Spain, was assigned to Lepidus, while Octavius was to have Africa, Sardinia, and Sicily, and the other islands in the vicinity thereof.

4.1.3 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.1.3

ὧδε μὲν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν οἱ τρεῖς ἐνείμαντο ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῖς, τὰ πέραν ἄρα τοῦ Ἰονίου μόνα ὑπερθέμενοι διὰ Βροῦτον καὶ Κάσσιον κρατοῦντας ἔτι αὐτῶν, Κασσίῳ δὲ καὶ Βρούτῳ πολεμεῖν Ἀντώνιόν τε καὶ Καίσαρα· Λέπιδον γὰρ ὑπατεύειν ἐς τὸ μέλλον καὶ τῇ πόλει διὰ τὰς ἐν αὐτῇ χρείας ὑπομένειν, ἡγεμονεύοντα τῆς Ἰβηρίας διʼ ἑτέρων· τοῦ δὲ Λεπίδου στρατοῦ τρία μὲν αὐτὸν Λέπιδον ἔχειν ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Ῥώμης, ἑπτὰ δὲ τέλη νείμασθαι Καίσαρα καὶ Ἀντώνιον, τρία μὲν Καίσαρα, τέσσαρα δὲ Ἀντώνιον, ὡς ἂν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον αὐτῶν ἑκάτερος εἴκοσιν ἄγοι. ἐπελπίσαι δὲ ἤδη τὸν στρατὸν ἐς τὰ νικητήρια τοῦ πολέμου, ἄλλαις τε δωρεαῖς καὶ ἐς κατοικίαν δόσεσι τῶν Ἰταλικῶν πόλεων ὀκτωκαίδεκα, αἳ καὶ περιουσίᾳ καὶ ἐδάφεσι καὶ οἴκοις εἰς κάλλος διαφέρουσαι ἔμελλον αὐτοῖς ἐδάφεσι καὶ οἴκοις αὐτῷ διανεμήσεσθαι, ὥσπερ αὐτοῖς ἀντὶ τῆς πολεμίας δορίληπτοι γενόμεναι. καὶ ἦσαν αἱ πόλεις ἄλλαι τε καὶ αἱ περιφανέσταται μάλιστα αὐτῶν Καπύη καὶ Ῥήγιον καὶ Οὐενουσία καὶ Βενεβεντὸς καὶ Νουκερία καὶ Ἀρίμινον καὶ Ἰππώνιον. οὕτω μὲν τὰ κάλλιστα τῆς Ἰταλίας τῷ στρατῷ διέγραφον, ἔδοξε δὲ σφίσι καὶ τοὺς ἰδίους ἐχθροὺς προανελεῖν, ἵνα μὴ ἐνοχλοῖεν αὑτοῖς τάδε καθισταμένοις καὶ πολεμοῦσι πόλεμον ἔκδημον. ταῦτα μὲν ἔδοξε, καὶ ταῦτα συνεγράψαντο· καὶ αὐτῶν ὁ Καῖσαρ ὡς ὕπατος ἀνέγνω τοῖς στρατοῖς τὰ λοιπὰ χωρὶς τῶν ἀποθανουμένων. οἱ δʼ ἀκούσαντες ἐπαιώνισάν τε καὶ ἠσπάσαντο ἀλλήλους ἐπὶ διαλλαγῇ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.1.3

Thus was the dominion of the Romans divided by the triumvirate among themselves. The assignment of the parts beyond the Adriatic only was postponed, since these were still under the control of Brutus and Cassius, against whom Antony and Octavius were to wage war. Lepidus was to be consul the following year and to remain in the city to do what was needful there, meanwhile governing Spain by proxy. He was to retain three of his legions to guard the city, and to divide the other seven between Octavius and Antony, three to the former and four to the latter, so that each of them might lead twenty legions to the war. To encourage the army with the expectation of booty they promised them, beside other gifts, eighteen cities of Italy as colonies — cities which excelled in wealth, in the fertility of their territory, and in handsome houses, and which were to be divided among them (land, buildings, and all), just as though they had been captured from an enemy in war. The most renowned among these were Capua, Rhegium, Venusia, Beneventum, Nuceria, Ariminum, and Vibo. Thus were the most beautiful parts of Italy marked out for the soldiers. But they decided to destroy their personal enemies beforehand, so that the latter should not interfere with their arrangements while they were carrying on war abroad. Having come to these decisions, they reduced them to writing, and Octavius, as consul, communicated them to the soldiers, all except the proscriptions. When the soldiers heard them they applauded and embraced each other in token of mutual reconciliation.

Edition note

A town in Bruttium, called by the Greeks Hipponium — the modern Monte Leone.

4.1.4 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.1.4

γιγνομένων δὲ τούτων τέρατα καὶ σημεῖα ἐν Ῥώμῃ πολλὰ καὶ φοβερὰ ἦν. κύνες τε γὰρ ὠρύοντο ὁμαλῶς οἷα λύκοι, σύμβολον ἀηδές, καὶ λύκοι τὴν ἀγορὰν διέθεον, οὐκ ἐπιχωριάζον ἐν πόλει ζῷον, βοῦς τε φωνὴν ἀφῆκεν ἀνθρώπου, καὶ βρέφος ἀρτίτοκον ἐφθέγξατο, καὶ τῶν ξοάνων τὰ μὲν ἵδρου, τὰ δὲ καὶ αἷμα ἵδρου, ἀνδρῶν τε μεγάλαι βοαὶ καὶ κτύπος ὅπλων καὶ δρόμος ἵππων οὐχ ὁρωμένων ἠκούετο. ἀμφί τε τὸν ἥλιον ἀηδῆ σημεῖα πολλά, καὶ λιθώδεις ἐγίγνοντο ὑετοί, καὶ κεραυνοὶ συνεχεῖς ἐς ἱερὰ καὶ ἀγάλματα ἔπιπτον. ἐφʼ οἷς ἡ μὲν βουλὴ θύτας καὶ μάντεις συνῆγεν ἀπὸ Τυρρηνίας· καὶ ὁ πρεσβύτατος αὐτῶν, τὰς πάλαι βασιλείας ἐπανήξειν εἰπών, καὶ δουλεύσειν ἅπαντας χωρὶς ἑαυτοῦ μόνου, τὸ στόμα κατέσχε καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα, ἕως ἀπέθανεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.1.4

While these transactions were taking place many fearful prodigies and portents were observed at Rome. Dogs howled exactly like wolves — a fearful sign. Wolves darted through the forum — an animal unused to the city. Cattle used the human voice. A newly born infant spoke. Sweat issued from statues; some even sweated blood. Loud voices of men were heard and the clashing of arms and the tramp of horses where none could be seen. Many fearful signs were observed around the sun, there were showers of stones, and continuous lightning fell upon the sacred temples and images; in consequence of which the Senate sent for diviners and soothsayers from Etruria. The oldest of them said that the kingly rule of former times was coming back, and that they would all be slaves except himself, whereupon he closed his mouth and held his breath till he was dead.

4.2.5 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.2.5

οἱ δὲ τρεῖς ἄνδρες ἐφʼ ἑαυτῶν γενόμενοι τοὺς ἀποθανουμένους συνέγραφον, τούς τε δυνατοὺς ὑφορώμενοι καὶ τοὺς ἰδίους ἐχθροὺς καταλέγοντες, οἰκείους τε σφῶν αὐτῶν ἢ φίλους ἐς τὴν ἀναίρεσιν ἀντιδιδόντες ἀλλήλοις καὶ τότε καὶ ὕστερον. προσκατελέγοντο γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἕτεροι μεθʼ ἑτέρους, οἱ μὲν ἀπʼ ἔχθρας, οἱ δὲ μόνου προσκρούματος ἢ φιλίας ἐχθρῶν ἢ φίλων ἔχθρας ἢ πλούτου διαφέροντος. ἐδέοντο γὰρ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον χρημάτων πολλῶν, Βρούτῳ μὲν καὶ Κασσίῳ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας φόρων δεδομένων τε καὶ προσοδευομένων ἔτι καὶ βασιλέων καὶ σατραπῶν συμφερόντων, αὐτοὶ δʼ ἐπὶ τῆς Εὐρώπης καὶ μάλιστα τῆς Ἰταλίας πολέμοις τε καὶ εἰσφοραῖς τετρυμένης ἀποροῦντες· διʼ ἃ καὶ τοῖς δημόταις καὶ ταῖς γυναιξὶ λήγοντες ἐπέγραψαν εἰσφορὰς βαρυτάτας, καὶ τέλη πράσεων καὶ μισθώσεων ἐπενόησαν. ἤδη δέ τις καὶ διὰ κάλλος ἐπαύλεως καὶ οἰκίας προεγράφη. καὶ ἐγένοντο πάντες οἱ θανάτου τε καὶ δημεύσεως κατεγνωσμένοι ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς βουλῆς ἀμφὶ τοὺς τριακοσίους, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν καλουμένων ἱππέων ἐς δισχιλίους. καὶ ἦσαν ἐν αὐτοῖς ἀδελφοί τε καὶ θεῖοι τῶν προγραφόντων, καὶ τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτοῖς ἡγεμόνων, ὅσοι τι τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἢ τοῖς ἡγεμόσι προσεκεκρούκεσαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.2.5

As soon as the triumvirs were by themselves they joined in making a list of those who were to be put to death. They put on the list those whom they suspected because of their power, and also their personal enemies, and they swapped their own relatives and friends with each other for death, both then and later. For they made additions to the catalogue from time to time, some on the ground of enmity, others for a grudge merely, or because the victims tims were friends of their enemies or enemies of their friends. Some were proscribed on account of their wealth, for the triumvirs needed a great deal of money to carry on the war, since the revenue from Asia had been paid to Brutus and Cassius, who were still collecting it, and the kings and satraps were coöperating with them. So the triumvirs were short of money because Europe, and especially Italy, was exhausted by wars and exactions; for which reason they levied very heavy contributions from the plebeians and finally even from women, and contemplated taxes on sales and rents. Some were proscribed because they had handsome villas or city residences. The number of senators who were sentenced to death and confiscation was about 300, and of the so-called knights about 2000. There were brothers and uncles of the triumvirs in the list of the proscribed, and also some of the lieutenants serving under them who had had some difficulty with the leaders, or with their fellow-lieutenants.

4.2.6 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.2.6

τὸ μὲν δὴ πλῆθος αὐτῶν ἀπὸ τῆς συνόδου διελθόντες ἐς Ῥώμην προγράψειν ἔμελλον, δυώδεκα δὲ ἄνδρας, ἤ, ὡς ἕτεροι λέγουσιν, ἑπτακαίδεκα, τοὺς μάλιστα δυνατούς, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ Κικέρων, ἔδοξε προανελεῖν ἐπιπέμψαντας ἄφνω. καὶ τῶνδε μὲν τέσσαρες αὐτίκα ἀνῃρέθησαν ἐν ἑστιάσεσί τε καὶ ὑπαντήσεσι· ζητουμένων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων καὶ ἐρευνωμένων νεών τε καὶ οἰκιῶν, ἄφνω θόρυβος ἀνὰ τὴν νύκτα πᾶσαν ἦν καὶ βοαὶ καὶ διαδρομαὶ μετʼ οἰμωγῆς ὡς ἐν ἁλισκομένῃ πόλει. τῷ γὰρ ἐγνῶσθαι μὲν ἀνδρολήψια γίγνεσθαι, μὴ προγεγράφθαι δὲ μηδένα τῶν προκατεγνωσμένων, πᾶς τις αὐτὸς ἡγεῖτο ζητεῖσθαι πρὸς τῶν περιθεόντων. οὕτω δὲ ἀπογινώσκοντες αὑτῶν, οἱ μὲν τὰ ἴδια, οἱ δὲ τὰ κοινὰ ἐμπρήσειν ἔμελλον, δρᾶσαί τι δεινὸν ἀλόγως αἱρούμενοι πρὶν παθεῖν· καὶ τάχα ἂν ἔδρασαν, εἰ μὴ Πέδιος αὐτοὺς ὁ ὕπατος μετὰ κηρύκων περιθέων ἐπήλπιζε περιμείναντας ἐς ἕω τὰ ἀκριβέστατα μαθεῖν. ἅμα δὲ ἕῳ παρὰ γνώμην τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν προύγραφεν ὁ Πέδιος τοὺς ἑπτακαίδεκα ὡς μόνους τε αἰτίους δόξαντας εἶναι τῶν ἐμφυλίων κακῶν καὶ μόνους κατεγνωσμένους, πίστεις τε τοῖς ἄλλοις δημοσίας ἐποιεῖτο, ἀγνοῶν τὰ ἐγνωσμένα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.2.6

As they left the conference to proceed to Rome they postponed the proscription of the greater number of victims, but they decided to send executioners in advance and without warning to kill twelve, or, as some say, seventeen, of the most important ones, among whom was Cicero. Four of these were slain immediately, either at banquets or as they were met on the streets. Search was made for the others in temples and houses. There was a sudden panic which lasted through the night, and a running to and fro with cries and lamentation as in a captured city. When it was known that men had been seized and massacred, although nobody had been previously sentenced by proscription, every man thought that he was the one whom the pursuers were in search of. In despair some were on the point of burning their own houses, and others the public buildings, or of committing some terrible deed in their frenzied state before the blow should fall upon them; and they would have done so had not the consul Pedius hurried around with heralds and encouraged them, telling them to wait till daylight and get more accurate information. When morning came Pedius, contrary to the intention of the triumvirs, published the list of seventeen as deemed the sole authors of the civil strife and the only ones condemned. To the rest he pledged the public faith, being ignorant of the determinations of the triumvirs. Pedius died in consequence of fatigue the following night.

4.2.7 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.2.7

καὶ Πέδιος μὲν ἐκ καμάτου τῆς νυκτὸς ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐσῄεσαν δʼ οἱ τρεῖς τρισὶν ἡμέραις, ἀνὰ μέρος ἕκαστος αὐτῶν, ὁ Καῖσάρ τε καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος καὶ ὁ Λέπιδος, σὺν ταῖς στρατηγίσι τάξεσι καὶ ὁπλιτῶν ἕκαστος ἑνὶ τέλει. ὡς δὲ ἐσῆλθον, αὐτίκα μὲν ἡ πόλις ἦν πλήρης ὅπλων τε καὶ σημείων διατεταγμένων ἐς τὰ ἐπίκαιρα, αὐτίκα δὲ ἐν μέσῳ τούτων ἤγετο ἐκκλησία, καὶ δήμαρχος Πούπλιος Τίτιος ἐνομοθέτει καινὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπὶ καταστάσει τῶν παρόντων ἐς πενταετὲς εἶναι τριῶν ἀνδρῶν, Λεπίδου τε καὶ Ἀντωνίου καὶ Καίσαρος, ἴσον ἰσχύουσαν ὑπάτοις, ʽἣν ἄν τις Ἑλλήνων ἁρμοστὰς ὀνομάσειεν, ὃ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοῖς ἄρτι καθισταμένοις τὰ ὑπήκοα ἐτίθεντο ὄνομα,ʼ οὔτε διαστήματος ἐς δοκιμασίαν οὔτε κυρίας ἐς τὴν χειροτονίαν ἡμέρας προτεθείσης· ἀλλʼ αὐτίκα ἐκυροῦτο ὁ νόμος. καὶ νυκτὸς ἄλλων, ἐπὶ τοῖς ἑπτακαίδεκα, τριάκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ἀνδρῶν προγραφαὶ κατὰ πολλὰ τῆς πόλεως προυτίθεντο καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγον ἄλλων πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν. καί τις προσετίθετο τοῖς πίναξιν αἰεὶ τῶν προσκαταγινωσκομένων ἢ τῶν προανῃρημένων ὑπʼ ἀγνοίας, ἐς δόξαν τοῦ δικαίως ἀνῃρῆσθαι. διετέτακτό τε πάντων τὰς κεφαλὰς ἐς τοὺς τρεῖς ἄνδρας ἐπὶ ῥητῷ κέρδει φέρεσθαι· καὶ ἦν τὸ κέρδος ἐλευθέρῳ μὲν ἀργύριον, θεράποντι δὲ ἐλευθερία τε καὶ ἀργύριον. παρέχειν δὲ ἐς ἔρευναν πάντας τὰ ἴδια. καὶ τὸν ὑποδεξάμενον ἢ κρύψαντα ἢ τὴν ἔρευναν οὐ παρασχόντα τοῖς ἴσοις ἐνέχεσθαι. μηνύειν δὲ ἕκαστα τούτων τὸν ἐθέλοντα ἐπὶ τοῖς ἴσοις κέρδεσι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.2.7

The triumvirs entered the city separately on three successive days, Octavius, Antony, and Lepidus, each with a praetorian cohort and one legion. As they arrived, the city was speedily filled with arms and military standards, disposed in the most advantageous places. A public assembly was forthwith convened in the midst of these armed men, and the tribune Publius Titius proposed a law providing for a new magistracy for settling the present disorders, to consist of three men to hold office for five years, namely, Lepidus, Antony, and Octavius, with the same power as consuls. (Among the Greeks these would have been called harmosts, which is the name the Lacedaemonians gave to those whom they appointed over their subject states.) No time was given for consideration of this measure, nor was a future day appointed for voting on it, but it was passed forthwith. That same night, the proscription of 130 men in addition to the seventeen was proclaimed in various parts of the city, and a little later 150 more, and additions to the lists were constantly made of those who had been previously condemned or killed by mistake, so that they might seem to have perished justly. It was ordered that the heads of all the victims should be brought to the triumvirs in order to adjust the rewards, which to a free person were payable in money and to a slave in both money and freedom. All were required to afford opportunity for searching their houses. Those who received fugitives, or concealed them, or refused to allow search to be made, were liable to the same penalties as the proscribed, and those who informed against concealers were allowed the same rewards [as those who killed the proscribed].

4.2.8 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.2.8

καὶ εἶχεν οὕτως ἡ προγραφή· Μᾶρκος Λέπιδος, Μᾶρκος Ἀντώνιος, Ὀκτάουιος Καῖσαρ, οἱ χειροτονηθέντες ἁρμόσαι καὶ διορθῶσαι τὰ κοινά, οὕτως λέγουσιν· εἰ μὴ διʼ ἀπιστίαν οἱ πονηροὶ δεόμενοι μὲν ἦσαν ἐλεεινοί, τυχόντες δὲ ἐγίγνοντο τῶν εὐεργετῶν ἐχθροί, εἶτα ἐπίβουλοι, οὔτʼ ἂν Γάιον Καίσαρα ἀνῃρήκεσαν, οὓς ἐκεῖνος δορὶ λαβὼν ἔσωσεν ἐλέῳ καὶ φίλους θέμενος ἐπὶ ἀρχὰς καὶ τιμὰς καὶ δωρεὰς προήγαγεν ἀθρόως, οὔτʼ ἂν ἡμεῖς τοῖς ἐνυβρίσασι καὶ πολεμίους ἀναγράψασιν ἡμᾶς ὧδε ἀθρόως ἠναγκαζόμεθα χρῆσθαι. νῦν δέ, ἐξ ὧν ἐπιβεβουλεύμεθα καὶ ἐξ ὧν Γάιος Καῖσαρ ἔπαθεν, ἀτιθάσευτον ὁρῶντες τὴν κακίαν ὑπὸ φιλανθρωπίας, προλαβεῖν τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἢ παθεῖν αἱρούμεθα. μὴ δή τις τὸ ἔργον ἄδικον ἢ ὠμὸν ἢ ἄμετρον ἡγείσθω, ἔς τε Γάιον καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς οἷα πεπόνθαμεν ὁρῶν. Γάιον μὲν δὴ καὶ αὐτοκράτορα ὄντα καὶ ἄρχοντα ἱερῶν, καὶ τὰ φοβερώτατα Ῥωμαίοις καθελόντα τε ἔθνη καὶ κτησάμενον, καὶ πρῶτον ἀνδρῶν ὑπὲρ τοὺς Ἡρακλείους ὅρους ἀπλώτου θαλάσσης ἀποπειράσαντα, καὶ Ῥωμαίοις γῆν ἄγνωστον εὑρόντα, ἐν μέσῳ τῷ ἱερῷ λεγομένῳ βουλευτηρίῳ, ὑπὸ ὄψεσι θεῶν, κατέκανον εἴκοσι καὶ τρισὶ σφαγαῖς ἐνυβρίσαντες, οἱ πολέμῳ ληφθέντες ὑπʼ ἐκείνου καὶ περισωθέντες κληρονόμοι τέ τινες αὐτοῦ τῆς οὐσίας ἐγγραφέντες εἶναι· οἱ λοιποὶ δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ μύσει τῷδε τοὺς ἐναγεῖς ἀντὶ κολάσεων ἐπὶ ἀρχὰς καὶ ἡγεμονίας ἐξέπεμψαν, αἷς ἐκεῖνοι χρώμενοι τά τε κοινὰ τῶν χρημάτων ἥρπασαν, καὶ στρατὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀγείρουσι καθʼ ἡμῶν καὶ ἕτερον αἰτοῦσι παρὰ βαρβάρων ἀεὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς πολεμίων, τάς τε ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις πόλεις τὰς μὲν οὐ πείθοντες ἐνέπρησαν ἢ κατέσκαψαν ἢ κατήρειψαν, τὰς δὲ καταπλήξαντες ἐπάγουσι τῇ πατρίδι καθʼ ἡμῶν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.2.8

The proscription was in the following words: Marcus Lepidus, Mark Antony, and Octavius Caesar, chosen by the people to set in order and regulate the republic, do declare that, had not perfidious scoundrels begged for mercy and when they obtained it become the enemies of their benefactors and conspired against them, neither would Gaius Caesar have been slain by those whom he saved by his clemency after capturing them in war, whom he admitted to his friendship and upon whom he heaped offices, honors, and gifts; nor should we have been compelled to use severity against those who have insulted us and declared us public enemies. Now, seeing that the malice of those, who have conspired against us and from whom Gaius Caesar suffered, cannot be overcome by kindness, we prefer to anticipate our enemies rather than suffer at their hands. Let no one who sees what both Caesar and ourselves have suffered consider our action unjust, cruel, or immoderate. Although Caesar was clothed with supreme power, although he was pontifex maximus, although he had overthrown and added to our sway the nations most formidable to the Romans, although he was the first man to attempt the untried sea beyond the pillars of Hercules and was the discoverer of a country hitherto unknown to the Romans, this man was slain in a public and sacred place designated as the senate-house, under the eyes of the gods, with twenty-three dastardly wounds, by men whom he had taken prisoners in war and had spared, some of whom he had named as co-heirs of his wealth. After this execrable crime, instead of arresting the guilty wretches, the rest sent them forth as commanders and governors, in which capacity they seized upon the public money with which they are collecting an army against us and are seeking reënforcements from barbarians ever hostile to Roman rule. Cities subject to Rome that would not obey them they have burned, or ravaged, or levelled to the ground; other cities they have forced by terror to bear arms against the country and against us.

4.2.9 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.2.9

ἡμεῖς δὲ αὐτῶν τοὺς μὲν ἤδη τετιμωρήμεθα, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς θεοῦ συνεπιλαμβάνοντος αὐτίκα δίκην διδόντας ὄψεσθε. τῶν δὲ μεγίστων ἡμῖν ἠνυσμένων καὶ ὑπὸ χερσὶν ὄντων, Ἰβηρίας τε καὶ Κελτικῆς καὶ τῶνδε τῶν οἴκοι, ἕν ἐστι λοιπὸν ἔτι ἔργον, στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τοὺς πέραν θαλάσσης αὐτόχειρας Γαΐου. μέλλουσι δὴ πόλεμον ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἔκδημον ἀγωνιεῖσθαι οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς οὔτε ἐς τὰ ἡμέτερα οὔτε ἐς τὰ ὑμέτερα εἶναι δοκεῖ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐχθροὺς ὀπίσω καταλιπεῖν, ἐπιβησομένους ταῖς ἀπουσίαις ἡμῶν καὶ τὰ συμβαίνοντα τοῦ πολέμου καιροφυλακήσοντας, οὐδʼ αὖ βραδύνειν διὰ τούσδε ἐν ἐπείξει τοσῇδε μᾶλλον ἢ ἐκποδὼν αὐτοὺς ἀθρόως ποιήσασθαι, ἄρξαντάς γε τοῦ καθʼ ἡμῶν πολέμου, ὅτε πολεμίους ἡμᾶς τε καὶ τοὺς ὑφʼ ἡμῖν στρατοὺς ἐψηφίζοντο εἶναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.2.9

Some of them we have punished already; and by the aid of divine providence you shall see the rest punished presently. Although the chief part of this work has been finished by us or is well in hand, appertaining to Spain and Gaul as well as to Italy, one task still remains, and that is to march against Caesar’s assassins beyond the sea. On the eve of undertaking this foreign war for you, we do not consider it safe, either for you or for us, to leave other enemies behind to take advantage of our absence and watch for opportunities during the war. We think that there should be no delay in such an emergency, but that we ought rather to sweep them out of our pathway, once for all, seeing that they began the war against us when they voted us and the armies under us public enemies.

Edition note

Y.R. 712

4.2.10 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.2.10

κἀκεῖνοι μὲν τοσάσδε πολιτῶν μυριάδας ἡμῖν συναπώλλυον, οὔτε θεῶν νέμεσιν οὔτε φθόνον ἀνθρώπων ὑφορώμενοι· ἡμεῖς δὲ πλήθει μὲν οὐδενὶ χαλεπανοῦμεν οὐδὲ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐπιλεξόμεθα πάντας, ὅσοι διηνέχθησαν ἡμῖν ἢ ἐπεβούλευσαν, οὐδὲ ἐκ πλούτου πάντως ἢ περιουσίας ἢ ἀξιώσεως οὐδʼ ὅσους ἕτερος πρὸ ἡμῶν αὐτοκράτωρ ἔκτεινε, τὴν πόλιν κἀκεῖνος ἐν ἐμφυλίοις καθιστάμενος, ὃν Εὐτυχῆ προσείπατε διʼ εὐπραξίαν, καίπερ ἀνάγκης οὔσης τρισὶ πλέονας ἐχθροὺς ἢ ἑνὶ εἶναι. ἀλλὰ μόνους δὴ τοὺς φαυλοτάτους τε καὶ πάντων αἰτιωτάτους ἀμυνούμεθα. καὶ τόδε διʼ ὑμᾶς οὐχ ἧσσον ἡμῶν· ἀνάγκη μὲν γὰρ ἡμῶν διαφερομένων ὑμᾶς πάντας ἐν μέσῳ δεινὰ πάσχειν, ἀνάγκη δέ τι καὶ τῷ στρατῷ γενέσθαι παραμύθιον ὑβρισμένῳ τε καὶ παρωξυμμένῳ καὶ πολεμίῳ πρὸς τῶν κοινῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀναγεγραμμένῳ. δυνηθέντες δʼ ἄν, οὓς ἔγνωμεν, ἐξ ἐφόδου συλλαβεῖν, αἱρούμεθα προγράψαι μᾶλλον ἢ ἀγνοοῦντας ἔτι συλλαβεῖν· καὶ τόδε διʼ ὑμᾶς, ἵνα μὴ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁπλίταις ᾖ διωργισμένοις πλεονάζειν ἐς τοὺς ἀνευθύνους, ἀλλὰ ἀπηριθμημένους καὶ ὡρισμένους ἔχοντες ὀνομαστὶ τῶν ἄλλων κατὰ πρόσταγμα ἀπέχωνται.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.2.10

What vast numbers of citizens have they doomed to destruction with us, disregarding the vengeance of the gods and the reprobation of mankind! We shall not deal harshly with any multitude of men, nor shall we count as enemies all who have opposed us or plotted against us, or those distinguished for their riches merely, their estates, or their high position; nor shall we go to the same lengths as another man who held the supreme power before us, when he, too, was regulating the commonwealth in civil convulsions, and whom you named the Fortunate on account of his success; and yet necessarily three persons will have more enemies than one. We shall take vengeance only on the worst and most guilty. This we shall do for your interest no less than for our own, for while we keep up our conflicts you will all be involved necessarily in great dangers. It is incumbent on us also to do something to quiet the army, which has been insulted, irritated, and decreed a public enemy by our common foes. Although we might arrest on the spot whomsoever we please, we prefer to proscribe rather than seize them unawares; and this, too, on your account, so that it may not be in the power of enraged soldiers to exceed their orders, but that they may be restricted to a certain number designated by name, and spare the others according to order.

Edition note

Sulla; see i. 97 supra.

4.2.11 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.2.11

ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ τοίνυν τῶν ὑπογεγραμμένων τῷδε τῷ διαγράμματι μηδεὶς δεχέσθω μηδένα μηδὲ κρυπτέτω μηδὲ ἐκπεμπέτω ποι μηδὲ πειθέσθω χρήμασι. ὃς δʼ ἂν ἢ σώσας ἢ ἐπικουρήσας ἢ συνειδὼς φανῇ, τοῦτον ἡμεῖς, οὐδεμίαν ὑπολογισάμενοι πρόφασιν ἢ συγγνώμην, ἐν τοῖς προγεγραμμένοις τιθέμεθα. ἀναφερόντων δὲ τὰς κεφαλὰς οἱ κτείναντες ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς, ὁ μὲν ἐλεύθερος ἐπὶ δισμυρίαις δραχμαῖς Ἀττικαῖς καὶ πεντακισχιλίαις ὑπὲρ ἑκάστης, ὁ δὲ δοῦλος ἐπʼ ἐλευθερίᾳ τοῦ σώματος καὶ μυρίαις Ἀττικαῖς καὶ τῇ τοῦ δεσπότου πολιτείᾳ. τὰ δʼ αὐτὰ καὶ τοῖς μηνύουσιν ἔσται. καὶ τῶν λαμβανόντων οὐδεὶς ἐγγεγράψεται τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν ἡμῶν, ἵνα μὴ κατάδηλος ᾖ. ὧδε μὲν εἶχεν ἡ προγραφὴ τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν, ὅσον ἐς Ἑλλάδα γλῶσσαν ἀπὸ Λατίνης μεταβαλεῖν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.2.11

In God’s name then, let no one harbor any one of those whose names are hereto appended, or conceal them, or send them away, or be corrupted by their money. Whoever shall be detected in saving, or aiding, or conniving with them we will put on the list of the proscribed without allowing any excuse or pardon. Those who kill the proscribed and bring us their heads shall receive the following rewards: to a free man 25,000 Attic drachmas per head; to a slave his freedom and 10,000 Attic drachmas and his master’s right of citizenship. Informers shall receive the same rewards. In order that they may remain unknown the names of those who receive the rewards shall not be inscribed in our registers. Such was the language of the proscription of the triumvirate as nearly as it can be rendered from Latin into Greek.

Edition note

ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ τοίνυν: an exclamation of a religious sort equivalent to the Latin quod felix faustumque sit. It has no exact equivalent in English.

Edition note

Y.R. 711

Edition note

This is the only copy of this hideous instrument that has come down to us. The text corresponds with all that we glean from other authorities concerning it.

4.3.12 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.3.12

πρῶτος δʼ ἦν ἐν τοῖς προγράφουσι Λέπιδος, καὶ πρῶτος ἐν τοῖς προγραφομένοις ὁ ἀδελφὸς ὁ Λεπίδου Παῦλος, καὶ δεύτερος ἦν τῶν προγραφόντων Ἀντώνιος καὶ δεύτερος τῶν προγραφομένων ὁ θεῖος ὁ Ἀντωνίου Λεύκιος, οἵδε μέν, ὅτι πρῶτοι πολεμίους αὐτοὺς ἐψηφίσαντο. τρίτος δὲ καὶ τέταρτος ἦν τῶν ἐν ἑτέρῳ πίνακι προκειμένων ἐς τὸ μέλλον ὑπάτων Πλάγκου μὲν ὁ ἀδελφὸς Πλώτιος, Ἀσινίου δὲ ὁ πενθερὸς Κοΐντιος. καὶ οὐ κατʼ ἀξίωσιν ἄρα μόνην οἵδε τῶν ἄλλων προύκειντο μᾶλλον ἢ ἐς θάμβος καὶ δυσελπιστίαν, μηδένα ῥύσεσθαί τινα προσδοκᾶν. ἦν δὲ καὶ Θωράνιος ἐν τοῖς προγεγραμμένοις, λεγόμενος ὑπό τινων ἐπιτροπεῦσαι Καίσαρος. ἅμα δὲ ταῖς προγραφαῖς αἵ τε πύλαι κατείχοντο καὶ ὅσαι ἄλλαι τῆς πόλεως ἔξοδοί τε καὶ λιμένες ἢ ἕλη καὶ τέλματα ἢ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἐς φυγὴν ὕποπτον ἦν ἢ ἐς λαθραίους καταφυγάς· τήν τε χώραν ἐπετέτραπτο τοῖς λοχαγοῖς ἐρευνᾶν περιθέουσι, καὶ ἐγίγνετο πάντα ὁμοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.3.12

Lepidus was the first to begin the work of proscription, and his brother Paulus was the first on the list of the proscribed. Antony came next, and the second name on the list was that of his uncle, Lucius Caesar. These two men had been the first to vote Lepidus and Antony public enemies. The third and fourth victims were relatives of the consuls-elect for the coming year, namely, Plotius, the brother of Plancus, and Quintus, the father-in-law of Asinnius. These four were placed at the head of the list, not so much on account of their dignity as to produce terror and despair, so that none of the proscribed might hope to escape. Among the proscribed was Thoranius, who was said by some to have been a tutor of Octavius. When the lists were published, the gates and all the other exits from the city, the harbor, the marshes, the pools, and every other place that was suspected as adapted to flight or concealment, were occupied by soldiers; the centurions were charged to scour the surrounding country. All these things took place simultaneously.

Edition note

Both Dion and Appian say that Lucius Caesar and Lucius Paulus were allowed to escape. See Sec. 37 infra.

4.3.13 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.3.13

εὐθὺς οὖν ἦν ἀνά τε τὴν χώραν καὶ ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν, ὡς ἕκαστός πῃ συνελαμβάνετο, ἀνδρολήψια αἰφνίδια πολλὰ καὶ τρόποι τῶν φόνων ποικίλοι τῶν τε κεφαλῶν ἀποτομαὶ τοῦ μισθοῦ χάριν ἐς ἐπίδειξιν φυγαί τε ἀπρεπεῖς καὶ σχήματα ἄτοπα ἐκ τοῦ πρὶν περιφανοῦς. κατέδυνον γὰρ οἱ μὲν ἐς φρέατα, οἱ δὲ ἐς τὰς ὑπονόμους τάφρους ἐπὶ τὰ ἀκάθαρτα, οἱ δὲ ἐς καπνώδεις ὑπωροφίας ἢ τῶν τεγῶν ταῖς κεραμίσι βυομέναις ὑπεκάθηντο μετὰ σιγῆς βαθυτάτης. ἐδεδοίκεσαν γὰρ οὐχ ἧσσον τῶν σφαγέων οἱ μὲν γυναῖκας ἢ παῖδας οὐκ εὐμενῶς σφίσιν ἔχοντας, οἱ δὲ ἐξελευθέρους τε καὶ θεράποντας, οἱ δὲ καὶ δανεισμάτων χρήστας ἢ χωρίων γείτονας ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῶν χωρίων. ἐπανάστασις γὰρ δὴ πάντων, ὅσα τέως ὕπουλα ἦν, ἀθρόα τότε ἐγίγνετο καὶ ἀθέμιστος μεταβολὴ βουλευτῶν ἀνδρῶν, ὑπάτων ἢ στρατηγῶν ἢ δημάρχων, ἔτι τάσδε τὰς ἀρχὰς μετιόντων ἢ ἐν αὐταῖς γεγονότων, ἐς πόδας ἰδίου θεράποντος ῥιπτουμένων σὺν ὀλοφύρσεσι καὶ σωτῆρα καὶ κύριον τὸν οἰκέτην τιθεμένων. οἴκτιστον δὲ ἦν, ὅτε καὶ ταῦτα ὑποστάντες οὐκ ἐλεηθεῖεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.3.13

Straightway, throughout city and country, wherever each one happened to be found, there were sudden arrests and murder in various forms, and decapitations for the sake of the rewards when the head should be shown; also undignified flights in strange costumes, of persons hitherto well dressed. Some descended into wells, others into filthy sewers. Some took refuge in chimneys. Others crouched in the deepest silence under the thick-set tiles of their roofs. Some were not less fearful of their wives and ill-disposed children than of the murderers. Others feared their freedmen and their slaves; creditors feared their debtors and neighbors feared neighbors who coveted their lands. There was a sudden outburst of previously smouldering hates and a shocking change in the condition of senators, consulars, praetors, tribunes (men who were about to enter upon those offices, or who had already held them), who threw themselves with lamentations at the feet of their own slaves, giving to the servant the character of savior and master. It was most lamentable that even after submitting to this humiliation they did not obtain pity.

4.3.14 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.3.14

ἰδέα τε πᾶσα κακῶν ἦν, οὐχ ὡς ἐν στάσεσιν ἢ πολέμου καταλήψεσιν· οὐ γάρ, ὡς ἐν ἐκείνοις, τὸν μὲν ἀντιστασιώτην ἢ πολέμιον ἐδεδοίκεσαν, τοῖς δʼ οἰκείοις σφᾶς ἐπέτρεπον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τούσδε τῶν σφαγέων μᾶλλον ἐδεδοίκεσαν, οὐδὲν μὲν αὐτοὺς ὡς ἐν πολέμῳ καὶ στάσει δεδιότας, σφίσι δὲ αὐτίκα γιγνομένους ἐξ οἰκείων πολεμίους, ἢ διʼ ὕπουλον ἔχθραν ἢ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπικεκηρυγμένων σφίσι γερῶν ἢ διὰ τὸν ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις χρυσόν τε καὶ ἄργυρον. ἄπιστος γὰρ δὴ διὰ ταῦτα ἀθρόως ἕκαστος ἐς τὸν οἰκεῖον ἐγίγνετο καὶ τὸ σφέτερον κέρδος τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλέου προυτίθει· ὁ δὲ πιστὸς ἢ εὔνους ἐδεδίει βοηθεῖν ἢ κρύπτειν ἢ συνειδέναι διʼ ὁμοιότητα τῶν ἐπιτιμίων. ἔς τε τὸ ἔμπαλιν αὐτοῖς τοῦ πρώτου τῶν ἑπτακαίδεκα ἀνδρῶν δέους περιέστη. τότε μὲν γὰρ οὐ προγραφέντος οὐδενός, ἀλλά τινων ἄφνω συλλαμβανομένων πάντες ἐδεδοίκεσαν ὅμοια καὶ συνήσπιζον ἀλλήλοις· ἐπὶ δὲ ταῖς προγραφαῖς οἱ μὲν αὐτίκα πᾶσιν ἔκδοτοι γεγένηντο, οἱ δὲ ἐν ἀμερίμνῳ περὶ σφῶν καὶ ἐπὶ κέρδει γενόμενοι τοὺς ἄλλους ἐπὶ μισθῷ τοῖς σφαγεῦσιν ἐκυνηγέτουν. ὁ δὲ λοιπὸς ὅμιλος, οἱ μὲν τὰς οἰκίας τῶν ἀναιρουμένων διήρπαζον, καὶ τὸ κέρδος αὐτοὺς ἀπο τῆς συνέσεως τῶν παρόντων κακῶν ἐψυχαγώγει· οἱ δὲ ἐμφρονέστεροί τε καὶ ἐπιεικεῖς ἐτεθήπεσαν ὑπὸ ἐκπλήξεως, καὶ ἦν αὐτοῖς παραλογώτερον, ὅτε μάλιστα ἐνθυμηθεῖεν, ὅτι τὰς μὲν ἄλλας πόλεις ἐλυμήναντο στάσεις καὶ περιέσωσαν ὁμόνοιαι, τὴν δὲ καὶ αἱ στάσεις τῶν ἀρχόντων προαπώλεσαν καὶ ἡ ὁμόνοια τοιάδε ἐργάζεται.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.3.14

Every kind of calamity was rife, but not as in ordinary sedition or military occupation, for in those cases the people had to fear only the members of the opposite faction, or the enemy, and could rely on their own domestics. But now they were more afraid of them than of the assassins, for as the former had nothing to fear on their own account, as in ordinary seditions or wars, they were suddenly transformed from domestics into enemies, either from some concealed hatred, or in order to obtain the published rewards, or to possess themselves of the gold and silver in their masters’ houses. For these reasons each one became treacherous to the household, preferring his own gain to compassion for the home. Those who were faithful and well-disposed feared to aid, or conceal, or connive at the escape of the victims, because such acts made them liable to the very same punishments. This was quite different from the peril that befell the seventeen men first condemned. Then there was no proscription, but certain persons were arrested unexpectedly, and as all feared similar treatment all sheltered each other. After the proscriptions some immediately became the betrayers of all. Others, being free from danger themselves and eager for gain, became hunting dogs for the murderers for the sake of the rewards. Of the remainder, some plundered the houses of the slain, and their private gains turned their thoughts away from the public calamities; others, more prudent and upright, were palsied with consternation. It seemed most astounding to them, when they reflected upon it, that while other states afflicted by civil strife had been rescued by harmonizing the factions, in this case the dissensions of the leaders had wrought ruin in the first instance and their agreement with each other had had like consequences afterwards.

4.3.15 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.3.15

ἔθνῃσκον δὲ οἱ μὲν ἀμυνόμενοι τοὺς ἀναιροῦντας, οἱ δʼ οὐκ ἀμυνόμενοι ὡς οὐχ ὑπὸ τῶνδε ἀδικούμενοι, εἰσὶ δʼ οἳ καὶ σφᾶς αὐτοῦς λιμῷ τε ἑκουσίῳ δαπανῶντες καὶ βρόχοις χρώμενοι καὶ τὰ σώματα καταποντοῦντες ἢ ῥιπτοῦντες ἀπὸ τῶν τεγῶν ἢ ἐς πῦρ ἐναλλόμενοι ἢ τοῖς σφαγεῦσιν ὑπίσχοντες ἢ καὶ μεταπεμπόμενοι βραδύνοντας, ἕτεροι δὲ κρυπτόμενοι καὶ λιπαροῦντες ἀπρεπῶς ἢ διωθούμενοι τὸ κακὸν ἢ ὠνούμενοι. οἱ δὲ καὶ παρὰ γνώμην τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν, ὑπʼ ἀγνοίας ἢ κατʼ ἐπιβουλήν, ἀπώλλυντο. καὶ δῆλος ἦν ὁ μὴ προγραφεὶς νέκυς, ὅτε οἱ προσκέοιτο ἡ κεφαλή· τῶν γὰρ δὴ προγεγραμμένων ἐν ἀγορᾷ προυτίθεντο παρὰ τοῖς βήμασιν, ἔνθα ἔδει κομίσαντας ἀντιλαβεῖν τὰ ἀγαθά. ἴση δʼ ἦν ἑτέρων σπουδὴ καὶ ἀρετή, γυναικῶν τε καὶ παιδίων καὶ ἀδελφῶν καὶ θεραπόντων, περισῳζόντων τε καὶ συμμηχανωμένων πολλὰ καὶ συναποθνῃσκόντων, ὅτε μὴ τύχοιεν ὧν ἐπενόουν· οἱ δὲ καὶ ἐπανῄρουν σφᾶς ἀνῃρημένοις. τῶν δὲ ἐκφυγόντων οἱ μὲν ὑπὸ ναυαγίων ἀπώλλυντο, ἐς πάντα σφίσι τῆς τύχης ἐπιβαρούσης, οἱ δὲ ἐπανήχθησαν ἐκ παραλόγων ἐπί τε ἀρχὰς τῆς πόλεως καὶ στρατηγίας πολέμων καὶ θριάμβους. οὕτως ὁ καιρὸς ἦν ἐκεῖνος ἐπίδειξις παραδοξολογίας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.3.15

Some died defending themselves against their slayers. Others made no resistance, considering the assailants not to blame. Some starved, or hanged, or drowned themselves, or flung themselves from their roofs or into the fire. Some offered themselves to the murderers or sent for them when they delayed. Others concealed themselves and made abject entreaties, or dodged, or tried to buy themselves off. Some were killed by mistake, or by private malice, contrary to the intention of the triumvirs. It was evident that a corpse was not one of the proscribed if the head was still attached to it, for the heads of the proscribed were displayed on the rostra in the forum, where it was necessary to bring them in order to get the rewards. Equally conspicuous were the fidelity and courage of others — of wives, of children, of brothers, of slaves, who rescued the proscribed or planned for them in various ways, and died with them when they did not succeed in their designs. Some even killed themselves on the bodies of the slain. Of those who made their escape some perished by shipwreck, ill luck pursuing them to the last. Others were preserved, contrary to expectation, to become city magistrates, commanders in war, and even to enjoy the honors of a triumph. Such a display of paradoxes did this time afford.

4.3.16 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.3.16

καὶ τάδε ἐγίγνετο οὐκ ἐν ἰδιώτιδι πόλει οὐδὲ ἐν ἀσθενεῖ καὶ σμικρῷ βασιλείῳ, ἀλλὰ τὴν δυνατωτάτην καὶ τοσούτων ἐθνῶν καὶ γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης ἡγεμονίδα διέσειεν ὁ θεός, ἐκ πολλοῦ ἄρα ἐς τὴν νῦν καθιστάμενος εὐταξίαν. ἐγένετο μὲν οὖν τοιάδε ἕτερα ἐν αὐτῇ κατά τε Σύλλαν καὶ ἔτι πρὸ ἐκείνου Γάιον Μάριον, ὧν ὁμοίως τὰ γνωριμώτατα τῶν κακῶν ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνων ἀνελεξάμην, καὶ προσῆν ἐκείνοις ἀταφία· ταῦτα δὲ ἀξιώσει τε τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τοῦ ἑνὸς αὐτῶν μάλιστα ἀρετῇ καὶ τύχῃ, τὴν ἀρχὴν συστησαμένου τε ἐς ἕδραν ἀσφαλῆ καὶ γένος καὶ ὄνομα τὸ νῦν ἄρχον ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ καταλιπόντος, ἐπιφανέστερα. ὧν τὰ λαμπρὰ καὶ τὰ χείρω γενόμενα ἐν μνήμῃ τε μᾶλλον ὄντα, ὅτι καὶ τελευταῖα γέγονεν, ἐπελεύσομαι νῦν, οὐ πάντα (οὐ γὰρ ἀξιαφήγητον ἀναίρεσις ἁπλῆ καὶ φυγὴ ἢ τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν τισι συγγνόντων ὕστερον ἐπάνοδος ἢ ἐπανελθόντων ἀφανὴς καταβίωσις), ἀλλʼ ὅσα παραλογώτατα ὄντα μάλιστα ἂν ἐκπλήξειε καὶ πιστεύειν ποιήσειε τοῖς προλεγομένοις. πολλὰ δέ ἐστι, καὶ πολλοὶ Ῥωμαίων ἐν πολλαῖς βίβλοις αὐτὰ συνέγραψαν ἐφʼ ἑαυτῶν· ὀλίγα δὲ ἐγὼ καθʼ ἑκάστην ἰδέαν, ἐς πίστιν ἑκάστης καὶ ἐς εὐδαιμόνισμα τῶν νῦν παρόντων, ἐπὶ κεφαλαίου διὰ τὸ μῆκος ἀναγράψω.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.3.16

These things took place not in an ordinary city, not in a weak and petty kingdom; but the deity thus smote the most powerful mistress of so many nations and of land and sea, and so brought about, after a long period of time, the present well-ordered condition. Other like events had taken place in the time of Sulla and even before him in that of Gaius Marius. The most notable of these calamities I have narrated in my history of those times, in which was the added horror that the dead were cast away unburied. The matters we are now considering are the more remarkable by reason of the dignity of the triumvirs and especially of one of them, who, by means of his character and good fortune, established the government on a firm foundation, and left his lineage and name to those who now rule after him. I shall now run over the most remarkable as well as the most shocking of these events, which are all the more worthy to be remembered because they were the last of the kind. I shall not speak of all, however, because the mere killing, or flight, or subsequent return of those who were pardoned by the triumvirs at a later period and passed undistinguished lives at home, is not worthy of mention. I shall refer only to those which are calculated to astonish by their extraordinary nature or to confirm what has already been said. These events are many, and they have been written in numerous books by many Roman historians successively. By way of summary, and to shorten my narrative, I shall record a few of each kind in order to confirm the truth of each and to illustrate the happiness of the present time.

4.4.17 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.4.17

Ἠρξατο μὲν δὴ τὸ κακὸν ἐκ συντυχίας ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν ἀρχαῖς ἔτι ὄντων, καὶ πρῶτος ἀνῃρέθη δημαρχῶν Σάλουιος. ἱερὰ δέ ἐστιν ἡ ἀρχὴ καὶ ἄσυλος ἐκ τῶν νόμων καὶ τὰ μέγιστα ἴσχυεν, ὡς καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων τινὰς ἐς τὰς φυλακὰς ἐμβαλεῖν. καὶ ἦν ὅδε ὁ δήμαρχος ὁ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐν μὲν ἀρχῇ κεκωλυκὼς εἶναι πολέμιον, ὕστερον δὲ συμπεπραχὼς ἐς πάντα Κικέρωνι. πυθόμενος δὲ τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν τῆς τε συμφρονήσεως καὶ τῆς ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐπείξεως τοὺς οἰκείους εἱστία ὡς οὐ πολλάκις αὐτοῖς ἔτι συνεσόμενος· ἐσδραμόντων δὲ ἐς τὸ συμπόσιον τῶν ὁπλιτῶν οἱ μὲν ἐξανίσταντο σὺν θορύβῳ καὶ δέει, ὁ δὲ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν λοχαγὸς ἐκέλευεν ἠρεμεῖν κατακλιθέντας, τὸν δὲ Σάλουιον, ὡς εἶχε, τῆς κόμης ἐπισπάσας ὑπὲρ τὴν τράπεζαν, ἐς ὅσον ἔχρῃζε, τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀπέτεμε καὶ τοῖς ἔνδον αὖθις ἐκέλευεν ἀτρεμεῖν, ὡς ἔχουσι, μὴ θορύβου γενομένου πάθοιεν ὅμοια. οἱ μὲν δὴ καὶ οἰχομένου τοῦ λοχαγοῦ τεθηπότες ἄναυδοι μέχρι βαθυτάτης νυκτός, τῷ λοιπῷ τοῦ δημάρχου σώματι συγκατέκειντο. δεύτερος δʼ ἀνὴρ ἔθνῃσκε στρατηγὸς Μινούκιος, ἀρχαιρεσιάζων μὲν ἐν ἀγορᾷ· πυθόμενος δὲ ἐπιέναι τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἀνεπήδησε καὶ περιθέων ἔτι καὶ ἐννοούμενος, ὅποι διαλάθοι, τὴν ἐσθῆτα ἐνήλλασσεν ἔς τι τῶν ἐργαστηρίων ἐσδραμών, τοὺς ὑπηρέτας καὶ τὰ σημεῖα ἀποπέμψας. οἱ δὲ αἰδοῖ καὶ ἐλέῳ παραμένοντες εὐμαρέστερον ἄκοντες ἐποίησαν τοῖς σφαγεῦσι τὸν στρατηγὸν εὑρεῖν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.4.17

The massacre began, as it happened, among those who were still in office, and the first one slain was the tribune Salvius. His was, according to the laws, a sacred and inviolable office, endowed with the greatest powers, even that of imprisoning the consuls in certain circumstances. Salvius was the tribune who had at first prevented the Senate from declaring Antony a public enemy, but later he had coöperated with Cicero in everything. When he heard of the agreement of the triumvirs, and of their hastening to the city, he gave a banquet to his friends, believing that he should not have many more opportunities for doing so. Soldiers burst in while the feast was going on. Some of the guests started up in tumultuous alarm, but the centurion in command ordered them to resume their places and remain quiet. Then, seizing Salvius by the hair, just as he was, the centurion drew him as far as need be across the table, cut off his head, and ordered the guests to stay where they were and make no disturbance unless they wished to suffer a like fate. So they remained after the centurion’s departure, stupefied and speechless, till the most silent watches of the night, reclining by the side of the tribune’s body. The second one slain was the praetor Minucius, who was holding the comitia in the forum. Learning that the soldiers were seeking him, he fled, and while he was still running about looking for a hiding-place he changed his clothes, and then darted into a shop, sending away his attendants and the insignia of his office. The attendants, moved by shame and pity, lingered near the place, and thus unintentionally made the discovery of the praetor more easy to his slayers.

4.4.18 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.4.18

Ἀννᾶλιν ἕτερον στρατηγόν, τῷ παιδὶ μετιόντι ταμιείαν συμπεριθέοντα καὶ τοὺς ψηφιουμένους παρακαλοῦντα, οἵ τε συνόντες φίλοι καὶ οἱ τὰ σημεῖα τῆς ἀρχῆς φέροντες ἀπεδίδρασκον, πυθόμενοι προσγεγράφθαι τοῖς πίναξι τὸν Ἀννᾶλιν. ὁ δὲ ἐς πελάτην ἑαυτοῦ τινα φυγών, ᾧ βραχὺ καὶ εὐτελὲς ἦν τέγος ἐν προαστείῳ καὶ διὰ πάντα εὐκαταφρόνητον, ἐκρύπτετο ἀσφαλῶς, μέχρι τοὺς σφαγέας ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ, τὴν φυγὴν ἐς τὸν πελάτην ὑποτοπήσας, ὡδήγησεν ὑπὸ τὸ τέγος, καὶ παρὰ τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν τήν τε οὐσίαν ἔλαβε τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ ἐς ἀγορανομίαν ᾑρέθη. ἀναλύοντα δὲ αὐτὸν ἐκ μέθης στρατιῶταί τι προσκρούσαντες ἔκτειναν, οἳ καὶ τὸν πατέρα ἀνῃρήκεσαν. Θουράνιος δὲ οὐ στρατηγῶν μὲν ἔτι, ἀλλʼ ἐστρατηγηκώς, πατὴρ δὲ νεανίου τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ἀκολάστου, δυναστεύοντος δὲ παρʼ Ἀντωνίῳ, τοὺς λοχαγοὺς ἠξίου τὴν σφαγὴν ἐπισχεῖν οἱ πρὸς ὀλίγον, ἔστε αὐτὸν ὁ υἱὸς αἰτήσαιτο παρʼ Ἀντωνίου. οἱ δʼ ἐπιγελάσαντες ᾔτησεν, εἶπον, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ θάτερα. καὶ συνεὶς ὁ πρεσβύτης ἕτερον αὐτίκα βραχύτατον ᾔτει διάστημα, μέχρις οὗ τὴν θυγατέρα ἴδοι· ἰδὼν δὲ ἐκέλευε μὴ μετασχεῖν τῶν πατρῴων, μὴ κἀκείνην ὁ ἀδελφὸς αἰτήσαιτο παρὰ Ἀντωνίου. συνέβη δὲ καὶ τῷδε τὴν οὐσίαν ἐς αἰσχρὰ δαπανῆσαι καὶ κλοπῆς ἁλόντι φυγεῖν ἐκ καταδίκης.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.4.18

Annalis, another praetor, was going around with his son, who was a candidate for the quaestorship, and soliciting votes for him. Some friends who accompanied him, and those who bore his insignia of office, when they heard that he was on the list of the proscribed, ran away from him. Annalis took refuge with one of his clients, who had in the suburbs a small, mean apartment in every way despicable, where he remained safely concealed until his son, suspecting that he had fled to this client, guided the murderers to the place. The triumvirs gave him his father’s fortune and raised him to the aedileship. As he was returning home drunk he fell into a quarrel about something, and was killed by the same soldiers who had killed his father. Thoranius, who was not then praetor but had been such, and who was the father of a young man who was a scapegrace generally, but had great influence with Antony, asked the centurions to postpone his death for a short time, till his son could appeal to Antony for him. They laughed at him, and said, He has already appealed, but on the other side. When the old man knew this he asked for another very short interval until he could see his daughter, and when he saw her he told her not to claim her share of the inheritance lest her brother should ask for her death also from Antony. It happened in the son’s case that, after squandering his fortune in disgraceful ways, he was convicted of theft and sentenced to banishment.

4.4.19 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.4.19

Κικέρων δέ, ὃς μετὰ Γάιον Καίσαρα ἴσχυσεν, ὅση γένοιτο ἂν δημαγωγοῦ μοναρχία, κατέγνωστο μὲν ἅμα τῷ παιδὶ καὶ τῷ ἀδελφῷ καὶ τῷ παιδὶ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ καὶ πᾶσιν οἰκείοις τε καὶ στασιώταις καὶ φίλοις· φυγὼν δὲ ἐπὶ σκάφους οὐκ ἔφερε τὴν ἀηδίαν τοῦ κλύδωνος, ἀλλὰ εἰς ἴδιον χωρίον, ὃ καθʼ ἱστορίαν τοῦδε τοῦ πάθους εἶδον, ἀμφὶ Καιήτην πόλιν τῆς Ἰταλίας, καταχθεὶς ἠρέμει. πλησιαζόντων δὲ τῶν ἐρευνωμένων ʽτοῦτον γὰρ δὴ φιλοτιμότατα πάντων Ἀντώνιός τε ἐζήτει καὶ Ἀντωνίῳ πάντες) ἐς τὸ δωμάτιον αὐτοῦ κόρακες ἐσπτάντες ἔκλαζον, ἐπεγείροντες ἀπὸ τοῦ ὕπνου, καὶ τὸ ἱμάτιον ἀπέσυρον ἀπὸ τοῦ σώματος, ἕως οἱ θεράποντες, σημηνάμενοι τὸ γιγνόμενον εἶναι σύμβολον ἔκ του θεῶν, ἐς φορεῖον ἐσθέμενοι τὸν Κικέρωνα αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἦγον διὰ λόχμης βαθείας λανθάνοντες. πολλῶν δὲ ἀνὰ μέρη διαθεόντων τε καὶ πυνθανομένων, εἴ που Κικέρων ὁραθείη, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι ἐπʼ εὐνοίᾳ καὶ ἐλέῳ πλεῖν αὐτὸν ἐξαναχθέντα ἔλεγον ἤδη, σκυτοτόμος δὲ πελάτης Κλωδίου, πικροτάτου τῷ Κικέρωνι ἐχθροῦ γεγονότος, Λαίνᾳ τῷ λοχαγῷ σὺν ὀλίγοις ὄντι τὴν ἀτραπὸν ἔδειξεν. ὁ δὲ ἐπέδραμέ τε καὶ θεράποντας ἰδὼν πολὺ πλείους τῶν ἀμφʼ αὑτὸν ὁρμῶντας ἐς ἄμυναν, στρατηγικῶς μάλα ἀνεβόησεν· ἐσελθέτωσαν ἐς τὸ χωρίον οἱ περὶ οὐρὰν λοχαγοί.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.4.19

Cicero, who had held supreme power after Caesar’s death, as much as a public speaker could, was proscribed, together with his son, his brother, and his brother’s son and all of his household, his faction, and his friends. He fled in a small boat, but as he could not endure the seasickness, he landed and went to a country place of his own near Caieta, a town of Italy, which I visited to gain knowledge of this lamentable affair, and here he remained quiet. While the searchers were approaching (for of all others Antony sought for him most eagerly and the rest did so for Antony’s sake), crows flew into his chamber and awakened him from sleep by their croaking, and pulled off his bed-covering until his servants, perceiving that this was a warning from one of the gods, put him in a litter and again conveyed him toward the sea, going cautiously through a dense thicket. Many soldiers were hurrying around in squads inquiring if Cicero had been seen anywhere. Some people, moved by good-will and pity, said that he had already put to sea; but a shoemaker, a client of Clodius, who had been a most bitter enemy of Cicero, pointed out the path to Laena, the centurion, who was pursuing with a small force. The latter ran after him, and seeing slaves mustering for the defence in much larger number than the force under his own command, he called out by way of stratagem, Come on, you centurions in the rear, this is the place. whereupon the slaves, thinking that more soldiers were coming, were terror-stricken.

Edition note

All the codices say Capua, but Schweighäuser gives two excellent reasons for considering this a copyist’s mistake for Caieta, which Livy tells us was the place. A third reason for so thinking is that Caieta was on the sea-shore, whereas Capua was a considerable distance inland. If Appian had written the word Capua he could hardly have said immediately afterward that one of the two parties conveying the news to Antony took ship for that purpose.

4.4.20 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.4.20

τότε γὰρ οἱ μὲν θεράποντες ὡς ἐλευσομένων πλεόνων κατεπλάγησαν, ὁ δὲ Λαίνας, καὶ δίκην τινὰ διὰ τοῦ Κικέρωνός ποτε κατωρθωκώς, ἐκ τοῦ φορείου τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐπισπάσας ἀπέτεμνεν, ἐς τρὶς ἐπιπλήσσων καὶ ἐκδιαπρίζων ὑπὸ ἀπειρίας· ἀπέτεμε δὲ καὶ τὴν χεῖρα, ᾗ τοὺς κατὰ Ἀντωνίου λόγους οἷα τυράννου συγγράφων, ἐς μίμημα τῶν Δημοσθένους, Φιλιππικοὺς ἐπέγραφεν. ἔθεον δὲ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ ἵππων, οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ νεῶν, αὐτίκα τὸ εὐαγγέλιον Ἀντωνίῳ διαφέροντες· καὶ ὁ Λαίνας ἐν ἀγορᾷ προκαθημένῳ τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ τὴν χεῖρα μακρόθεν ἀνέσειεν ἐπιδεικνύς. ὁ δὲ ἥσθη μάλιστα καὶ τὸν λοχαγὸν ἐστεφάνωσε καὶ πλέοσι τῶν ἄθλων ἐδωρήσατο πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάσιν Ἀττικῶν δραχμῶν ὡς μέγιστον δὴ τόνδε πάντων ἐχθρὸν καὶ πολεμιώτατόν οἱ γενόμενον ἀνελόντα. ἡ κεφαλὴ δὲ τοῦ Κικέρωνος καὶ ἡ χεὶρ ἐν ἀγορᾷ τοῦ βήματος ἀπεκρέμαντο ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, ἔνθα πρότερον ὁ Κικέρων ἐδημηγόρει· καὶ πλείους ὀψόμενοι συνέθεον ἢ ἀκροώμενοι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς διαίτης ὁ Ἀντώνιος τὴν κεφαλὴν τοῦ Κικέρωνος θέσθαι πρὸ τῆς τραπέζης, μέχρι κόρον ἔσχε τῆς θέας τοῦ κακοῦ. ὧδε μὲν δὴ Κικέρων, ἐπί τε λόγοις ἀοίδιμος ἐς ἔτι νῦν ἀνήρ, καὶ ὅτε ἦρχε τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχήν, ἐς τὰ μέγιστα τῇ πατρίδι γεγονὼς χρήσιμος, ἀνῄρητο καὶ ἀνῃρημένος ἐνυβρίζετο· ὁ δὲ παῖς ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα προαπέσταλτο ἐς Βροῦτον. Κόιντος δέ, ὁ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἀδελφός, ἅμα τῷ παιδὶ καταληφθεὶς ἐδεῖτο τῶν σφαγέων πρὸ τοῦ παιδὸς αὑτὸν ἀνελεῖν· τὰ δὲ ἐναντία καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς ἱκετεύοντος, οἱ σφαγεῖς ἔφασαν ἀμφοτέροις διαιτήσειν καὶ διαλαβόντες ἕτερον ἕτεροι κατὰ σύνθημα φονεῖς ἀνεῖλον ὁμοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.4.20

Laena, although he had been once saved by Cicero when under trial, drew his head out of the litter and cut it off, striking it three times, or rather sawing it off by reason of his inexperience. He also cut off the hand with which Cicero had written the speeches against the tyranny of Antony and which he had entitled Philippics in imitation of those of Demosthenes. Then some of the soldiers hastened on horseback and others on shipboard to convey the good news quickly to Antony. The latter was sitting in front of the tribunal in the forum when Laena, a long distance off, showed him the head and hand by lifting them up and shaking them. Antony was delighted beyond measure. He crowned the centurion and gave him 250,000 Attic drachmas in addition to the stipulated reward for killing the man who had been his greatest and most bitter enemy. The head and hand of Cicero were suspended for a long time from the rostra in the forum where formerly he had been accustomed to make public speeches, and more people came together to behold this spectacle than had previously come to listen to him. It is said that even at his meals Antony placed the head of Cicero before his table, until he became satiated with the horrid sight. Thus was Cicero, a man famous even yet for his eloquence, and one who had rendered the greatest service to his country when he held the office of consul, slain, and insulted after his death. His son had been sent in advance to Brutus in Greece. Cicero’s brother, Quintus, was captured, together with his son. He begged the murderers to kill him before his son, and the son prayed that he might be killed before his father. The murderers said that they would grant both requests, and, dividing themselves into two parties, each taking one, killed them at the same time according to agreement.

Edition note

A fragment of Livy, preserved for us in the writings of Seneca Rhetor (Suasoriœ, i. 7) gives us that historian’s account of the death of Cicero. It is placed in the Appendix to Book IV, together with other extracts from ancient writers touching the same event.

4.4.21 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.4.21

Ἐγνάτιοι δέ, πατὴρ καὶ υἱός, συμφυέντες ἀλλήλοις διὰ μιᾶς πληγῆς ἀπέθανον· καὶ αὐτῶν αἱ κεφαλαὶ μὲν ἀπετέτμηντο, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ σώματα ἔτι συνεπέπλεκτο. Βάλβος τὸν υἱόν, ἵνα μὴ βαδίζοντες ὁμοῦ φανεροὶ γένοιντο, προύπεμψεν ἐς φυγὴν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγον εἵπετο ἐκ διαστήματος. ἐξαγγείλαντος δέ τινος, εἴτε ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς εἴθʼ ὑπʼ ἀγνοίας, τὸν υἱὸν συνειλῆφθαι, ἐπανῆλθε καὶ τοὺς σφαγέας μετεπέμψατο. συνέβη δὲ καὶ τὸν παῖδα ἀπολέσθαι ναυαγίῳ· οὕτω ταῖς τότε συμφοραῖς καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐπέκειτο. Ἀρρούντιος τὸν υἱόν, οὐχ ὑφιστάμενον φεύγειν χωρὶς αὐτοῦ, μόλις ἔπεισεν ὡς νέον περισῴζειν ἑαυτόν. καὶ τόνδε μὲν ἡ μήτηρ ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας προύπεμψε καὶ ὑπέστρεψεν, ἵνα ἀνῃρημένον τὸν ἄνδρα θάψειε· πυθομένη δὲ καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ὑπὸ τῆς θαλάσσης διεφθάρθαι λιμῷ διεχρήσατο ἑαυτήν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.4.21

The Egnatii, father and son, while embracing each other, died by the same blow, and their heads were cut off while the remainder of their bodies were still locked together. Balbus sent his son in advance of himself in flight toward the sea in order that they might not be too conspicuous travelling together, and he followed at a short interval. Somebody told him, either by design or by mistake, that his son had been captured. He went back and delivered himself to the murderers. It happened, too, that his son perished by shipwreck. Thus did ill luck add to the calamities of the time. Aruntius had a son who was not willing to fly without his father. The latter with difficulty persuaded him to seek his safety because he was young. His mother accompanied him to the city gates and returned only to bury her slain husband. When she learned that her son also had perished at sea she starved herself to death. Such examples were there of good and bad sons.

4.4.22 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.4.22

αἵδε μὲν δὴ παίδων ἀγαθῶν καὶ κακῶν ἔστων εἰκόνες· ἀδελφοὶ δὲ δύο ὁμοῦ προγραφέντες, οἷς ὄνομα ἦν Λιγάριοι, ἐκρύπτοντο ὑπὸ ἰπνῷ, μέχρι τῶν θεραπόντων αὐτοὺς ἀνευρόντων ὁ μὲν αὐτίκα ἀνῃρέθη, ὁ δὲ ἐκφυγών, ἐπεὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔγνω διεφθαρμένον, ἔρριψεν αὑτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τῆς γεφύρας ἐς τὸ ῥεῦμα. καὶ αὐτὸν ἁλιέων περισχόντων ὡς οὐκ ἐναλάμενον, ἀλλὰ πεπτωκότα, ἐς πολὺ μὲν ἐφιλονίκει καὶ ἑαυτὸν ἐς τὸ ῥεῦμα ἐώθει, ἡσσώμενος δὲ τῶν ἁλιέων περιεγίγνετο καὶ οὐκ ἐμέ, ἔφη, περισῴζετε, ἀλλʼ ἑαυτοὺς ἐμοὶ προγεγραμμένῳ συναπόλλυτε. οἱ δὲ καὶ ὣς αὐτὸν οἰκτείραντες περιέσῳζον, μέχρι τινὲς τῶν στρατιωτῶν, οἳ τὴν γέφυραν ἐτήρουν, ἰδόντες ἐπέδραμόν τε καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀπέτεμον. ἑτέρων δὲ ἀδελφῶν ὁ μὲν αὑτὸν ἔρριψε κατὰ τοῦ ῥεύματος, καὶ θεράπων αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶμα ἀνεζήτει μέχρι πέμπτης ἡμέρας, εὑρὼν δὲ ἔτι γνωρίζεσθαι δυναμένου, τὴν κεφαλὴν διὰ τὸ ἆθλον ἀπέκοψε· τὸν δὲ ἕτερον ἐν κοπρῶνι κρυπτόμενον ἕτερος ἐμήνυσε θεράπων, καὶ οἱ σφαγεῖς εἰσελθεῖν μὲν ἀπηξίωσαν, δόρασι δὲ περικεντοῦντες ἐξήγαγον καί, ὡς εἶχε, τὴν κεφαλὴν οὐδὲ ἀπονίψαντες ἀπέκοψαν. ἕτερος δέ, τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ συλλαμβανομένου, προσδραμὼν ἀγνοίᾳ τοῦ καὶ αὐτὸς ἅμα ἐκείνῳ προγεγράφθαι, ἐμέ, ἔφη, κτείνατε πρὸ τούτου. καὶ ὁ λοχαγὸς ἔχων τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἀνάγραπτον, εἰκότα ἀξιοῖς, ἔφη· σὺ γὰρ πρὸ τούτου γέγραψαι, καὶ εἰπὼν κατὰ τὴν τάξιν ἔκτεινεν ἄμφω.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.4.22

Two brothers of the name of Ligarius, being proscribed together, hid themselves in an oven till their slaves found them, when one of them was killed and the other fled. When the latter learned that his brother had perished he threw himself from a bridge into the Tiber. Some fishermen seized him thinking that he had fallen into the water instead of leaping in. He resisted rescue and tried to throw himself into the river again. When he was overcome by the fishermen he exclaimed, You are not saving me, but ruining yourselves by helping one who is proscribed. Nevertheless they had pity on him and saved him until some soldiers who were guarding the bridge saw him, ran to him, and cut off his head. One of two brothers threw himself into the river and one of his slaves searched for the body five days. At last he found it, and as it was still possible to recognize it, he cut off the head for the sake of the reward. The other brother had concealed himself in a dung-heap and another slave betrayed him. The murderers disdained to go into the heap, but thrust their spears into him and dragged him out. They then cut off his head, just as he was, without washing it. Another one seeing his brother arrested ran up to him, not knowing that he was himself proscribed also, and said, Kill me instead of him. The centurion, having the proscription list at hand, said, Your request is a proper one, for your name comes before his. And so saying, he killed both of them in due order. Let these serve as examples in the case of brothers.

Edition note

ἐμὲ κτείνατε πρὸ τούτου. This may mean, kill me before him, or kill me instead of him. The latter was the meaning intended, but the centurion interpreted it the other way for the sake of the jest.

4.4.23 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.4.23

ταῦτα μὲν δὴ καὶ ἀδελφῶν δείγματα· Λιγάριον δὲ ἡ γυνὴ κρύπτουσα μίαν ἐς τὸ ἀπόρρητον ἐπηγάγετο θεράπαιναν, προδοθεῖσα δὲ ὑπʼ αὐτῆς εἵπετο τῇ κεφαλῇ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς φερομένῃ βοῶσα· ἐγὼ τοῦτον ὑπεδεξάμην, τὰ δʼ ὅμοια τοῖς ὑποδεξαμένοις ἐστὶν ἐπιτίμια. καὶ οὐδενὸς αὐτὴν οὔτε ἀναιροῦντος οὔτε μηνύοντος, αὐτάγγελος ἐς τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἦλθε καθʼ ʽεαυτῆς, κἀκείνων αὐτὴν διὰ τὴν φιλανδρίαν ὑπεριδόντων, ἑαυτὴν ἀπέκτεινε λιμῷ. καὶ τῆσδε μὲν ἐνθάδε ἐπεμνήσθην, ὅτι τὸν ἄνδρα περισῴζουσα ἀπετύγχανέ τε καὶ συνεξήγαγεν ἑαυτήν· ὅσαι δὲ ἐπέτυχον τῆς φιλανδρίας, ἐν τοῖς περισωθεῖσι τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀναγράψω. ἕτεραι δὲ ἀθεμίστως ἐπεβούλευσαν τοῖς ἀνδράσιν. καὶ αὐτῶν ἐστιν, ἣ Σεπτιμίῳ μὲν ἐγεγάμητο, ὑπὸ δέ τινος Ἀντωνίῳ φίλου διεφθείρετο· ἐπειγομένη δὲ ἐκ μοιχείας ἐς γάμον ἐδεήθη διὰ τοῦ μοιχεύοντος αὐτὴν Ἀντωνίου, καὶ ὁ Σεπτίμιος αὐτίκα τοῖς πίναξι προσετέθη. καὶ μαθὼν ἐς τῆς γυναικὸς ὑπʼ ἀγνοίας τῶν οἴκοι κακῶν ἔφευγεν. ἡ δὲ ὡς φιλοφρονουμένη τὰς θύρας ἐπέκλεισε καὶ ἐτήρει τὸν ἄνδρα, ἕως οἱ σφαγεῖς παρεγένοντο· καὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρας οἱ μὲν ἐκεῖνον ἀνῄρουν, ἡ δὲ ἔθυε γάμους.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.4.23

Ligarius was concealed by his wife, who communicated the secret to only one female slave. Having been betrayed by the latter, she followed her husband’s head as it was carried away, crying out, I sheltered him; those who give shelter are to share the punishment. As nobody killed her or informed of her, she came to the triumvirs and accused herself before them. Being moved by her love for her husband they pretended not to see her. So she starved herself to death. I have mentioned her in this place because she failed to save her husband and would not survive him. I shall refer to those who were successful in their devotion to their husbands when I speak of the men who escaped. Other women betrayed their husbands infamously. Among these was the wife of Septimius, who had an amour with a certain friend of Antony. Being impatient to exchange this illicit connection for matrimony, she besought Antony through her paramour to rid her of her husband. Septimius was at once put on the list of the proscribed. He learned this fact from his wife, and in ignorance of his domestic ills prepared for flight. She, as though with loving anxiety, closed the doors, and kept him until the murderers came. The same day that her husband was killed she celebrated her new nuptials.

Edition note

ἐδεήθη τοῦ μοιχεύοντος αὐτὴν Ἀντωνίου. This sentence is probably corrupt. The translation is conjectural.

4.4.24 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.4.24

Σάλασσος δὲ ἐκφυγών τε καὶ ἀπορούμενος ἧκε μὲν ἐς πόλιν νυκτός, ὅτε μάλιστα ἔδοξεν ἀμβλύνεσθαι τὸ δεινόν, πεπραμένης δὲ τῆς οἰκίας μόνος αὐτὸν ὁ θυρωρὸς τῇ οἰκίᾳ συμπεπραμένος ἐπέγνω καὶ ἐς τὸ ἑαυτοῦ οἴκημα ὑπεδέχετο καὶ κρύψειν ἐπηγγέλλετο καὶ θρέψειν, ἐξ ὧν ἐδύνατο. ὁ δὲ τὴν γυναῖκά οἱ καλέσαι προσέταξεν ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνης οἰκίας. ἡ δʼ ὑποκριναμένη μὲν ἐλθεῖν ἐπείγεσθαι, δεδιέναι δʼ ὡς ἐν νυκτὶ καὶ θεραπαίναις τὸ ὕποπτον, μεθʼ ἡμέραν ἥξειν ἔφη. καὶ γενομένης ἡμέρας ἡ μὲν τοὺς σφαγέας μετῄει, καὶ ὁ θυρωρὸς αὐτὴν ὡς βραδύνουσαν ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν ἀπέτρεχεν ἐπείξων· ὁ δὲ Σάλασσος, οἰχομένου τοῦ θυρωροῦ δείσας ὡς ἐς ἐνέδραν ἀπιόντος, ἐς τὸ τέγος ἀναδραμὼν ἐκαραδόκει τὸ γιγνόμενον, ἰδὼν δὲ οὐ τὸν θυρωρόν, ἀλλὰ τὴν γυναῖκα τοῖς σφαγεῦσιν ἡγουμένην ἔρριψεν ἑαυτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ τέγους. Φούλβιον δὲ ἐς θεραπαίνης φυγόντα παλλακευθείσης τε αὐτῷ καὶ ἀπηλευθερωμένης καὶ προῖκα ἐς γάμον ἐπιλαβούσης, ἡ τοσάδε εὖ παθοῦσα προύδωκε ζηλοτυπίᾳ τῆς μεθʼ ἑαυτὴν τῷ Φουλβίῳ γεγαμημένης.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.4.24

Salassus escaped, and, not knowing what to do with himself, came back to the city by night, thinking that the danger had mostly passed away. His house had been sold. The janitor, who had been sold with the house, was the only one who recognized him, and he received him in his room, promising to conceal him and feed him as well as he could. Salassus told the janitor to call his wife from her own house. She pretended to be very desirous to come, but to be fearful of the night and distrustful of her servants, and said that she would come at daybreak. When daylight came she went for the murderers. The janitor, because she was delaying, ran to her house to hasten her coming. When the janitor went out Salassus feared that he had gone to lay a plot against him, and went up to the roof to watch what would happen. Seeing that it was not the janitor but his wife who was bringing the murderers, he precipitated himself from the roof. Fulvius fled to the house of a female servant, who had been his mistress, and to whom he had given freedom and a dowry on her marriage. Although she had been so well treated by him she betrayed him on account of jealousy of the woman whom Fulvius had married after his relations with her. Let these serve as examples of depraved women.

4.4.25 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.4.25

τοσάδε μὲν δὴ καὶ γυναικῶν πονηρῶν ὑποδείγματα γεγράφθω· Στάτιος δὲ ὁ Σαυνίτης, πολλὰ Σαυνίταις ἐν τῷ συμμαχικῷ πολέμῳ κατειργασμένος, διὰ δὲ περιφάνειαν ἔργων καὶ διὰ πλοῦτον καὶ γένος ἐς τὸ Ῥωμαίων βουλευτήριον ἀνακεκλημένος, ὀγδοηκοντούτης ὢν ἤδη καὶ διὰ πλοῦτον προγεγραμμένος, ἀνεπέτασε τὴν οἰκίαν τῷ τε δήμῳ καὶ τοῖς θεράπουσιν ἐκφορεῖν, ὅσα θέλοιεν, τὰ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς διερρίπτει, μέχρι κεκενωμένης ἐπικλείσας ἐνέπρησε καὶ ἀπώλετο, καὶ τὸ πῦρ πολλὰ τῆς πόλεως ἄλλα ἐπενείματο. Καπίτων δὲ ἐς πολὺ τὰς θύρας ὑπανοίγων τοὺς ἐσβιαζομένους καθʼ ἕνα ἀνῄρει, ὑπὸ δὲ πολλῶν ἐπιβρισάντων εἷς ἀπέθανε πολλοὺς ἀποκτείνας. Οὐετουλῖνος δὲ χεῖρα ἤθροισε πολλὴν ἀμφὶ τὸ Ῥήγιον αὐτῶν τε τῶν προγεγραμμένων ἀνδρῶν καὶ ὅσοι συνέφευγον αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ὀκτωκαίδεκα πόλεων, αἳ τοῖς στρατοῖς ἐπινίκια ἐπηγγελμέναι πάνυ ἐδυσχέραινον. τούσδε οὖν ἔχων ὁ Οὐετουλῖνος ἀνῄρει τῶν λοχαγῶν τοὺς διαθέοντας, μέχρι πεμφθέντος ἐπʼ αὐτὸν στρατοῦ πλέονος οὐδʼ ὣς ἔληξεν, ἀλλʼ ἐς Σικελίαν πρὸς Πομπήιον, κρατοῦντά τε αὐτῆς καὶ τοὺς φεύγοντας ὑποδεχόμενον, ἐπέρασεν. εἶτα ἐπολέμει καρτερῶς, μέχρι πολλαῖς μάχαις ἡσσώμενος τὸν μὲν υἱὸν καὶ ὅσοι τῶν προγεγραμμένων ἄλλοι συνῆσαν, ἐπὶ Μεσσήνης ἔπεμψεν, αὐτὸς δέ, ὡς εἶδε πορθμευόμενον ἤδη τὸ σκάφος, ἐμπεσὼν τοῖς πολεμίοις κατεκόπη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.4.25

Statius, the Samnite, who had had great influence with the Samnites during the social war and who had been raised to the rank of a Roman senator for his noble deeds, his wealth, and his lineage, and who was now eighty years of age, was proscribed on account of his riches. He threw open his house to the people and to his own slaves to carry away whatever they pleased. He also scattered his property around with his own hand. When at last the house was empty he closed the doors, set fire to it, and perished, and the fire spread to many other parts of the city. Capito, through his half-opened door, for a long time resisted those who had been sent against him, killing them one by one. Finally, he was overpowered by numbers and slain after killing single-handed many of his assailants. Vetulinus assembled around Rhegium a large force of the proscribed and those who had fled with them, and others from the eighteen cities which had been promised as rewards of victory to the soldiers and who were indignant at such treatment. With these men Vetulinus slew the centurions who were scouting thereabouts, until a larger force was sent against him, and even then he did not desist, but passed over to Sicily and joined Sextus Pompeius, who had mastered that island and who received the fugitives. There he fought bravely until he was defeated in several engagements. Then he sent his son and the remainder of the proscribed who were with him to Messana, and when he saw that their boat was passing the straits he dashed upon the enemy and was cut in pieces.

Edition note

That the text is defective here is evident, for how could Vetulinus send his son across the straits to Messana if he were already in Sicily? Schweighäuser met the difficulty by substituting ἔπ εμψεν for ἐπέρασεν, i.e., he opened communications with Sextus Pompeius, instead of joining him in Sicily. Probably there is a lacuna in the text.

4.4.26 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.4.26

Νάσων δὲ ὑπὸ ἐξελευθέρου, παιδικῶν οἱ γενομένου, προδοθεὶς ἥρπασε παρά του τῶν στρατιωτῶν ξίφος καὶ τὸν προδότην μόνον ἀποκτείνας ἑαυτὸν τοῖς σφαγεῦσιν ὑπέσχε. φιλοδέσποτος δὲ οἰκέτης τὸν κεκτημένον ἐπὶ λόφου ἐκάθισε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ᾔει μισθωσόμενος αὐτῷ σκάφος. ἐπανιὼν δὲ κτεινόμενόν τε εἶδε τὸν δεσπότην καὶ ἀποψύχοντος ἤδη μέγα βοῶν ἐπίμεινον ἐς βραχύ, ὦ δέσποτα, εἶπε καὶ κτείνει τὸν λοχαγὸν ἐμπεσὼν ἄφνω. μετὰ δὲ ἐκεῖνον ἑαυτὸν ἐπαναιρῶν εἶπε τῷ δεσπότῃ· παραμύθιον ἔχεις. Λεύκιος δὲ δύο πιστοτάτοις ἀπελευθέροις χρυσίον δοὺς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ᾔει, διαδράντων δὲ ἐκείνων ὑπέστρεψε καταγινώσκων τοῦ βίου καὶ ἑαυτὸν ἐμήνυσε τοῖς σφαγεῦσι. Λαβιηνὸς δὲ ἐν ταῖς Σύλλα προγραφαῖς πολλοὺς τῶν τότε συλλαβών τε καὶ κτείνας ἠδόξησεν ἄρα, εἰ μὴ τὰ ὅμοια γενναίως ἐνέγκοι, καὶ προελθὼν τῆς οἰκίας ἐκαθέζετο ἐπὶ θρόνου τοὺς σφαγέας περιμένων. Κέστιος δὲ ἐν χωρίοις παρὰ εὐνόοις θεράπουσιν ἐκρύπτετο, λοχαγῶν δʼ αἰεὶ σὺν ὅπλοις ἢ κεφαλαῖς διαθεόντων οὐκ ἔφερε τὸ μῆκος τοῦ φόβου, ἀλλʼ ἔπεισε τοὺς θεράποντας ἅψαι πυράν, ἵνα ἔχοιεν λέγειν, ὅτι Κέστιον ἀποθανόντα θάπτοιεν. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐνεδρευθέντες ἧψαν, ὁ δὲ ἐσήλατο ἐς αὐτήν. Ἀπώνιος δὲ ἀσφαλῶς ἑαυτὸν ἐπικρύψας οὐκ ἤνεγκε τὴν πονηρίαν τῆς διαίτης, ἀλλὰ προήγαγεν ἑαυτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν σφαγήν. ἄλλος ἐν φανερῷ καθῆστο ἑκὼν καὶ βραδυνόντων τῶν σφαγέων ἀπήγξατο ἐν μέσῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.4.26

Naso, having been betrayed by a freedman who had been his favorite, snatched a sword from one of the soldiers, and, having killed his betrayer with it, surrendered himself to the murderers. A slave who was devoted to his master left the latter on a hill while he went to the sea-shore to hire a boat. On his return he found that his master had been killed, and while he was breathing his last the slave called out to him, Wait a moment, my master. whereupon he fell suddenly upon the centurion and slew him. Then he killed himself, saying to his master, Now you have consolation. Lucius placed his gold in the hands of his two most faithful freedmen and started for the seashore. They ran away with it, and he turned around, despairing of his life, and gave himself up to the murderers. Labienus, who had captured and killed many persons in the time of the proscription of Sulla, thought that he would be disgraced if he did not bear himself bravely under similar circumstances. So he.went to his front door, seated himself in a chair, and waited for the murderers. Cestius concealed himself in the fields among faithful slaves. When he saw centurions running hither and thither with weapons and the heads of the proscribed he could not endure the prolonged fear. He persuaded the slaves to light a funeral pyre, so that they might say that they were paying the last rites to the dead Cestius. They were deceived by him and lighted the pyre accordingly, whereupon he leaped into it. Aponius concealed himself securely, but, as he could not endure the meanness of his diet, he came forth and delivered himself to slaughter. Another proscript voluntarily seated himself in full view, and, as the murderers delayed their coming, he strangled himself in public.

4.4.27 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.4.27

Λεύκιος δὲ ὁ Ἀσινίου τοῦ ὑπατεύοντος τότε πενθερός, φεύγων διὰ θαλάσσης, οὐ φέρων τοῦ χειμῶνος τὴν ἀηδίαν ἔρριψεν ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος. Καισέννιον δὲ οἱ διώκοντες, ὑποφεύγοντά τε καὶ βοῶντα οὐ προγεγράφθαι, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὰ χρήματα ἐπιβουλεύεσθαι πρὸς αὐτῶν, ἐπὶ τὸν πίνακα ἀγαγόντες ἀναγινώσκειν ἑαυτοῦ τὸ ὄνομα ἐκέλευον καὶ ἀναγινώσκοντα ἔκτειναν. Αἰμίλιος δὲ ἀγνοῶν, ὅτι προγέγραπται, διωκόμενον ἄλλον ἰδὼν ἤρετο τὸν λοχαγὸν τὸν διώκοντα, τίς ὁ προγεγραμμένος εἴη· καὶ ὁ λοχαγὸς τὸν Αἰμίλιον γνωρίσας σὺ κἀκεῖνοσ εἶπε καὶ τοὺς δύο ἀπέκτεινε. Κίλλων δὲ ἐκ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου προϊὼν καὶ Δέκιος, ἐπεὶ τοῖς πίναξιν ἐπύθοντο σφῶν τὰ ὀνόματα προσγεγράφθαι, οὔπω τινὸς ἐπιόντος αὐτοῖς, ἔφευγον ἀκόσμως διὰ πυλῶν, καὶ αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἀπαντῶσι τῶν λοχαγῶν αὐτὸς ὁ δρόμος ἐμήνυσεν. Ἰκέλιος δέ, ὃς ἐπὶ Βρούτῳ τε καὶ Κασσίῳ δικάζων, Καίσαρος τοῖς δικαστηρίοις μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐφεστῶτος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δικαστῶν κρύφα τὴν καταδικάζουσαν φερόντων, μόνος τὴν ἀπολύουσαν ἤνεγκε φανερῶς, ἐκλαθόμενος τῆς μεγαλόφρονος ἐλευθεριότητος, νεκρὸν σῶμα ἐκκομιζόμενον ὑποστὰς τοῖς φέρουσι συνεβάσταζε τὸ λέχος. ἰδόντων δὲ τῶν φρουρούντων τὰς πύλας, ὅτι πλεονάζουσιν οἱ νεκροφόροι παρὰ τὸ σύνηθες ἑνὶ ἀνδρί, καὶ τοὺς μὲν φέροντας οὐχ ὑπονοούντων, τὸ δὲ λέχος ἐρευνωμένων, μὴ νεκρόν τις ὑποκρίνοιτο, οἱ νεκροφόροι τὸν Ἰκέλιον ἤλεγχον οὐχ ὁμότεχνον σφίσιν ὄντα, ἐπιγνωσθέντα τε οἱ σφαγεῖς ἀπέκτειναν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.4.27

Lucius, the father-in-law of Asinius, who was then consul, fled by sea, but, as he could not endure the anguish of the tempest, he leaped overboard. Sisinius fled from his pursuers, exclaiming that he was not proscribed, but that they had conspired against him on account of his money. They brought him to the proscription list and told him to read his name on it, and while he was reading killed him. Aemilius, not knowing that he was proscribed and seeing another man pursued, asked the pursuing centurion who the proscribed man was. The centurion, recognizing Aemilius, replied, You and he, and killed them both. Cilo and Decius were going out of the senate-house when they learned that their names were on the list of the proscribed, but no one had yet gone in pursuit of them. They fled incontinently through the city gates, and their running betrayed them to the centurions whom they met on the road. Icilius, who was one of the judges in the trial of Brutus and Cassius when Octavius presided over the tribunal with his army, and who, when all the other judges deposited secret ballots of condemnation, alone publicly deposited one of acquittal, now unmindful of his former magnanimity and independence put his shoulder under a dead body that was being conveyed to burial, and took a place among the carriers of the bier. The guards at the city gates noticed that the number of corpse-bearers was greater by one man than usual, but they did not suspect the bearers. They only searched the bier to make sure that it was not somebody counterfeiting a corpse, but, as the bearers fell into a dispute with Icilius as not being a member of their trade, he was recognized by the murderers and killed.

Edition note

See iii. 95 supra, where mention is made of the trial of Brutus and Cassius in absentia, where one judge only voted for acquittal and was afterwards put on the list of the proscribed. Dion Cassius (xlvii. 49) refers to this man and gives him the name of Sicilius Coronas, which the French editors of that author (MM. Gros and Boissee) change to Icilius Coronas both on grounds of palaeography and on the authority of Appian. Plutarch refers to one Publicus Silicius, who was observed to shed tears when the condemnation of Brutus was announced, and who was afterwards put on the list of the proscribed for that reason. (Life of Brutus, 27.)

4.4.28 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.4.28

Οὐᾶρος δʼ ἀπελευθέρου προδιδόντος αὐτὸν ἀπέδρα, καὶ ὄρος ἐξ ὄρους ἀμείβων ἐς τὸ Μιντουρναίων ἕλος ἐνέπεσεν, ἔνθα ἑαυτὸν διαναπαύων ἡσύχαζε. τῶν δὲ Μιντουρναίων ἐπὶ ζητήσει λῃστηρίου τὸ ἕλος περιθεόντων, ἥ τε κόμη τοῦ δόνακος σαλευθεῖσα ἐνέφηνε τὸν Οὐᾶρον, καὶ ληφθεὶς ἔλεγεν εἶναι λῃστὴς καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε θανάτῳ καταδικαζόμενος ἠνείχετο. ὡς δὲ αὐτὸν ἔμελλον καὶ βασανιεῖν ἐς τοὺς συνεγνωκότας, οὐκ ἐνεγκὼν ἤδη τοῦτο ὡς ἀπρεπέστερον, ἀπαγορεύω, φησίν, ὑμῖν, ὦ Μιντουρναῖοι, ὕπατόν με γεγενημένον, καί, ὃ τοῖς νῦν ἄρχουσι τιμιώτερόν ἐστι, προγεγραμμένον μήτε βασανίζειν μήτε ἀναιρεῖν ἔτι· εἰ γὰρ οὐκ ἔνι μοι διαφυγεῖν, ἄμεινον ὑπὸ τῶν ὁμοτίμων παθεῖν. ἀπιστούντων δὲ τῶν Μιντουρναίων καὶ τὸν λόγον ὑπονοούντων λοχαγὸς ἐπέγνω διαθέων καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀπέτεμε, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν σῶμα τοῖς Μιντουρναίοις κατέλιπε. Λάργον ἕτεροι συνελάμβανον ἐν χωρίοις, οὐ Λάργον, ἀλλʼ ἕτερον διώκοντες· οἰκτείραντες δʼ, ὅτι μὴ ζητούμενος ἁλοίη, φεύγειν μεθῆκαν ἀνὰ τὴν ὕλην. ὁ δὲ ὑφʼ ἑτέρων διωκόμενος δρόμῳ τοὺς προτέρους κατέλαβε καί ὑμεῖς, ἔφη, με κτείνατε μᾶλλον, οἱ ἐλεήσαντες, ἵνα τὸν μισθὸν ἀντὶ τούτων ὑμεῖς φέρησθε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.4.28

Varus, who was betrayed by a freedman, ran away, and after wandering from mountain to mountain came to a marsh at Minturnae, where he stopped to take rest. The inhabitants of Minturnae were mounting guard over this marsh in search of robbers, and the agitation of the reeds revealed the hiding-place of Varus. He was captured and said that he was a robber. He was condemned to death and resigned himself to his fate, but as they were preparing to subject him to torture to compel him to reveal his accomplices, he could not bear such an indignity. I forbid you, citizens of Minturnae, he said, either to torture or to kill one who has been a consul and — what is more important in the eyes of our present rulers — also proscribed! If it is not permitted me to escape, I prefer to suffer at the hands of my equals. The Minturnians did not believe him. They discredited his story until a centurion, who was scouting in that neighborhood, recognized him, and cut off his head, leaving the remainder of his body to the Minturnians. Largus was captured in the fields by soldiers who were pursuing another man. They took pity on him because he had been captured when they were not seeking him, and allowed him to escape in the forest. Being pursued by others, he ran back to his first captors, saying, I would rather that you, who had compassion on me, should kill me, so that you may have the reward instead of those men. Thus he recompensed them with his death for their kindness to him.

4.4.29 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.4.29

ὁ μὲν δὴ ταύτην ἔδωκεν ἀμοιβὴν ἀποθνῄσκων φιλανθρωπίας, Ῥοῦφος δὲ ἔχων συνοικίαν περικαλλῆ, γείτονα Φουλβίας τῆς γυναικὸς Ἀντωνίου, πάλαι μὲν ἀξιούσῃ τῇ Φουλβίᾳ πρίασθαι τὴν οἰκίαν οὐ συνεχώρει, τότε δὲ καὶ δωρούμενος προεγράφη. καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ὁ μὲν Ἀντώνιός οἱ προσφερομένην οὐχ ἑαυτῷ προσήκειν εἰπὼν ἔπεμψεν ἐς τὴν γυναῖκα, ἡ δὲ ἀντὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ τῆς συνοικίας προτεθῆναι. ἔπαυλιν ἕτερος εἶχε περικαλλῆ καὶ σύσκιον, ἄντρον τε καλὸν ἦν ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ βαθύ, καὶ τάχα διὰ ταῦτα καὶ προυγράφη. ἔτυχε δὲ ἀναψύχων κατὰ τὸ ἄντρον, καὶ αὐτῷ τῶν σφαγέων ἔτι μακρόθεν ἐπιθεόντων θεράπων αὐτὸν ἐς τὸν μυχὸν τοῦ ἄντρου προπέμψας ἐνέδυ τὸν τοῦ δεσπότου χιτωνίσκον καὶ ὑπεκρίνετο ἐκεῖνος εἶναι καὶ δεδιέναι· καὶ τάχα ἂν ἐπέτυχεν ἀναιρεθείς, εἰ μὴ τῶν ὁμοδούλων τις ἐνέφηνε τὴν ἐνέδραν. ἀναιρεθέντος δὲ ὧδε τοῦ δεσπότου, ὁ δῆμος ἀγανακτῶν παρὰ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν οὐκ ἐπαύετο, μέχρι τὸν μὲν ἐνδείξαντα κρεμασθῆναι, τὸν δὲ περισώσαντα ἐλευθερῶσαι ἐποίησεν. Ἁτέριον δὲ κρυπτόμενον θεράπων ἐμήνυσέ τε καὶ ἐλεύθερος αὐτίκα γενόμενος ἀντωνεῖτο τοῖς παισὶν αὐτοῦ τὴν οὐσίαν καὶ ἐνύβριζεν ἐπαχθῶς. οἱ δὲ αὐτῷ πανταχῇ μετὰ σιγῆς εἵποντο κλαίοντες, ἕως ὁ δῆμος ἠγανάκτησε, καὶ οἱ τρεῖς αὐτόν, ὡς πλεονάσαντα τῆς χρείας, ἀνεδούλωσαν τοῖς παισὶ τοῦ προγεγραμμένου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.4.29

Rufus possessed a handsome house near that of Fulvia, the wife of Antony, which she had wanted to buy, but he would not sell it, and although he now offered it to her as a free gift, he was proscribed. His head was brought to Antony, who said it did not concern him and sent it to his wife. She ordered that it be fastened to the front of his own house instead of the rostra. Another man had a very handsome and well-shaded country-place in which was a beautiful and deep grotto, on account of which probably he was proscribed. He was taking the air in this grotto when the murderers were observed by a slave, as they were coming toward him, but still some distance off. The slave conveyed him to the innermost recess of the grotto, dressed himself in his master’s short tunic, pretended that he was the man and simulated alarm, and would have been killed on the spot had not one of his fellow-slaves exposed the trick. In this way the master was killed, but the people were so indignant that they gave the triumvirs no rest until they had obtained from them the crucifixion of the slave who had betrayed his master, and the freedom of the one who had tried to save him. A slave revealed the hiding-place of Aterius and obtained his freedom in consequence. He had the impudence to bid against the sons at the sale of the dead man’s property, and insulted them grossly. They followed him everywhere with silent tears till the people became exasperated, and the triumvirs made him again the slave of the sons of the proscript, for doing more than was needful. Such were the evils that befell the men.

Edition note

Valerius Maximus (ix. 5. 4) says that the head of Caesetius Rufus, a senator, was brought to Antony while he was sitting at a banquet, and that all the others turned away their faces. Antony ordered that it be brought nearer, and, after looking at it carefully for some time, and while all were waiting to hear what he would say, he remarked: I have never known this man.

4.5.30 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.5.30

περὶ μὲν δὴ τοὺς ἄνδρας τοιάδε ἐγίγνετο, ἥψατο δὲ καὶ ὀρφανῶν διὰ πλοῦτον ἡ τότε τύχη. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐς διδασκάλου φοιτῶν αὐτῷ παιδαγωγῷ συνανῃρέθη, τὸν παῖδα περισχομένῳ τε καὶ οὐ μεθιέντι· Ἀτίλιος δὲ ἄρτι τὴν τῶν τελείων περιθέμενος στολὴν ᾔει μέν, ὡς ἔθος ἐστί, σὺν πομπῇ φίλων ἐπὶ θυσίας ἐς τὰ ἱερά, ἄφνω δὲ ἐγγραφέντος αὐτοῦ τοῖς πίναξιν οἱ φίλοι καὶ οἱ θεράποντες διεδίδρασκον. ὁ δὲ μόνος καὶ ἔρημος ἐκ δαψιλοῦς παραπομπῆς ἐς τὴν μητέρα ἐχώρει· οὐ δεξαμένης δὲ αὐτὸν οὐδὲ ἐκείνης ὑπὸ δέους, οὐκ ἀξιώσας ἔτι ἐς πεῖραν ἐλθεῖν ἑτέρου μετὰ μητέρα, ἐς ὄρος ἔφυγεν· ὅθεν ὑπὸ λιμοῦ ἐς τὰ πεδινὰ κατελθὼν ἐλήφθη πρὸς ἀνδρὸς λῃστεύειν τοὺς παροδεύοντας καὶ ἐπὶ ἔργῳ καταδεῖν εἰθισμένου. οἷα δὲ παῖς ἐκ τρυφῆς τὸν πόνον οὐκ ἐνεγκὼν ἐς τὴν ἁμαξιτὸν αὐταῖς χοινικίσι διέδρα καὶ παροδεύουσι λοχαγοῖς ἑαυτὸν ἐμήνυσέ τε καὶ ἀνῃρέθη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.5.30

The calamity extended to orphan children on account of their wealth. One of these, who was going to school, was killed, together with the attendant, who threw his arms around the boy and would not give him up. Atilius, who was just assuming the virile toga, went, as was customary, with a procession of friends to sacrifice in the temples. His name being put on the proscription list unexpectedly, his friends and servants ran away. Left alone, and bereft of his brilliant escort, he went to his mother. She was afraid to receive him. As he did not consider it safe to ask help from anybody else after his mother had failed him, he fled to a mountain. Hunger drove him down to the plain, where he was captured by a robber and committed to a workhouse. The delicate boy, unable to endure the toil, escaped to the high road with his fetters, revealed himself to some passing centurions, and was killed.

4.5.31 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.5.31

γιγνομένων δὲ τούτων Λέπιδος ἐπὶ Ἴβηρσιν ἐθριάμβευε, καὶ προυτέθη διάγραμμα οὕτως ἔχον· ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ προειρήσθω πᾶσι καὶ πάσαις θύειν καὶ εὐωχεῖσθαι τὴν ἡμέραν τὴν παροῦσαν· ὃς δʼ ἂν μὴ φαίνηται ταῦτα ποιῶν, ἐν τοῖς προγεγραμμένοις ἔσται. ὁ μὲν δὴ τὸν θρίαμβον ἐς τὰ ἱερὰ ἀνῆγε, παραπεμπόντων αὐτὸν ἁπάντων μετὰ σχήματος ἱλαροῦ καὶ γνώμης δυσμενοῦς· τῶν δὲ προγεγραμμένων τὰ μὲν ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις διεφορεῖτο, καὶ οὐ πολὺς ἦν ὁ τὰ χωρία ὠνούμενος, οἱ μὲν ἐπιβαρεῖν τοῖς ἠτυχηκόσιν αἰδούμενοι καὶ οὐκ ἐν αἰσίῳ σφίσι τὰ ἐκείνων ἔσεσθαι νομίζοντες οὐδὲ ἀσφαλὲς ὅλως χρυσίον ἢ ἀργύριον ἔχοντας ὁρᾶσθαι οὐδὲ τὰς ἐπικτήσεις νῦν ἀκινδύνους, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον τὰ ὄντα ἐπικίνδυνα. μόνοι δὲ οἱ διὰ θρασύτητα προσιόντες, ἅτε μόνοι, βραχυτάτου πάμπαν ὠνοῦντο. ὅθεν τοῖς ἄρχουσιν, ἐλπίσασιν ἐς τὰς τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευὰς τάδε ἀρκέσειν, ἐνέδει μυριάδων ἔτι δισμυρίων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.5.31

While these events were taking place Lepidus enjoyed a triumph for his exploits in Spain, and an edict was displayed in the following terms: In God’s name, let it be proclaimed to all men and women that they celebrate this day with sacrifices and feasting. Whoever shall fail to do so shall be put on the list of the proscribed. Lepidus led the triumphal procession to the Capitol, accompanied by all the citizens, who showed the external appearance of joy, but were sad at heart. The houses of the proscribed were gutted, but there were not many buyers of their lands. Some were ashamed to add to the burdens of the unfortunate. Others thought that such property would bring them bad luck, or that it would not be quite safe for them to be seen with gold and silver in their possession, or that, as they were not free from danger with their present holdings, it would be extra-hazardous to increase them. Only the boldest spirits came forward and purchased at the lowest prices, because they were the only buyers. Thus it came to pass that the triumvirs, who had hoped to realize a sufficient sum for their preparations, were short 20,000,000 of drachmas.

4.5.32 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.5.32

καὶ τοῦτο ἐς τὸν δῆμον εἰπόντες προύγραφον χιλίας καὶ τετρακοσίας γυναῖκας, αἳ μάλιστα πλούτῳ διέφερον· καὶ αὐτὰς ἔδει, τὰ ὄντα τιμωμένας, ἐσφέρειν ἐς τὰς τοῦ πολέμου χρείας, ὅσον ἑκάστην οἱ τρεῖς δοκιμάσειαν. ἐπέκειτό τε ταῖς ἀποκρυψαμέναις τι τῶν ὄντων, ἢ τιμησαμέναις κακῶς ἐπιτίμια καὶ τοῖς ταῦτα μηνύουσιν ἐλευθέροις τε καὶ δούλοις μήνυτρα. αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες ἔκριναν τῶν προσηκουσῶν τοῖς ἄρχουσι γυναικῶν δεηθῆναι. τῆς μὲν δὴ Καίσαρος ἀδελφῆς οὐκ ἀπετύγχανον, οὐδὲ τῆς μητρὸς Ἀντωνίου· Φουλβίας δέ, τῆς γυναικὸς Ἀντωνίου, τῶν θυρῶν ἀπωθούμεναι χαλεπῶς τὴν ὕβριν ἤνεγκαν, καὶ ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα τῶν ἀρχόντων ὠσάμεναι, διισταμένων τοῦ τε δήμου καὶ τῶν δορυφόρων, ἔλεγον, Ὁρτησίας ἐς τοῦτο προκεχειρισμένης· ὃ μὲν ἥρμοζε δεομέναις ὑμῶν γυναιξὶ τοιαῖσδε, ἐπὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ὑμῶν κατεφύγομεν· ὃ δὲ οὐχ ἥρμοζεν, ὑπὸ Φουλβίας παθοῦσαι, ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν συνεώσμεθα ὑπʼ αὐτῆς. ὑμεῖς δʼ ἡμᾶς ἀφείλεσθε μὲν ἤδη γονέας τε καὶ παῖδας καὶ ἄνδρας καὶ ἀδελφοὺς ἐπικαλοῦντες, ὅτι πρὸς αὐτῶν ἠδίκησθε· εἰ δὲ καὶ τὰ χρήματα προσαφέλοισθε, περιστήσετε ἐς ἀπρέπειαν ἀναξίαν γένους καὶ τρόπων καὶ φύσεως γυναικείας. εἰ μὲν δή τι καὶ πρὸς ἡμῶν, οἷον ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἠδικῆσθαί φατε, προγράψατε καὶ ἡμᾶς ὡς ἐκείνους. εἰ δὲ οὐδένα ὑμῶν αἱ γυναῖκες οὔτε πολέμιον ἐψηφισάμεθα οὔτε καθείλομεν οἰκίαν ἢ στρατὸν διεφθείραμεν ἢ ἐπηγάγομεν ἕτερον ἢ ἀρχῆς ἢ τιμῆς τυχεῖν ἐκωλύσαμεν, τί κοινωνοῦμεν τῶν κολάσεων αἱ τῶν ἀδικημάτων οὐ μετασχοῦσαι;

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.5.32

The triumvirs addressed the people on this subject and published an edict requiring 1400 of the richest women to make a valuation of their property, and to furnish for the service of the war such portion as the triumvirs should require from each. It was provided further that if any should conceal their property or make a false valuation they should be fined, and that rewards should be given to informers, whether free persons or slaves. The women resolved to beseech the female relatives of the triumvirs. With the sister of Octavius and the mother of Antony they did not fail, but they were repulsed from the doors of Fulvia, the wife of Antony, whose rudeness they could scarce endure. They then forced their way to the tribunal of the triumvirs in the forum, the people and the guards dividing to let them pass. There, through the mouth of Hortensia, they spoke as follows, according to previous arrangement: As is befitting women of our rank addressing a petition to you, we had recourse to your female relatives. Having suffered unseemly treatment on the part of Fulvia, we have been compelled by her to visit the forum. You have deprived us of our fathers, our sons, our husbands, and our brothers, whom you accused of having wronged you. If you take away our property also, you reduce us to a condition unbecoming our birth, our manners, our sex. If we have done you wrong, as you say our husbands have, proscribe us as you do them. If we women have not voted you public enemies, have not torn down your houses, destroyed your army, or led another one against you; if we have not hindered you in obtaining offices and honors, — why do you visit upon us the same punishment as upon the guilty, whose offences we have not shared?

4.5.33 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.5.33

τί δὲ ἐσφέρωμεν αἱ μήτε ἀρχῆς μήτε τιμῆς μήτε στρατηγίας μήτε τῆς πολιτείας ὅλως, τῆς ὑμῖν ἐς τοσοῦτον ἤδη κακοῦ περιμαχήτου, μετέχουσαι; ὅτι φατὲ πόλεμον εἶναι; καὶ πότε οὐ γεγόνασι πόλεμοι; καὶ πότε γυναῖκες συνεισήνεγκαν; ἃς ἡ μὲν φύσις ἀπολύει παρὰ ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις, αἱ δὲ μητέρες ἡμῶν ὑπὲρ τὴν φύσιν ἐσήνεγκάν ποτε ἅπαξ, ὅτε ἐκινδυνεύετε περὶ τῇ ἀρχῇ πάσῃ καὶ περὶ αὐτῇ τῇ πόλει, Καρχηδονίων ἐνοχλούντων. καὶ τότε δὲ ἐσήνεγκαν ἑκοῦσαι, καὶ οὐκ ἀπὸ γῆς ἢ χωρίων ἢ προικὸς ἢ οἰκιῶν, ὧν χωρὶς ἀβίωτόν ἐστιν ἐλευθέραις, ἀλλὰ ἀπὸ μόνων τῶν οἴκοι κόσμων, οὐδὲ τούτων τιμωμένων οὐδὲ ὑπὸ μηνυταῖς ἢ κατηγόροις οὐδὲ πρὸς ἀνάγκην ἢ βίαν, ἀλλʼ ὅσον ἐβούλοντο αὐταί. τίς οὖν καὶ νῦν ἐστιν ὑμῖν περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἢ περὶ τῆς πατρίδος φόβος; ἴτω τοίνυν ἢ Κελτῶν πόλεμος ἢ Παρθυαίων, καὶ οὐ χείρους ἐς σωτηρίαν ἐσόμεθα τῶν μητέρων. ἐς δὲ ἐμφυλίους πολέμους μήτε ἐσενέγκαιμέν ποτε μήτε συμπράξαιμεν ὑμῖν κατʼ ἀλλήλων. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπὶ Καίσαρος ἢ Πομπηίου συνεφέρομεν, οὐδὲ Μάριος ἡμᾶς οὐδὲ Κίννας ἠνάγκασεν οὐδὲ Σύλλας, ὁ τυραννήσας τῆς πατρίδος· ὑμεῖς δέ φατε καὶ καθίστασθαι τὴν πολιτείαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.5.33

Why should we pay taxes when we have no part in the honors, the commands, the state-craft, for which you contend against each other with such harmful results? Because this is a time of war, do you say? When have there not been wars, and when have taxes ever been imposed on women, who are exempted by their sex among all mankind? Our mothers once for all rose superior to their sex and made contributions when you were in danger of losing the whole empire and the city itself through the conflict with the Carthaginians. But then they contributed voluntarily, not from their landed property, their fields, their dowries, or their houses, without which life is not possible to free women, but only from their own jewellery, and not according to fixed valuation, not under fear of informers or accusers, not by force and violence, but what they themselves were willing to give. Who now causes you alarm for the empire or the country? Let war with the Gauls or the Parthians come, and we shall not be inferior to our mothers in zeal for the common safety; but for civil wars may we never contribute, nor ever assist you against each other. We did not contribute to Caesar or to Pompey. Neither Marius nor Cinna imposed taxes upon us. Nor did Sulla, who held despotic power in the state, do so, whereas you say that you are reëstablishing the commonwealth.

Edition note

Hortensia, the daughter of Q. Hortensius, when the matrons of Rome were burdened with a heavy tax by the triumvirs and no man dared undertake their defence, pleaded the cause of the women before the triumvirs with firmness and success. By the faithful reproduction of her father’s eloquence she succeeded in getting the greater part of the pecuniary impost remitted. Quintus Hortensius lived again in his female line. He breathed once more in the words of his daughter. If his male descendants had been willing to follow this vigorous example, the eloquence of Hortensius, so great a heritage, would not have been reduced to a single pleading of a woman. (Valerius Maximus, viii. 3, 3.)

4.5.34 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.5.34

τοιαῦτα τῆς Ὁρτησίας λεγούσης, οἱ τρεῖς ἠγανάκτουν, εἰ γυναῖκες ἀνδρῶν ἡσυχαζόντων θρασυνοῦνταί τε καὶ ἐκκλησιάσουσι, καὶ τὰ δρώμενα τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἐξετάσουσι, καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν στρατευομένων αὐταὶ οὐδὲ χρήματα ἐσοίσουσιν· ἐκέλευόν τε τοῖς ὑπηρέταις ἐξωθεῖν αὐτὰς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος, μέχρι βοῆς ἔξωθεν ἐκ τοῦ πλήθους γενομένης οἵ τε ὑπηρέται τὸ ἔργον ἐπέσχον καὶ οἱ ἄρχοντες ἔφασαν ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίαν ἀνατίθεσθαι. τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ τετρακοσίας μὲν ἀντὶ χιλίων καὶ τετρακοσίων προύγραφον ἀποτιμᾶσθαι τὰ ὄντα, τῶν δὲ ἀνδρῶν πάντα τὸν ἔχοντα πλείους δέκα μυριάδων, ἀστὸν ὁμοῦ καὶ ξένον καὶ ἀπελεύθερον καὶ ἱερέα καὶ πανταεθνῆ, μηδενὸς ἀφιεμένου, καὶ τούσδε μεθʼ ὁμοίου φόβου τῶν ἐπιτιμίων καὶ ὑπὸ μηνύμασιν ὁμοίοις, ἵνα πεντηκοστὴν μὲν τῶν ὄντων αὐτίκα δανείσαιεν αὑτοῖς, ἐνιαυτοῦ δὲ φόρον ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἐσενέγκαιεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.5.34

When Hortensia had thus spoken the triumvirs were angry that women should dare to hold a public meeting when the men were silent; that they should demand from magistrates the reasons for their acts, and not furnish money while the men were serving in the army. They ordered the lictors to drive them away from the tribunal, which they proceeded to do until cries were raised by the multitude outside, when the lictors desisted and the triumvirs said they would postpone till the next day the consideration of the matter. On the following day they reduced the number of women, who were to present a valuation of their property, from 1400 to 400, and decreed that all men who possessed more than 100,000 drachmas, both citizens and strangers, freedmen and priests, and men of all nationalities without a single exception, should (under the same dread of penalty and also of informers) lend them at interest a fiftieth part of their property and contribute one year’s income to the war expenses.

4.5.35 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.5.35

ἐκ μὲν δὴ τῶν προσταγμάτων τοιαῦτα Ῥωμαίους ἐπεῖχεν, ὁ δὲ στρατὸς σὺν καταφρονήσει χείρονα ἐποίουν. ὡς γὰρ τῶν ἀρχόντων ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ἔργοις ἐν σφίσι μόνον τὸ ἀσφαλὲς ἐχόντων, οἱ μὲν αὐτοὺς ᾐτοῦντο τῶν δεδημευμένων οἰκίαν ἢ ἀγρὸν ἢ ἔπαυλιν ἢ ὅλον κλῆρον, οἱ δʼ αὖ παῖδας ἀνδράσι θετοὺς γενέσθαι· οἱ δὲ ἀφʼ ἑαυτῶν ἕτερα ἔδρων, κτιννύντες τε τοὺς οὐ προγεγραμμένους καὶ οἰκίας οὐδὲν ὑπαιτίων διαφοροῦντες. ὥστε καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας προγράψαι τῶν ὑπάτων τὸν ἕτερον ἐπιστροφήν τινα ποιήσασθαι τῶν ὑπὲρ τὸ πρόσταγμα γιγνομένων. ὁ δὲ τῶν μὲν ὁπλιτῶν ἔδεισεν ἅψασθαι, μὴ σφᾶς ἐφʼ ἑαυτὸν παροξύνῃ, τῶν δὲ θεραπόντων τινάς, οἳ σχήματι στρατιωτῶν συνεξημάρτανον ἐκείνοις, λαβὼν ἐκρέμασε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.5.35

Such calamities befell the Romans from the orders of the triumvirs. Even worse ones were visited upon them by the soldiers in disregard of orders. Believing that they alone enabled the triumvirs to do what they were doing with impunity, some of them asked for the confiscated houses, or fields, or villas, or entire property of the proscribed. Others demanded that they should be made the adopted sons of rich men. Others, of their own motion, killed men who had not been proscribed, and plundered the houses of those who were not under accusation, so that the triumvirs were obliged to publish an edict that one of the consuls should put a restraint upon those who were exceeding their orders. The consul did not dare to touch the soldiers lest he should excite their rage against himself, but he seized and crucified certain slaves who were masquerading as soldiers and committing outrages in company with them.

4.6.36 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.36

καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐς τέλος τῶν συμφορῶν τοῖς προγεγραμμένοις ἀπαντῶντα τοιάδε μάλιστα ἦν· ὅσα δὲ ἐκ παραλόγου τισὶν ἐγίγνετο ἔς τε τὴν σωτηρίαν αὐτίκα καὶ ἐς ἀξίωσιν ὕστερον, ἐμοί τε ἥδιον εἰπεῖν καὶ τοῖς ἀκούουσιν ὠφελιμώτερον ἐς μηδὲν ἀποκάμνοντας ἐλπίζειν περιέσεσθαι. αἱ μὲν οὖν φυγαὶ τοῖς δυναμένοις ἦσαν ἐς Κάσσιον ἢ Βροῦτον ἢ ἐς Λιβύην ἐπὶ Κορνιφίκιον, καὶ τόνδε τῆς δημοκρατίας μεταποιούμενον· ὁ δὲ πολὺς ἐς Σικελίαν ᾔει, γειτονεύουσαν τῆς Ἰταλίας, καὶ Πομπηίου σφᾶς προθύμως ὑποδεχομένου. λαμπροτάτην γὰρ δὴ σπουδὴν ἐς τοὺς ἀτυχοῦντας ὁ Πομπήιος ἐν καιρῷ τότε ἔδειξε, κήρυκάς τε περιπέμπων, οἳ πάντας ἐς αὐτὸν ἐκάλουν, καὶ τοῖς περισῴζουσιν αὐτοὺς ἐλευθέροις τε καὶ θεράπουσι προλέγων διπλάσια τῶν διδομένων τοῖς αἱροῦσι· λέμβοι τε αὐτοῦ καὶ στρογγύλα ὑπήντα τοῖς πλέουσι, καὶ τριήρεις τους αἰγιαλοὺς ἐπέπλεον, σημεῖά τε ἀνίσχουσαι τοῖς ἀλωμένοις, καὶ τὸν ἐντυγχάνοντα περισῳζουσαι. αὐτός τε τοῖς ἀφικνουμένοις ἀπήντα καὶ ἐσθῆτος αὐτίκα καὶ κατασκευῆς ἐμερίζετο· τοῖς δὲ ἀξίοις καὶ ἐς στρατηγίας ἢ ναυαρχίας ἐχρῆτο. σπονδῶν τέ οἱ πρὸς τοὺς τρεῖς γιγνομένων ὕστερον, οὐ συνέθετο, πρὶν καὶ τούσδε τοὺς εἰς αὐτὸν διαφυγόντας ἐς ταύτας περιλαβεῖν. ὁ μὲν δὴ χρησιμώτατος οὕτως ἀτυχούσῃ τῇ πατρίδι ἐγίγνετο, καὶ δόξαν ἐκ τοῦδε ἀγαθήν, ἴδιον ἐπὶ τῇ πατρῴᾳ καὶ οὐχ ἥσσονα τήνδε ἐκείνης, προσελάμβανεν· ἕτεροι δὲ ἑτέρως φυγόντες ἢ κρυπτόμενοι μέχρι τῶν σπονδῶν, οἱ μὲν ἐν χωρίοις ἢ τάφοις, οἱ δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ ἄστει, σὺν ἐπινοίαις οἰκτραῖς διεγένοντο. φιλανδρίαι τε παράδοξοι γυναικῶν ὤφθησαν καὶ παίδων ἐς πατέρας εὔνοιαι καὶ θεραπόντων ὑπὲρ φύσιν ἐς δεσπότας. καὶ τῶνδε ὅσα παραδοξότατα, ἀναγράψω.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.36

Such are examples of the extreme misfortunes that befell the proscribed. Instances where some were unexpectedly saved and at a later period raised to positions of honor are more agreeable to me to relate, and will be more useful to my readers, as showing that hope should not be abandoned in adverse circumstances. Some, who were able to do so, fled to Cassius, or to Brutus, or to Africa, where Cornificius upheld the republican cause. The greater number, however, went to Sicily because of its nearness to Italy, where Sextus Pompeius received them gladly. The latter showed the most admirable zeal in behalf of the unfortunate at this crisis, sending heralds who invited all to come to him, and offered to those who should save the proscribed, both slaves and free persons, double the rewards that had been offered for killing them. His small boats and merchant ships met those who were escaping by sea, and his war-ships sailed along the shore and made signals to those wandering there and saved such as they found. Pompeius himself met the newcomers and provided them at once with clothing and other necessaries. To those who were worthy he assigned commands in his military and naval forces. When, at a later period, he entered into negotiations with the triumvirs, he would not conclude a treaty without embracing in its terms those who had taken refuge with him. In this way he rendered to his unfortunate country the greatest service, from which he gained a high reputation of his own in addition to that which he had inherited from his father, and not less than that. Others escaped by concealing themselves in various ways, some in the fields or in the tombs, others in the city itself, undergoing cruel anxiety until peace was restored. Remarkable examples were shown of the love of wives for their husbands, of sons for their fathers, and of slaves for their masters, quite beyond expectation. Some of the most remarkable of these I shall now relate.

4.6.37 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.37

Παῦλος, ὁ ἀδελφὸς Λεπίδου, τῶν λοχαγῶν αὐτὸν ὡς ἀδελφὸν αὐτοκράτορος αἰδουμένων, ἐπὶ ἀδείας ἐξέπλευσεν ἐς Βροῦτον καὶ ἐς Μίλητον μετὰ Βροῦτον· ὅθεν οὐδὲ εἰρήνης ὕστερον γενομένης καλούμενος ἐπανελθεῖν ἠξίωσε. Λεύκιον δέ, τὸν Ἀντωνίου θεῖον, ἡ Ἀντωνίου μήτηρ ἀδελφὸν ὄντα εἶχεν οὐδʼ ἐπικρύπτουσα, αἰδουμένων ἐς πολὺ καὶ τήνδε τῶν λοχαγῶν ὡς μητέρα αὐτοκράτορος. βιαζομένων δʼ ὕστερον ἐξέθορεν ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ προκαθημένῳ τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ μετὰ τῶν συνάρχων ἔφη· ἐμαυτήν, ὦ αὐτοκράτορ, μηνύω σοι Λεύκιον ὑποδεδέχθαι τε καὶ ἔχειν ἔτι καὶ ἕξειν, ἕως ἂν ἡμᾶς ὁμοῦ κατακάνῃς· τὰ γὰρ ὅμοια καὶ τοῖς ὑποδεδεγμένοις ἐπικεκήρυκται. ὁ δὲ αὐτὴν ἐπιμεμψάμενος ὡς ἀδελφὴν μὲν ἀγαθήν, μητέρα δὲ οὐκ εὐγνώμονα ʽοὐ γὰρ νῦν χρῆναι περισῴζειν Λεύκιον, ἀλλὰ κωλύειν. ὅτε σου τὸν υἱὸν εἶναι πολέμιον ἐψηφίζετὀ, παρεσκεύασεν ὅμως Πλάγκον ὑπατεύοντα κάθοδον τῷ Λευκίῳ ψηφίσασθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.37

Paulus, the brother of Lepidus, made his escape to Brutus by the connivance of the centurions who respected him as the brother of the triumvir. After the death of Brutus he went to Miletus, which he refused to leave after peace was restored, although he was invited to return. The mother of Antony gave shelter to her brother Lucius, Antony’s uncle, without concealment, and the centurions had respect for her for a long time as the mother of the triumvir. When, later, they attempted to do violence to him, she dashed into the forum where Antony was seated with his colleagues, and exclaimed, I denounce myself to you, triumvir, for having received Lucius under my roof and for still keeping him, and I shall keep him till you kill us both together, for it is decreed that those who give shelter shall suffer the same punishment. Antony reproached her for being an unreasonable mother, although a good sister, saying that she ought to have prevented Lucius in the first place from voting her son a public enemy instead of seeking to save him now. Nevertheless, he procured from the consul Plancus a decree restoring Lucius to citizenship.

4.6.38 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.38

Μεσσάλας δὲ ἐπιφανὴς καὶ νέος ἐς Βροῦτον ἔφυγε, καὶ αὐτοῦ δείσαντες οἱ τρεῖς τὸ φρόνημα προύγραψαν οὕτως· ἐπεὶ Μεσσάλαν ἀπέφηναν ἡμῖν οἱ προσήκοντες αὐτῷ μηδὲ ἐπιδημεῖν, ὅτε Γάιος Καῖσαρ ἀνῃρεῖτο, ἐξῃρήσθω τῶν προγραφέντων ὁ Μεσσάλας. ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν συγγνώμην οὐκ ἐδέξατο, Βρούτου δὲ καὶ Κασσίου περὶ Θρᾴκην πεσόντων καὶ τοῦ στρατοῦ πολλοῦ τε ἔτι ὄντος καὶ ναῦς καὶ χρήματα καὶ ἐλπίδας ἔχοντος οὐκ ἀσθενεῖς, ἄρχειν σφῶν τὸν Μεσσάλαν αἱρουμένων οὐκ ἀνασχόμενος, ἔπεισεν αὐτοὺς ἐνδόντας ἐπιβαρούσῃ τῇ τύχῃ μεταστρατεύσασθαι τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον. οἰκειότερος δὲ ὢν Ἀντωνίῳ συνῆν, μέχρι κρατούσης Ἀντωνίου Κλεοπάτρας ἐπιμεμψάμενος ἐς Καίσαρα μετῆλθεν. ὁ δὲ αὐτὸν ὕπατόν τε ἀπέφηνεν ἀντὶ αὐτοῦ Ἀντωνίου, ἀποχειροτονηθέντος, ὅτε αὖθις ἐψηφίζετο εἶναι πολέμιος, καὶ περὶ Ἄκτιον ναυαρχήσαντα κατὰ τοῦ Ἀντωνίου στρατηγὸν ἔπεμψεν ἐπὶ Κελτοὺς ἀφισταμένους καὶ νικήσαντι ἔδωκε θριαμβεῦσαι. Βύβλος δὲ ἐσπείσατο ἅμα τῷ Μεσσάλᾳ καὶ ἐναυάρχησεν Ἀντωνίῳ διαλλαγάς τε πολλάκις Ἀντωνίῳ καὶ Καίσαρι ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐπόρθμευσε καὶ στρατηγὸς ἀπεδείχθη Συρίας ὑπὸ Ἀντωνίου καὶ στρατηγῶν ἔτι αὐτῆς ἀπέθανεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.38

Messala, a young man of distinction, fled to Brutus. The triumvirs, fearing his high spirit, published the following edict: Since the relatives of Messala have made it clear to us that he was not in the city when Gaius Caesar was slain, let his name be removed from the list of the proscribed. He would not accept pardon, but, after Brutus and Cassius had fallen in Thrace, although there was a considerable army left, as well as ships and money, and although strong hopes of success still existed, Messala would not accept the command when it was offered to him, but persuaded his associates to yield to overpowering fate and join forces with Antony. He became intimate with Antony and adhered to him until the latter became the slave of Cleopatra. Then he heaped reproaches upon him and joined himself to Octavius, who made him consul in place of Antony himself when the latter was deposed and again voted a public enemy. After the battle of Actium, where he held a naval command against Antony, Octavius sent him as a general against the revolted Celts and awarded him a triumph for his victory over them. Bibulus was received into favor at the same time with Messala, and was given a naval command by Antony, and often served as an intermediary in the negotiations between Octavius and Antony. He was appointed governor of Syria by Antony and died while serving in that capacity.

Edition note

See Illyr. 17 supra and v. 102 infra. Messala was a distinguished orator as well as soldier. He is mentioned in one of Cicero’s letters (Ad Brutum, 12) as having gone to join Brutus in Macedonia about the time that Lepidus and Antony joined forces in Gaul. His oratory is praised by Quintilian (x. 1. 13) and his character by Velleius (ii. 71). He served under Brutus in the battle of Philippi, and his account of it is quoted by Plutarch (Life of Brutus, 40-42).

4.6.39 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.39

Ἀκίλιος δὲ ἔφευγε μὲν τῆς πόλεως λαθών, οἰκέτου δʼ αὐτὸν ἐμφήναντος ὁπλίταις, τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἔπεισεν ἐλπίδι χρημάτων πλεόνων πέμψαι τινὰς ἀπὸ σφῶν πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα μετὰ συμβόλων ὧν αὐτὸς ἐδίδου. ἡ δὲ τοῖς ἐλθοῦσιν τὸν κόσμον αὑτῆς ἅπαντα προθεῖσα ἔφη διδόναι μὲν ὡς ἀντιδώσουσιν, ἃ ὑπέσχοντο, οὐκ εἰδέναι δέ, εἰ ἀντιδώσουσιν. οὐ μὴν ἐψεύσθη τῆς φιλανδρίας· οἱ γὰρ ὁπλῖται καὶ ναῦν ἐμίσθωσαν τῷ Ἀκιλίῳ καὶ προύπεμψαν ἐς Σικελίαν. Λέντλος δέ, ἀξιούσης αὐτῷ συμφεύγειν τῆς γυναικὸς καὶ ἐς τοῦτο αὐτὸν ἐπιτηρούσης, οὐκ ἐθέλων αὐτὴν συγκινδυνεύειν ἑαυτῷ, λαθὼν ἔφυγεν ἐς Σικελίαν, στρατηγὸς δὲ ἀποδειχθεὶς ὑπὸ Πομπηίου ἐσήμηνεν, ὅτι σῴζοιτο καὶ στρατηγοίη. ἡ δʼ, ὅποι γῆς ἐστιν ὁ ἀνήρ, ἐπιγνοῦσα τὴν μητέρα φυλάσσουσαν ἐξέφυγε καὶ ἥδε σὺν θεράπουσι δύο· μεθʼ ὧν ὥδευεν ἐπιμόχθως καὶ εὐτελῶς οἷα θεράπαινα, μέχρι διέπλευσεν ἐς Μεσσήνην ἀπὸ Ῥηγίου περὶ ἑσπέραν. καὶ οὐ δυσχερῶς τὴν στρατηγίδα σκηνὴν μαθοῦσα, εὗρε τὸν Λέντλον οὐχ οἷα στρατηγόν, ἀλλʼ ἐν χαμευνίῳ καὶ κόμῃ καὶ διαίτῃ πονηρᾷ πόθῳ τῆς γυναικός.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.39

Acilius fled from the city secretly. His hiding-place was disclosed by a slave to the soldiers, but he prevailed upon them, by the hope of a larger reward, to send some of their number to his wife with a private token that he gave them. When they came she gave them all of her jewellery, saying that she gave it in return for what they had promised, although she. did not know whether they would keep their agreement. But her fidelity to her husband was not disappointed, for the soldiers hired a ship for Acilius and conducted him to Sicily. The wife of Lentulus asked that she might accompany him in his flight and kept watch upon his movements for that purpose, but he was not willing that she should share his danger, and fled secretly to Sicily. Being appointed praetor there by Pompeius he sent word to her that he was saved and elevated to office. When she learned in what part of the earth her husband was she escaped with two slaves from her mother, who was keeping watch over her. With these she travelled in the guise of a slave, with great hardship and the meanest fare, until she was able to make the passage from Rhegium to Messana about nightfall. She learned without difficulty where the praetor’s tent was, and there she found Lentulus, not in the attitude of a praetor, but on a low pallet with unkempt hair and wretched food, mourning for his wife.

4.6.40 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.40

Ἀπουληίῳ δὲ ἠπείλησεν ἡ γυνὴ καταμηνύσειν αὐτόν, εἰ μόνος φεύγοι· καὶ ὁ μὲν ἄκων αὐτὴν ἐπήγετο, συνήνεγκε δὲ ἐς τὴν φυγὴν αὐτῷ τὸ ἀνύποπτον, ἅμα γυναικὶ καὶ θεράπουσι καὶ θεραπαίναις ὁδεύοντι φανερῶς. Ἄντιον δὲ ἡ γυνὴ στρωματοδέσμῳ κατείλησε καὶ ἐπέθηκε τοῖς μισθοῦ φέρουσι καὶ διήνεγκεν ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκίας ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, ὅθεν ἔφυγεν ἐς Σικελίαν. Ῥηγῖνον δὲ ἡ γυνὴ νυκτὸς ἐς ὑπόνομον λυμάτων καθῆκεν, ἐς ὃν ἡμέρας οὐχ ὑποστάντων ἐμβῆναι τῶν ὁπλιτῶν διὰ δυσοδμίαν, νυκτὸς ἄλλης εἰς ἀνθρακέα ἐσκεύασε καὶ ὄνον ἄνθρακας φέροντα ἐλαύνειν ἔδωκεν· αὐτὴ δὲ ἐκ βραχέος διαστήματος ἡγεῖτο φορείῳ φερομένη. τῶν δὲ ἀμφὶ τὰς πύλας ὁπλιτῶν τινος τὸ φορεῖον ὑπονοήσαντός τε καὶ ἐρευνωμένου, δείσας ὁ Ῥηγῖνος ἐπέδραμε καὶ ὡς ὁδῷ χρώμενος ἠξίου τὸν ὁπλίτην φείδεσθαι γυναικῶν. ὁ δὲ αὐτὸν ὡς ἀνθρακέα μετʼ ὀργῆς ἀμειβόμενος ἐγνώρισεν ʽἐστράτευτο γὰρ ὑπʼ αὐτῷ ποτε ἐν Συρίᾀ καὶ ἄπιθι χαίρων, εἶπεν, αὐτοκράτορ· τοῦτο γάρ μοι προσήκει καὶ νῦν καλεῖν σε. Κοπώνιον δὲ τὸ γύναιον ᾔτησε παρὰ Ἀντωνίου, σώφρων μὲν οὖσα τέως, ἀτυχήματι δὲ τὸ ἀτύχημα ἰωμένη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.40

The wife of Apuleius threatened that, if he should fly without her, she would give information against him. So he took her with him unwillingly, and he succeeded in avoiding suspicion in his flight by travelling with his wife and his male and female slaves in a public manner. The wife of Antius wrapped him up in a clothes-bag and gave the bundle to some porters to carry from the house to the sea-shore, whence he made his escape to Sicily. The wife of Rheginus concealed him in a sewer by night. The soldiers were not willing to follow him there in the daytime, on account of the foul odor. The next night she fixed him up as a charcoal dealer, and furnished him an ass to drive, carrying coals. She led the way at a short distance, borne in a litter. One of the soldiers at the city gates suspected the litter and searched it. Rheginus was alarmed and hastened his steps, and as he passed along admonished the soldier not to give trouble to women. The latter, who took him for a charcoal dealer, answered him angrily, but suddenly recognizing him (for he had served under him in Syria), said, Go on your way rejoicing, general, for such I ought still to call you. The wife of Coponius obtained his safety by yielding herself to Antony, although she had previously been chaste, thus curing one evil with another.

4.6.41 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.41

Γέταν δὲ ὁ υἱὸς ἐν εὐρυχώρῳ τῆς οἰκίας ἔδοξε καίειν ὡς ἀπαγξάμενον καὶ λαθὼν ἐν ἀγρῷ νεωνήτῳ κατέλιπεν, ἔνθα ὁ πρεσβύτης μεταμορφῶν ἑαυτὸν ἐπεδήσατο διφθέραν ἐς τὸν ἕτερον ὀφθαλμόν. καὶ τῶν σπονδῶν γενομένων ἔλυσε τὴν διφθέραν, καὶ ὁ ὀφθαλμὸς ὑπὸ τῆς ἀργίας δεδαπάνητο. Ὄππιον δὲ ὁ υἱός, ὑπὸ γήρως ἀσθενεστάτου μένειν ἐθέλοντα, ἔφερεν ἐπὶ τοῦ σώματος, ἕως ἐξήγαγέ τε διὰ τῶν πυλῶν καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν μέχρι Σικελίας ἄγων ἢ φέρων ἐκόμισεν, οὐδενὸς ἄρα τὸ σχῆμα ὑπονοήσαντος ἢ ἐνυβρίσαντος, οἷόν που καὶ τὸν Αἰνείαν γράφουσιν αἰδέσιμον τοῖς πολεμίοις γενέσθαι φέροντα τὸν πατέρα. καὶ τὸν νεανίαν ὁ δῆμος ἐπαινῶν ὕστερον ἀπέφηνεν ἀγορανόμον· δεδημευμένης δʼ αὐτῷ τῆς οὐσίας οὐκ ἔχοντι τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ δαπάνημα οἵ τε χειροτέχναι τὰ ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀμισθὶ συνειργάσαντο, καὶ τῶν θεωμένων ἕκαστος ἐπὶ τὴν ὀρχήστραν ὅσον ἐβούλετο νόμισμα ἐρρίπτει, ἕως τὸν ἄνδρα κατεπλούτισαν. Ἀρριανοῦ δὲ καὶ ἐν τῇ στήλῃ κεκόλαπτο ἐκ διαθηκῶν· τὸν ἐνθάδε κείμενον υἱὸς οὐ προγραφεὶς προγραφέντα ἔκρυψέ τε καὶ συνέφυγε καὶ περιέσωσε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.41

The son of Geta pretended to burn his father’s remains in the courtyard of his house, making people believe that he had strangled himself. Then he conveyed him secretly to a newly bought field and left him. There the old man changed his appearance by putting a bandage over one of his eyes. After the return of peace he took off the bandage and found that he had lost the sight of that eye by disuse. Oppius, by reason of the infirmities of age, was unwilling to fly, but his son carried him on his shoulder till he had brought him outside the gates. The remainder of the journey as far as Sicily he accomplished partly by leading and partly by carrying him, nobody suspecting the trick and nobody troubling him. In like manner they say that Aeneas was respected even by his enemies when carrying his father. In admiration of his piety the people in later days elected the young man to the aedileship, and since his property had been confiscated and he could not defray the expenses of the office [for public games], the artisans performed the work appertaining thereto without pay, and each of the spectators tossed such money as he could afford to give into the orchestra, so that he became a rich man. By the will of Arrianus the following inscription was engraved on the father’s tomb: Here lies one who, when proscribed, was concealed by his son, who had not been proscribed, but who fled with him and saved him.

Edition note

The orchestra of a Roman theatre was the place reserved for the Senate.

4.6.42 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.42

Μετέλλω δὲ ἤστην υἱός τε καὶ πατήρ· καὶ αὐτοῖν ὁ μὲν πατὴρ στρατηγῶν Ἀντωνίῳ περὶ Ἄκτιον αἰχμάλωτος ἑάλω καὶ ἠγνοεῖτο, ὁ δὲ υἱὸς τῷ Καίσαρι συνεστρατεύετο καὶ ἐστρατηγήκει καὶ ὅδε περὶ τὸ Ἄκτιον. ἐν δὲ Σάμῳ διακρίνοντι τῷ Καίσαρι τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ὁ μὲν παῖς συνήδρευεν, ὁ δὲ πρεσβύτης ἤγετο κόμης τε ἔμπλεως καὶ δύης καὶ ῥύπου καὶ τῆς ἐκ τῶνδε μεταμορφώσεως. ὡς δὲ ἐν τῇ τάξει τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ὑπὸ τοῦ κήρυκος ἀνεκλήθη, ἀνέθορεν ὁ υἱὸς ἐκ τοῦ συνεδρίου καὶ μόλις ἐπιγνοὺς τὸν πατέρα ἠσπάζετο σὺν οἰμωγῇ· ἐπισχὼν δέ ποτε τοῦ θρήνου πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα ἔφη· οὗτος μέν σοι πολέμιος γέγονεν, ὦ Καῖσαρ, ἐγὼ δὲ σύμμαχος· καὶ χρὴ τοῦτον μέν σοι δοῦναι δίκην, ἐμὲ δὲ γέρας εὑρέσθαι. αἰτῶ δή σε τὸν πατέρα σῴζειν διʼ ἐμὲ ἢ διʼ ἐκεῖνον ἐμὲ συγκατακανεῖν. οἴκτου δὲ ἐξ ἁπάντων γενομένου μεθῆκε σῴζεσθαι τὸν Μέτελλον ὁ Καῖσαρ, καίτοι πολεμιώτατον αὐτῷ γενόμενον καὶ δωρεῶν πολλῶν, εἰ μεταθοῖτο πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπʼ Ἀντωνίου, πολλάκις ὑπεριδόντα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.42

There were two men named Metellus, father and son. The father held a command under Antony at the battle of Actium and was taken prisoner, but not recognized. The son fought on the side of Octavius and held a command under him at the same battle. When Octavius looked over the prisoners at Samos the son was sitting with him. The old man was led forward covered with hair, misery, and dirt, and completely metamorphosed by them. When his name was called by the herald in the array of prisoners the son sprang from his seat, and, with difficulty recognizing his father, embraced him with a cry of anguish. Then restraining his lamentation he said to Octavius, He was your enemy, I was your fellow-soldier. He has earned your punishment, I your reward. I ask you either to spare my father on my account, or to kill me at the same time on his account. There was much emotion on all sides, and Octavius spared Metellus, although he had been bitterly hostile to himself and had scorned many offers made to him to desert Antony.

4.6.43 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.43

Μᾶρκον δὲ οἱ θεράποντες σὺν εὐνοίᾳ καὶ τύχῃ πάντα τὸν τῆς προγραφῆς χρόνον διεφύλαξαν ἔνδον ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας, μέχρι τῆς ἀδείας δοθείσης ὁ Μᾶρκος ἐξῄει τῆς οἰκίας ὡς ἀπὸ φυγῆς. Ἵρτιος δὲ σὺν τοῖς οἰκέταις ἐκφυγὼν τῆς πόλεως διώδευε τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ἐκλύων τε δεσμώτας καὶ συνάγων τοὺς ἀποδιδράσκοντας καὶ πολίχνια δῃῶν, ὀλίγα πρῶτον, εἶτα καὶ μείζω, μέχρι χειρὸς ἱκανῆς ἐκράτησε καὶ τὸ Βρεττίων ἔθνος ἐχειρώσατο καί, στρατοῦ πεμφθέντος ἐπʼ αὐτόν, ἐς Πομπήιον μεθʼ ὅσων εἶχε διέπλευσε. Ῥεστίωνι δὲ οἰομένῳ μόνῳ φεύγειν οἰκέτης εἵπετο λανθάνων, ἀνάθρεπτος μὲν αὐτοῦ Ῥεστίωνος καὶ πολλὰ πρότερον εὖ παθών, διὰ δὲ μοχθηρίαν ὕστερον ἐστιγμένος. ἀναπαυομένῳ δὲ ἐν ἕλει τῷ Ῥεστίωνι ἐπιστὰς ὁ θεράπων ἐξέπληξε μὲν αὐτίκα ὀφθείς, δεδοικότι δὲ ἔφη οὐ τῶν παρόντων στιγμάτων αἰσθάνεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ μνημονεύειν τῶν πρότερον εὐεργετημάτων. καὶ αὐτὸν εἴς τι σπήλαιον ἀναπαύσας εἰργάζετο καὶ τροφὰς αὐτῷ συνέλεγεν, ὡς ἐδύνατο. ὑπονοίας δέ τινος ἀμφὶ τὸ σπήλαιον τοῖς ἐγγὺς ὁπλίταις περὶ τοῦ Ῥεστίωνος γενομένης καὶ χωρούντων ἐπʼ αὐτόν, ὁ οἰκέτης εἵπετο συνεὶς καί τινα πρεσβύτην προοδεύοντα προδραμὼν ἀπέκτεινε καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀπέτεμεν. ἐκπλαγέντων δὲ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν καὶ ὡς ἀνδροφόνον ὁδοιπόρου περισχόντων, Ῥεστίωνα, ἔφη, ἔκτεινα, τὸν ἐμαυτοῦ δεσπότην, τάδε μοι τὰ στίγματα ἐγχαράξαντα. οἱ μὲν δὴ τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτὸν ἀφελόμενοι διὰ τὸ γέρας, ἠπείγοντο μάτην ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, ὁ δὲ τὸν δεσπότην ἀναστήσας διέπλευσεν ἐς Σικελίαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.43

The slaves of Marcus guarded him with fidelity and success within his own house during the whole period of the proscription until there was nothing more to fear, when Marcus came out of his house as though from exile. Hirtius escaped from the city with his household servants and traversed Italy releasing prisoners, collecting runaways, and ravaging small towns at first and afterward large ones, until he found himself possessed of sufficient force to master Bruttium. When an army was sent against him he crossed the straits with his forces and joined Pompeius. When Restio fled, thinking that he was alone, he was followed secretly by a slave, who had been brought up by himself and had been very well treated by him formerly, but had lately been branded for bad conduct. While Restio was stopping in a marsh the slave came up to him. He was startled at the sight, but the slave said that he did not feel the pain of the brand so much as he remembered the former kindness shown to him. Then he found a resting-place for his master in a cave, and by working procured such sustenance for him as he could. The soldiers in the neighborhood of the cave had their suspicions aroused concerning Restio, and went to it. The slave observed their movements and followed them, and, seeing an old man walking in front of them, he ran up and killed him and cut off his head. The soldiers were astounded. They arrested him for a highwayman, but he said, I have killed Restio, my master, the man who marked me with these scars. The soldiers took the head from him for the sake of the reward, and made haste to the city to no purpose. The slave brought his master away and conveyed him by ship to Sicily.

Edition note

The tale of Antius Restio and his slave is related in nearly the same words by Valerius Maximus (vi. 8. 7).

4.6.44 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.44

Ἄππιον δὲ ἀναπαυόμενον ἐν ἐπαύλει, τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἐπιθεόντων, οἰκέτης τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἐσθῆτα ἐνέδυσε, καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν εὐνὴν οἷα δεσπότης ἀνακλιθεὶς ἑκὼν ἀπέθανεν ἀντὶ τοῦ δεσπότου, παρεστῶτος ὡς οἰκέτου. Μενηνίου δὲ τὴν οἰκίαν καταλαβόντων ὁπλιτῶν, θεράπων ἐς τὸ τοῦ δεσπότου φορεῖον ἐνέβη καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ὁμοδούλων συνεργούντων ἐξεφέρετο, ἕως ὅδε μὲν ὡς Μενήνιος ἑκὼν ἀνῄρητο, Μενήνιος δὲ ἐς Σικελίαν διέφυγεν. Οὐίνιον δὲ ἀπελεύθερος αὐτοῦ Οὐινίου, Φιλήμων, οἰκίαν κεκτημένος λαμπράν, ἐν τῷ μεσαιτάτῳ τῆς οἰκίας ἔκρυψεν ἐν λάρνακι, ἃς ἀπὸ σιδήρου ἐς χρημάτων ἢ βιβλίων ἔχουσι φυλακήν· καὶ νυκτὸς ἔτρεφε μέχρι τῶν σπονδῶν. ἕτερος δὲ ἀπελεύθερος, τάφον δεσπότου φυλάσσων, τὸν δεσπόσυνον προγραφέντα ἐφύλασσεν ἐν τῷ τάφῳ μετὰ τοῦ πατρός. Λουκρήτιος ἀλώμενος σὺν δυσὶ θεράπουσιν ἀγαθοῖς ὑπὸ ἀπορίας τῶν τροφῶν ᾔει πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα, φορείῳ φερόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκετῶν οἷά τις ἄρρωστος, ἐς τὴν πόλιν. ἑνὸς δὲ τῶν φερόντων τὸ σκέλος συντρίβεντος τῷ ἑτέρῳ τὴν χεῖρα ἐπιθεὶς ᾔει. παρὰ δὲ ταῖς πύλαις γενόμενος, ἔνθα αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁ πατὴρ ὑπὸ Σύλλα προγραφεὶς ἑαλώκει, εἶδε λόχον ὁπλιτῶν ἐκτρέχοντα καὶ πρὸς τὸ συγκύρημα τοῦ τόπου καταπλαγεὶς συνεκρύφθη μετὰ τοῦ θεράποντος ἐν τάφῳ. τυμβωρύχων δὲ τοὺς τάφους ἐρευνωμένων, ὁ θεράπων ἑαυτὸν τοῖς τυμβωρύχοις παρέσχε περιδύειν, μέχρι Λουκρήτιον ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας διαφυγεῖν. ἐκεῖ δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ Λουκρήτιος περιμείνας τε καὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μερισάμενος ἐσθῆτος, ἧκε πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ ὑπʼ αὐτῆς ἐκρύπτετο ἐπὶ διπλῆς ὀροφῆς μεταξύ, μέχρι τινὲς αὐτὸν ἐρρύσαντο παρὰ τῶν προγραψάντων καὶ ὕστερον ἐπὶ εἰρήνης ὑπάτευσεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.44

Appion was resting at his country-place when the soldiers burst in. A slave put on his master’s clothes and threw himself on his bed and voluntarily died for his master, who was standing beside him dressed as a slave. When the soldiers made a descent upon the house of Menenius, one of his slaves got into his master’s litter and procured himself to be carried by his fellow-slaves, and in this way allowed himself to be killed for Menenius, who thereby escaped to Sicily. Vinius had a freedman named Philemon, the owner of a splendid mansion, who concealed him in the inmost recess thereof, in an iron chest used for holding money or manuscripts, and gave him food in the night-time, until the return of peace. Another freedman, who had the custody of his master’s tomb, guarded his master’s son, who had been proscribed, in the tomb with his father. Lucretius, who had been wandering about with two faithful slaves and had become destitute of food, set out to find his wife and was carried in a litter, in the guise of a sick man, by the slaves to the city. One of the slaves broke his leg and walked leaning upon the other with his hand. When they reached the gate where the father of Lucretius, who had been proscribed by Sulla, had been captured, he saw a cohort of soldiers coming out. Being unnerved by the coincidence, he concealed himself with one of the slaves in a tomb. When some tomb-robbers came there searching for plunder, the slave offered himself to these robbers to be stripped till Lucretius could escape to the city gate. There Lucretius waited for him and shared his clothing with him, and then went to his wife, by whom he was concealed between the planks of a double roof until his friends got his name erased from the proscription. After the restoration of peace he was raised to the consulship.

Edition note

This tale is related at greater length by Valerius Maximus (xi. 8. 6), who gives the name of the master as Urbinius Panopion.

Edition note

Suetonius (Aug. 27) gives this freedman the name of T. Vinius Philopœmen.

4.6.45 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.45

Σέργιος δὲ ἐκρύφθη παρʼ αὐτῷ Ἀντωνίῳ, μέχρι Πλάγκον ὑπατεύοντα ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἔπεισε κάθοδον αὐτῷ ψηφίσασθαι. καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε ὁ Σέργιος ὕστερον, ἐν τῇ Καίσαρος καὶ Ἀντωνίου στάσει, τῆς βουλῆς ψηφιζομένης εἶναι πολέμιον τὸν Ἀντώνιον, μόνος τὴν ἀπολύουσαν ἔφερε φανερῶς. καὶ οἵδε μὲν οὕτως ἐσῴζοντο, Πομπώνιος δὲ εἰς στρατηγοῦ σχῆμα κοσμήσας ἑαυτὸν καὶ τοὺς θεράποντας ἐς ὑπηρέτας σκευάσας τὴν πόλιν ὡς στρατηγὸς ὑπὸ ῥαβδούχοις διῆλθεν, ἐπιθλιβόντων αὐτὸν τῶν ὑπηρετῶν, ἵνα μὴ γνωσθείη πρὸς ἑτέρου, καὶ παρὰ ταῖς πύλαις ὀχημάτων τε δημοσίων ἐπέβη καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν διώδευεν, ἀποδεχομένων αὐτὸν καὶ παραπεμπόντων ἁπάντων οἷα στρατηγὸν ὑπὸ τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐπὶ σπονδὰς ἐς Πομπήιον ἀπεσταλμένον, μέχρι καὶ δημοσίᾳ τριήρει διέπλευσε πρὸς ἐκεῖνον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.45

Sergius was concealed at the house of Antony himself until Antony persuaded the consul Plancus to procure a decree of amnesty for him. At a later period, when Octavius and Antony had fallen into disagreement, and when the Senate was voting Antony a public enemy, Sergius alone cast his vote openly in the negative. The following named persons were saved as I shall now relate. Pomponius arrayed himself in the garb of a praetor and disguised his slaves as his official attendants. He passed through the city as a praetor attended by lictors, his attendants pressing close to him lest he should be recognized. At the city gates he took possession of public carriages and traversed Italy in the character of a praetor sent by the triumvirs to conduct negotiations with Pompeius, all the people receiving him and sending him on as such, until he entered into a public ship and passed over to Pompeius.

Edition note

Valerius Maximus (vii. 3. 9) relates this adventure, but gives to the false praetor the name of Sentius Saturninus Vetulio. Velleius (ii. 77) mentions the latter as restored to citizenship by the treaty made with Sextus Pompeius.

4.6.46 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.46

Ἀπουλήιος δὲ καὶ Ἀρρούντιος ὑποκριθέντες εἶναι λοχαγοὶ καὶ τοὺς θεράποντας ἐς στρατιώτας σκευάσαντες, τὰς μὲν πύλας διέδραμον ὡς λοχαγοὶ διώκοντες ἑτέρους, τὴν δὲ λοιπὴν ὁδὸν διελόμενοι τοὺς δεσμώτας ἐξέλυον καὶ τοὺς ἀποδράντας συνέλεγον, μέχρι χειρὸς ἱκανῆς ἑκατέρῳ γενομένης σημεῖά τε ἦν ἤδη καὶ ὅπλα καὶ ὄψις στρατοῦ. χωρῶν δὲ ἑκάτερος αὐτῶν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, ἀμφί τινι λόφῳ σταθμεύουσι, μεγάλῳ δέει καθορῶντες ἀλλήλους. ἅμα δὲ ἕῳ περινεύοντες ἐκ τοῦ λόφου ἔδοξαν ἀλλήλους ἑκάτερος στρατὸν ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἐπιπεμφθέντα εἶναι καὶ συμπλακέντες ἐμάχοντο, μέχρι ποτὲ ἔγνωσαν καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἀπερρίπτουν καὶ ὠλοφύροντο καὶ τὴν τύχην ὡς ἐπιβαροῦσάν σφισιν ἐς ἅπαντα ἐπεμέμφοντο. διαπλεύσαντες δὲ ὁ μὲν ἐς Βροῦτον, ὁ δʼ ἐς Πομπήιον, ὁ μὲν τῷ Πομπηίῳ συγκατῆλθεν, ὁ δὲ ἐστρατήγησε τῷ Βρούτῳ Βιθυνίας καὶ Βρούτου πεσόντος Ἀντωνίῳ παραδοὺς Βιθυνίαν κατήχθη. Οὐεντίδιον δὲ ἀπελεύθερος εὐθὺς μὲν προγραφέντα κατέδησεν ὡς παραδώσων τοῖς σφαγεῦσι, νυκτὸς δὲ τοὺς θεράποντας ἔπεισε καὶ ἐσκεύασεν ὡς ὁπλίτας καὶ τὸν δεσπότην ὡς λοχαγὸν ἐξήγαγε· τήν τε ἄλλην Ἰταλίαν μέχρι Σικελίας διώδευσαν καὶ συγκατέλυσαν πολλάκις ἑτέροις λοχαγοῖς ζητοῦσιν Οὐεντίδιον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.46

Apuleius and Aruntius assumed the character of centurions, armed their slaves as soldiers, and passed through the gates pretending to be in pursuit of other persons. For the remainder of their course they took different roads. They released prisoners and collected fugitives until a sufficient force was obtained by each to display the standards, the equipment, and the appearance of an army. When they arrived at the sea-shore they took position on either side of a certain hill and contemplated each other with great apprehension. At daybreak the next morning, after reconnoitring each other from the hillside, each army took the other for an army sent against itself, and they actually came to blows and fought until they discovered their error, when they dropped their arms and broke into lamentations, blaming the hard fate that pursued them everywhere. Then they took ship, and one of them sailed to Brutus and the other to Pompeius. The latter was included in the reconciliation with Pompeius. The former took command of Bithynia for Brutus, and when Brutus fell he surrendered Bithynia to Antony and was restored to citizenship. When Ventidius was proscribed one of his freedmen put fetters on him as though intending to deliver him to the murderers. But at night he gave instructions to some slaves, whom he armed as soldiers, and then he led his master forth in the character of a centurion, and traversed the whole of Italy as far as Sicily, and often passed the night in company with other centurions who were in search of Ventidius.

4.6.47 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.47

ἕτερον ἐν τάφῳ κρύπτων ἀπελεύθερος, οὐ φέροντα φαντασίαν τάφου, μετήγαγεν ἐς φαῦλον οἴκημα μισθωτόν. στρατιώτου δʼ αὐτῷ παρακατοικισθέντος, οὐδὲ τοῦτον φέρων τὸν φόβον ἐς θαυμαστὴν τόλμαν ἐκ δειλίας μετέβαλε καὶ κειράμενος ἡγεῖτο ἐν αὐτῇ Ῥώμῃ διδασκαλείου μέχρι τῶν σπονδῶν. Οὐολούσιος δὲ ἀγορανομῶν προεγράφη καὶ φίλον ὀργιαστὴν τῆς Ἴσιδος ἔχων ᾔτησε τὴν στολὴν καὶ τὰς ὀθόνας ἐνέδυ τὰς ποδήρεις καὶ τὴν τοῦ κυνὸς κεφαλὴν ἐπέθετο καὶ διῆλθεν οὕτως ὀργιάζων αὐτῷ σχήματι ἐς Πομπήιον. Σίττιον δὲ Καληνοί, πολίτην σφῶν ὄντα καὶ πολλὰ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐκ περιουσίας δαψιλοῦς ἀναλώσαντα, ἐφύλασσον, σιδηροφοροῦντές τε ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῖς οἰκέταις ἀπειλοῦντες καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀπερύκοντες ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν, μέχρι μαραινομένου τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ ἐς τοὺς τρεῖς ἐπρέσβευσαν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἔτυχον Σίττιον τῆς ἄλλης Ἰταλίας εἰργόμενον ἐν τῇ πατρίδι μένειν. Σίττιος μὲν δὴ πρῶτος ἢ μόνος ἀνδρῶν ὅδε τῆς ξένης ἐφυγαδεύετο ἐν τῇ πατρίδι, Οὐάρρων δὲ ἦν φιλόσοφός τε καὶ ἱστορίας συγγραφεύς, ἐστρατευμένος τε καλῶς καὶ ἐστρατηγηκώς, καὶ ἴσως διὰ ταῦτα ὡς ἐχθρὸς μοναρχίας προυγράφη. φιλοτιμουμένων δὲ αὐτὸν ὑποδέξασθαι τῶν γνωρίμων καὶ διεριζόντων ἐς ἀλλήλους, Καληνὸς ἐξενίκησε καὶ εἶχεν ἐν ἐπαύλει, ἔνθα Ἀντώνιος, ὅτε διοδεύοι, κατήγετο· καὶ τὸν Οὐάρρωνα οὐδεὶς ἔνδον ὄντα ἐνέφηνε θεράπων, οὔτε αὐτοῦ Οὐάρρωνος οὔτε Καληνοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.47

Another proscript was concealed by a freedman in a tomb, but as he could not endure the horror of the place he was transferred to a miserable hired hovel. A soldier was lodged near him, and as he could not endure this fear he changed from a feeling of cowardice to the most wonderful audacity. He cut off his hair and opened a school in Rome itself, which he taught until the return of peace. Volusius was proscribed while holding the office of aedile. He had a friend who was a priest of Isis, whose robe he begged. He clothed himself with this linen garment reaching to his feet, put on the dog’s head, and thus celebrating the mysteries of Isis he made the journey to Pompeius. The inhabitants of Cales protected Sittius, one of their citizens who had made lavish expenditures from his own fortune for their benefit, and provided an armed guard for him. They silenced his slaves by threats and prevented the soldiers from approaching their walls until the troubles began to subside, when they sent envoys to the triumvirs on his behalf and obtained for Sittius that he might remain at home, but should be excluded from the rest of Italy. Sittius was the first or the only man who was ever an exile in his own country. Varro was a philosopher and a historian, a soldier and a distinguished general, and for these reasons perhaps was proscribed as hostile to the monarchy. His friends were eager to give him shelter and contended with each other for the honor of doing so. Calenus won the privilege and took him to his country house, where Antony was accustomed to stop when travelling. Yet no slave, either of Calenus or of Varro himself, revealed the fact that Varro was there.

Edition note

A town of Campania a short distance northwest of Capua — the modern Calvi.

Edition note

This is the same Varro who is mentioned in Bk. ii. Sec. 9 supra as the writer of a book entitled the Three Headed Monster.

4.6.48 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.48

Οὐεργίνιος δέ, ἀνὴρ ἡδὺς εἰπεῖν, τοὺς οἰκέτας ἐδίδασκεν, ὅτι κτείναντες μὲν αὑτὸν διʼ ὀλίγα χρήματα οὐκ ἀσφαλῆ μύσους τε πίμπλανται καὶ φόβων ἐς ὕστερον μεγάλων, περισώσαντες δὲ δόξης τε εὐσεβοῦς καὶ ἐλπίδων ἀγαθῶν καὶ χρημάτων ὕστερον πολὺ πλεόνων τε καὶ ἀσφαλεστέρων. οἱ μὲν δὴ συνέφευγον ὡς ὁμοδούλῳ καὶ γνωρισθέντος αὐτοῦ παρὰ τὴν ὁδὸν πρὸς τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἀπεμάχοντο· ὁ δὲ ληφθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἐδίδασκε κἀκείνους, ὅτι κατὰ μὲν ἔχθραν αὑτὸν οὐκ ἀνελοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ χρημάτων οὕνεκα μόνων, χρήματα δὲ αὐτοῖς εἴη δικαιότερα καὶ πλέονα λαβεῖν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἐλθοῦσιν, ἔνθα μοι τὸ γύναιον, ἔφη, ναῦν φέρουσα χρημάτων συνετάξατο. καὶ αὐτῷ καὶ οἵδε πεισθέντες κατῄεσαν ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν· ἡ γυνὴ δὲ ἀφῖκτο μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ἠιόνα κατὰ τὸ συγκείμενον, βραδύνοντος δὲ τοῦ Οὐεργινίου, νομίσασα αὐτὸν ἐς Πομπήιον προπεπλευκέναι ἀνήγετο, θεράποντα ὅμως ἐπὶ τῆς ἠιόνος ἐξαγγέλλειν ὑπολιποῦσα. καὶ ὁ θεράπων τὸν Οὐεργίνιον ἰδὼν ἀνέθορέ τε ὡς ἐς δεσπότην καὶ τὴν ναῦν ἐδείκνυεν ὡς ὁρωμένην καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα ἔφραζε καὶ τὰ χρήματα καὶ αὐτὸς ἐφʼ ὅτῳ κατελείφθη. οἱ δὲ ἐπίστευον ἅπασιν ἤδη, καὶ τὸν Οὐεργίνιον ἀξιοῦντα σφᾶς περιμένειν, ἔστε μετακληθείη τὸ γύναιον, ἢ συνελθεῖν οἱ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐπὶ τὰ χρήματα, ἐσβάντες ἐς σκάφος παρέπεμπον ἐς Σικελίαν, ἐρέσσοντες φιλοπόνως· ἐκεῖ δὲ ἔτυχόν τε τῶν ἐπαγγελιῶν καὶ οὐκ ἀπέστησαν ἔτι θεραπεύοντες αὐτὸν μέχρι τῶν σπονδῶν. Ῥέβιλον δὲ ναύκληρος ἐς τὴν ναῦν ὑποδεξάμενος ὡς διοίσων ἐς Σικελίαν ᾔτει χρήματα, μηνύσειν ἀπειλῶν, εἰ μὴ λάβοι. ὁ δέ, οἷόν τι καὶ Θεμιστοκλῆς φεύγων ἐποίησεν, ἀντηπείλει μηνύσειν, ὅτι αὑτὸν ἐπὶ χρήμασιν ἄγοι, μέχρι δείσας ὁ ναύκληρος διέσωσεν ἐς Πομπήιον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.48

Virginius, an orator of distinction, told his slaves that if they should kill him for a small and uncertain reward they would be filled with remorse and terror afterward, while if they should save him they would enjoy an excellent reputation and good hopes, and, later, a much larger and more certain reward. So they fled, taking him with them in the guise of a fellow-slave, and when he was recognized on the road they fought against the soldiers. Being captured by the latter, he told them that they had no reason for killing him except for money, and that they would get a more honorable reward and a larger one by going with him to the sea-shore, where, said he, my wife has arranged to bring a ship with money. They followed his suggestion and went with him to the sea-shore. His wife had come to the rendezvous according to agreement, but as Virginius had been delayed, she thought that he had already sailed to Pompeius. So she had embarked, leaving a slave at the rendezvous, however, to tell him if he should come. When the slave saw Virginius he ran up as though to his master, and pointed out to him the ship which had just started, and told him about his wife and the money and why he (the slave) had been left behind. The soldiers now believed all that they heard, and when Virginius asked them to wait till his wife could be called back, or to go with him after her to obtain the money, they embarked in a small boat and conveyed him to Sicily, rowing with all their might. There they received what had been promised them, and they did not go back, but remained in his service until peace was declared. A ship captain received Rebilus in his vessel in order to convey him to Sicily and then demanded money, threatening to betray him if he did not get it. Rebilus followed the example of Themistocles when he fled. He threatened in turn that he would tell how the captain was helping a proscript to escape for money. The captain was afraid, and he carried Rebilus over to Pompeius.

Edition note

When Themistocles fled from Athens to the King of Persia the ship in which he was conveyed was driven by a storm to an encampment of Athenians who were besieging Naxos. His identity was not known to anybody on the ship. He now alarmed the captain by telling who he was and why he was fleeing, and said that, unless the captain should rescue him, he would tell that he was conveying him away for a bribe. He added that their safety could be secured if nobody was allowed to leave the ship until the voyage was finished, etc. (Thucydides, i. 137.)

4.6.49 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.49

Μᾶρκος δὲ Βρούτῳ στρατηγῶν προεγέγραπτο μὲν καὶ ὅδε διὰ τόδε, ἡττωμένου δὲ τοῦ Βρούτου συλλαμβανόμενος ὑπεκρίνατο εἶναι θεράπων, καὶ αὐτὸν ὠνήσατο Βαρβούλας. δεξιὸν δὲ ὁρῶν ἐπέστησε τοῖς ὁμοδούλοις καὶ χρήματα διοικεῖν ἔδωκεν· δεινὸν δὲ ἐν ἅπασι καὶ συνετὸν ὄντα ὑπὲρ θεράποντος φύσιν ὑπενόει καὶ ἐπήλπιζεν, εἰ τῶν προγεγραμμένων τις εἴη, περισώσειν ὁμολογήσαντα. ἀπομαχόμενον δὲ ἰσχυρῶς καὶ γένος ἀναπλάσσοντα καὶ ὄνομα καὶ προτέρους δεσπότας ἐς Ῥώμην ἐπήγετο, ἐλπίσας ὀκνήσειν ἐς Ῥώμην ἀφικέσθαι προγεγραμμένον. ὁ δὲ εἵπετο καὶ ὥς. περὶ δὲ τὰς πύλας τῶν ὑπαντώντων τις φίλων Βαρβούλα, θεασάμενος τὸν Μᾶρκον ὡς οἰκέτην αὐτῷ παρεστῶτα, κρύφα ἐμήνυσε τῷ Βαρβούλᾳ. ὁ δὲ ἐδεήθη Καίσαρος διʼ Ἀγρίππα, καὶ ἀφείθη τῆς προγραφῆς ὁ Μᾶρκος, καὶ φίλος ἐγίγνετο Καίσαρι καὶ μετʼ οὐ πολὺ καὶ στρατηγὸς ἦν ἐπὶ Ἀντωνίῳ περὶ Ἄκτιον. ἐστρατήγει δὲ καὶ Ἀντωνίῳ Βαρβούλας, καὶ ἡ τύχη περιῆλθεν ἐς τὸ ὅμοιον ἀμφοτέροις· Βαρβούλας τε γὰρ ἡττηθέντος Ἀντωνίου λαμβανόμενος ὑπεκρίνατο οἰκέτης εἶναι, καὶ ὁ Μᾶρκος αὐτὸν ὡς ἀγνοῶν ὠνήσατο, ἐκθέμενος δὲ ἅπαντα τῷ Καίσαρι ᾔτησέ τε καὶ ἔτυχε τοῖς ὁμοίοις τὸν Βαρβούλαν ἀμείψασθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.49

Marcus was one of the lieutenants of Brutus and was proscribed for that reason. When Brutus was defeated he was captured. He pretended to be a slave and was bought by Barbula. The latter, perceiving that he was skilful, placed him over his fellow-slaves and gave him charge of his private disbursements. As he was clever in all respects and superior in intelligence to the condition of a slave, his master had suspicions and encouraged him to hope that if he would confess that he was one of the proscribed he (Barbula) would procure his pardon. He denied stoutly, and gave himself a feigned name and family and former masters. Barbula brought him to Rome, expecting that if he were a proscript he would show reluctance to come, but he followed all the same. One of Barbula’s friends, who met him at the gates, saw Marcus standing by his side in the character of a slave, and privately told Barbula who he was. The latter obtained from Octavius, through the intercession of Agrippa, the erasure of the name of Marcus from the proscription. The latter became a friend of Octavius, and some time later served as his lieutenant against Antony at the battle of Actium. Barbula was then serving with Antony, and the fortune of both of them was reversed. For when Antony was vanquished Barbula was taken prisoner and he pretended to be a slave, and Marcus bought him, pretending not to know him. Then he laid the whole matter before Octavius and asked that he might compensate Barbula with a like service, and his request was granted. Like good fortune attended them in after times, for they both held the chief magistracy in the city the same year.

Edition note

Schweighäuser was not able to find any trace of consuls bearing these names, but Mendelssohn refers us to Borghesi (v. 289), from which it appears that Marcus Lollius and Q. Aemilius Lepidus Barbula were consuls in the year of Rome 733, i.e. ten years after the battle of Actium.

4.6.50 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.50

τοῖσδε μὲν οὖν ἡ συντυχία τῶν ὁμοίων καὶ ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα παρέμεινεν· ἦρξαν γὰρ τὴν ἐπώνυμον ἀρχὴν ἐν ἄστει οἱ δύο ὁμοῦ. Βαλβίνῳ δέ, ἐκφυγόντι καὶ κατελθόντι σὺν Πομπηίῳ καὶ ὑπατεύοντι οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον, Λέπιδος ἰδιώτης ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἐκ δυνάστου γενόμενος ὑπὸ τοιᾶσδε ἀνάγκης παρέστη. Μαικήνας ἐδίωκε τὸν Λεπίδου παῖδα βουλεύσεως ἐπὶ Καίσαρι, ἐδίωκε δὲ καὶ τὴν μητέρα τῷ παιδὶ συνεγνωκέναι· Λεπίδου γὰρ αὐτοῦ ἄρα ὡς ἀσθενοῦς ὑπερεώρα. τὸν μὲν δὴ παῖδα ὁ Μαικήνας ἐς Ἄκτιον ἔπεμπε τῷ Καίσαρι, τὴν δὲ μητέρα, ἵνα μὴ ἄγοιτο οὖσα γυνή, ἐγγύην ᾔτει παρὰ τῷ ὑπάτῳ πρὸς Καίσαρα ἀφίξεσθαι. οὐδενὸς δὲ τὴν ἐγγύην ὑφισταμένου, ὁ Λέπιδος ἀμφὶ τὰς Βαλβίνου θύρας ἐτρίβετο πολλάκις καὶ δικάζοντι παρίστατο καὶ διωθουμένων αὐτὸν ἐς πολὺ τῶν ὑπηρετῶν μόλις εἶπεν· ἐμοὶ μὲν καὶ οἱ κατήγοροι μαρτυροῦσιν ἐπιείκειαν, οὐδὲ γυναικί με ἢ παιδὶ συγγνῶναι λέγοντες· σὲ δὲ οὐκ ἐγὼ μὲν προέγραψα, κάτω δέ εἰμι τῶν προγραφέντων. ἀλλʼ ἐς τὴν ἀνθρώπειον τύχην ἀφορῶν καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ σοὶ παρεστῶτα, χάρισαί μοι τὴν γυναῖκα ἀπαντήσειν ἐς Καίσαρα ἐγγυωμένῳ ἢ μετʼ ἐκείνης ἀπελθεῖν δεομένῳ. ταῦτα ἔτι τοῦ Λεπίδου λέγοντος, οὐκ ἐνεγκὼν τὴν μεταβολὴν ὁ Βαλβῖνος ἀπέλυσε τῆς ἐγγύης τὴν γυναῖκα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.50

Balbinus took refuge with Pompeius and was restored with him, and became consul not long afterward. Lepidus, who had meanwhile been deposed from the triumvirate by Octavius and reduced to private life, presented himself to Balbinus under the following stress. Maecenas prosecuted the son of Lepidus for lèse-majeste against Octavius and also the young man’s mother as knowing to the crime. Lepidus himself he overlooked as being a person of no consequence. Maecenas sent the son to Octavius at Actium, but in order to spare his mother the journey on account of her sex, he demanded that she should give bail to the consul for her appearance before Octavius. As nobody offered bail for her, Lepidus presented himself frequently at the door of Balbinus and also at his tribunal, and though the attendants long forced him away, he made himself heard with difficulty to this effect: The accusers testify to my innocence, since they say that I was not an accomplice of my wife and son. I did not cause you to be proscribed, yet I am now inferior to the proscribed. Consider the mutability of human affairs and grant to one, who stands by your side, the favor of becoming security for my wife’s appearance before Octavius, or let me go there with her. When Lepidus had thus spoken, Balbinus took pity on his reverse of fortune and released his wife from bail altogether.

4.6.51 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.6.51

Κικέρων δὲ ὁ Κικέρωνος προαπέσταλτο μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, τοιάδε ἔσεσθαι προσδοκῶντος· ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐς Βροῦτον καὶ μετὰ Βροῦτον ἀποθανόντα ἐς Πομπήιον ἐλθὼν τιμῆς παρʼ ἑκατέρῳ καὶ στρατηγίας ἠξιοῦτο. ἐπὶ δὲ ἐκείνοις αὐτὸν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐς ἀπολογίαν τῆς Κικέρωνος ἐκδόσεως ἱερέα τε εὐθὺς ἀπέφηνε καὶ ὕπατον οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον καὶ Συρίας στρατηγόν· καὶ τὴν Ἀντωνίου περὶ Ἄκτιον συμφορὰν ἐπισταλεῖσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ὁ Κικέρων ὅδε ὑπατεύων ἀνέγνω τε τῷ δήμῳ καὶ προύθηκεν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος, ἔνθα πρότερον ἡ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ προύκειτο κεφαλή. Ἄππιος δὲ διένειμε τοῖς θεράπουσιν τὰ ὄντα καὶ μετʼ αὐτῶν ἐς Σικελίαν ἔπλει. χειμῶνος δὲ ἐπιλαβόντος ἐπιβουλεύοντες οἱ θεράποντες τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐς σκάφος ἐνέθεντο τὸν Ἄππιον, ὡς ἐς ἀσφαλεστέραν ἐλπίδα μεταφέροντες. καὶ συνέβη τῷ μὲν ἐκ παραλόγου διαπλεῦσαι, τοῖς δὲ ἀπολέσθαι τῆς νεὼς διαλυθείσης. Πούπλιος δὲ ὁ ταμίας Βρούτου, τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον αὐτὸν πειθόντων προδοῦναι Βροῦτον οὐκ ἀνασχόμενος, διὰ τόδε καὶ προεγράφη. καὶ κατήχθη καὶ Καίσαρι φίλος ἐγίγνετο καὶ ἐπιόντι ποτὲ τῷ Καίσαρι προύθηκεν εἰκόνας Βρούτου καὶ ἐπῃνέθη καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.6.51

Cicero, the son of Cicero, had been sent away to Greece by his father, who anticipated these evils. From Greece he proceeded to join Brutus, and after the latter’s death he joined Pompeius, by both of whom he was honored with a military command. Afterward Octavius, by way of apology for his betrayal of Cicero, caused him to be appointed augur, and not long afterward consul and then proconsul of Syria. When the news of the overthrow of Antony at Actium was forwarded by Octavius this same Cicero, as consul, announced it to the people and affixed it to the rostra where formerly his father’s head had been exhibited. Appius distributed his goods among his slaves and then sailed with them to Sicily. Being overtaken by a storm, the slaves formed a plot to get possession of his money, and placed Appius in a small boat, pretending to transfer him to a safer place; but it turned out that he reached port most unexpectedly, while their ship was wrecked and they all perished. Publius, quaestor of Brutus, was solicited by the party of Antony to betray his chief, but refused, and was for that reason proscribed. Afterward he was restored to citizenship and became a friend of Octavius. Once when Octavius came to visit him Publius showed him some images of Brutus, and Octavius praised him for doing so. Such were some of the most remarkable cases where the proscribed were lost or saved. Many others I have omitted.

4.7.52 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.7.52

τὰ μὲν δὴ παρὰ δόξαν τισὶ τῶν προγραφέντων εἴς τε κίνδυνον καὶ σωτηρίαν γενόμενα, πολλὰ καὶ ἄλλα παραλιπόντι τοιάδε μάλιστα ἦν· γιγνομένων δὲ τούτων ἐν Ῥώμῃ, καὶ τὰ ὑπερόρια πάντα πολέμοις διὰ τήνδε τὴν στάσιν ἐδονεῖτο· καὶ τῶν πολέμων οἱ μείζους ἦσαν ἀμφί τε Λιβύην Κορνιφικίου πρὸς Σέξστιον καὶ ἐν Συρίᾳ Κασσίου πρὸς Δολοβέλλαν καὶ περὶ Σικελίαν Πομπηίου. πάθη τε πολλὰ συνηνέχθη πόλεσιν ἐκ δοριαλωσίας, ὑπεριδόντι δὲ τῶν ἐλασσόνων τὰ μέγιστα δὴ καὶ διʼ ἀξίωσιν τῶν ἄλλων περιφανέστατα Λαοδικεῦσι καὶ Ταρσεῦσι καὶ Ῥοδίοις καὶ Παταρεῦσι καὶ Ξανθίοις. καὶ αὐτῶν ἕκαστα, ὡς ἐν κεφαλαίῳ συναγαγόντι φράσαι, τοιάδε ἦν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.7.52

While these transactions were taking place at Rome all the outlying countries were torn by hostilities growing out of the same commotion. Chief among these wars was the one in Africa between Cornificius and Sextius, the one in Syria between Cassius and Dolabella, and the one against Pompeius around Sicily. Many cities suffered the calamity of capture by siege. I shall pass by the smaller ones and confine myself to the largest, and especially the very celebrated ones of Laodicea, Tarsus, Rhodes, Patara, and Xanthus. I shall relate briefly what took place at each of these.

4.7.53 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.7.53

Λιβύης Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν μὲν ἔτι καλοῦσι παλαιάν, ὅσην Καρχηδονίους ἀφείλοντο· ἣν δὲ Ἰόβας εἶχεν, ὕστερόν τε ἔλαβον ἐπὶ Γαΐου Καίσαρος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο νέαν προσαγορεύουσι Λιβύην· εἴη δʼ ἂν τῆς Νομαδικῆς. Σέξστιος οὖν ὑπὸ Καίσαρι τῆς νέας ἡγούμενος ᾔτει Κορνιφίκιον ἐκστῆναί οἱ τῆς παλαιᾶς, ὡς Λιβύης ἁπάσης ἐν τῇ λήξει τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν Καίσαρι νενεμημένης. ὁ δὲ οὔτε τὴν λῆξιν ἔφη γιγνώσκειν τῶν τριῶν ἐφʼ ἑαυτῶν πεποιημένων, οὔτε τὴν ἀρχὴν παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς λαβὼν ἄλλῳ μεθήσειν χωρὶς αὐτῆς· ἐκ μὲν δὴ τούτων ἀλλήλοις ἐπολέμουν, στρατὸν δὲ εἶχεν ὁ μὲν βαρύν τε καὶ πλείονα, ὁ δὲ Σέξστιος κουφότερόν τε καὶ ὀλιγώτερον, ᾧ δὴ καὶ τὰ μεσόγαια τοῦ Κορνιφικίου περιιὼν ἀφίστη καὶ Οὐεντίδιον, στρατηγὸν τοῦ Κορνιφικίου, μετὰ πλειόνων ἐπελθόντα ἀπεμάχετο πολιορκούμενος. ἐδῄου δὲ καὶ Λαίλιος, ἕτερος τοῦ Κορνιφικίου στρατηγός, τὴν Σεξστίου Λιβύην καὶ Κίρταν περικαθήμενος ἐπολιόρκει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.7.53

That part of Africa which the Romans took from the Carthaginians they still call Old Africa. The part that belonged to King Juba, and which was taken by Gaius Caesar at a later period, they call for that reason New Africa; it might also be called Numidian Africa. Accordingly Sextius, who held the government of New Africa as the appointee of Octavius, summoned Cornificius to abandon Old Africa to him because the whole country had been assigned to Octavius in the allotment of the triumvirs. Cornificius replied that he did not know what allotment the triumvirs had made among themselves, and that since he had received the government from the Senate he would not surrender it to anybody else without the order of the Senate. This was the origin of hostilities between them. Cornificius had the heavier and more numerous army. That of Sextius was more nimble though inferior in number, by which means he was enabled to dash around and detach from Cornificius his inland districts until he was besieged by Ventidius, a lieutenant of Cornificius, who brought against him superior forces and whom he resisted valiantly. Laelius, another lieutenant of Cornificius, ravaged the province of Sextius, sat down before the city of Cirta, and laid siege to it.

4.7.54 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.7.54

καὶ πάντες ἐπρέσβευον περὶ συμμαχίας ἔς τε Ἀραβίωνα βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς καλουμένους Σιττιανούς, οἳ ἀπὸ τοιᾶσδε συντυχίας οὕτως ὠνομάζοντο. Σίττιος ἐν Ῥώμῃ δίκην ἰδίαν οὐχ ὑποστὰς ἔφυγε καὶ στρατὸν ἀγείρας ἔκ τε αὐτῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ Ἰβηρίας ἐς Λιβύην διέπλευσε καὶ τοῖς Λιβύων βασιλεῦσι πολεμοῦσιν ἀλλήλοις ἀνὰ μέρος συνεμάχει. ἀεὶ δὲ οἷς προσθοῖτο νικώντων, ὁ Σίττιος ἐπὶ ὀνόματος ἐγίγνετο, καὶ ὁ στρατὸς αὐτῷ γεγύμναστο λαμπρῶς. Γαΐῳ τε Καίσαρι διώκοντι τοὺς Πομπηιανοὺς ἐν Λιβύῃ συνεμάχησε, καὶ Σαβόρραν, Ἰόβα στρατηγὸν διώνυμον, ἀνεῖλε καὶ γέρας τούτων ἔλαβε παρὰ Καίσαρος τὴν Μασανάσσου γῆν, οὐχ ἅπασαν, ἀλλὰ τὸ κράτιστον αὐτῆς. Μασανάσσης δʼ ἦν Ἀραβίωνος τοῦδε πατήρ, Ἰόβα σύμμαχος, καὶ αὐτοῦ τὴν χώραν ὁ Καῖσαρ τῷδε τῷ Σιττίῳ καὶ Βόκχῳ, Μαυρουσίων βασιλεῖ, δεδώρητο· καὶ τὸ μέρος ὁ Σίττιος τοῖς ὑπʼ αὐτὸν ἀνδράσιν ἐπιδιεῖλεν. Ἀραβίων δὲ τότε μὲν ἐς Ἰβηρίαν ἐξέφυγε πρὸς τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς Πομπηίου, Γαΐου δὲ Καίσαρος ἀναιρεθέντος ἐς Λιβύην ἐπανῆλθε, καὶ Λιβύων τινὰς ἀεὶ τῷ νεωτέρῳ Πομπηίῳ πέμπων ἐς Ἰβηρίαν καὶ γεγυμνασμένους ἀπολαμβάνων Βόκχον ἀφῄρητο τὴν. χώραν καὶ Σίττιον ἀνῃρήκει δόλῳ. εὔνους δὲ ὢν τοῖς Πομπηιανοῖς διὰ τάδε, κατεγίνωσκεν ἀεὶ τῆς μοίρας ὡς ἀτυχούσης ἀμειλίκτως καὶ Σεξστίῳ προσέθετο, εὐμενιζόμενος διʼ αὐτοῦ Καίσαρα. προσέθεντο δὲ καὶ οἱ Σιττιανοί, κατʼ εὔνοιαν οἵδε πατρῴαν τοῦ Καίσαρος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.7.54

Both parties sent ambassadors to secure the alliance of King Arabio and of the so-called Sittians, who received their name from the following circumstance. A certain Sittius, who was under accusation at Rome, took flight in order to avoid trial. Collecting an army from Italy and Spain, he crossed over to Africa, where he allied himself now with one and now with another of the warring kings of that country. As those with whom he joined himself were always victorious, Sittius acquired a reputation and his army became wonderfully efficient. When Gaius Caesar pursued the Pompeians to Africa Sittius joined him and destroyed Juba’s famous general, Saburra, and received from Caesar, as a reward for these services, the territory of Masinissa, not all, but the best part of it. Masinissa was the father of this Arabio and the ally of Juba. Caesar gave his territory to this Sittius, and to Bocchus, the king of Mauritania, and Sittius divided his own portion among his soldiers. Arabio then fled to the sons of Pompey in Spain. He returned to Africa after Caesar’s death and kept sending to the younger Pompeius detachments of his men, whom he received back in a state of good training. He expelled Bocchus from his territory and killed Sittius by stratagem. Although for these reasons he was friendly toward the Pompeians, he nevertheless decided against that party, because it was so extremely unlucky, and joined Sextius, through whom he acquired the favor of Octavius. The Sittians also joined him by reason of their friendship for the elder Caesar.

Edition note

Publius Sittius Nucerinus was a robber on a large scale. He was at the head of a band in Africa sufficiently large to be called an army at the time of Catiline’s conspiracy, and Catiline claimed him as an ally at that time (Sallust, Cat. 21). He rendered important aid to Caesar in Africa by falling upon Juba’s rear when the latter was advancing with an army to the aid of the Pompeians. After the battle of Thapsus he demolished the remnant of the hostile force under the command of Saburra, killing the latter and taking Faustus Sulla and Afranius prisoners (Hirtius, Bell. Afr. 25, 36, 95).

4.7.55 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.7.55

θαρρήσας οὖν ὁ Σέξστιος ἐξῄει τῆς πολιορκίας ἐς μάχην καὶ πεσόντος τοῦ Οὐεντιδίου καὶ τοῦ στρατοῦ φεύγοντος ὑπʼ ἀναρχίας, εἵπετο κτείνων τε καὶ ζωγρῶν. καὶ τάδε μαθὼν ὁ Λαίλιος διέλυε τὴν τῆς Κίρτης πολιορκίαν καὶ ἐχώρει πρὸς τὸν Κορνιφίκιον. ὁ δὲ Σέξστιος ἐπαιρόμενος τοῖς γεγονόσιν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἤδη τὸν Κορνιφίκιον ἐς Ἰτύκην ᾔει καὶ ἀντεστρατοπέδευε μετὰ πλειόνων ὄντι. Λαίλιον δὲ τοῦ Κορνιφικίου μετὰ τῶν ἱππέων πέμψαντος ἔς τινα κατάσκεψιν, ὁ Σέξστιος Ἀραβίωνα ἔπεμψεν ἱππομαχεῖν τῷ Λαιλίῳ κατὰ μέτωπον καὶ αὐτὸς ᾔει μετὰ τῶν εὐζώνων ἐς τὰ πλάγια τῆς ἱππομαχίας καὶ ἐμβαλὼν ἐθορύβει, μέχρι τὸν Λαίλιον οὐχ ἡσσημένον πω δεῖσαι περὶ τῆς ἀναχωρήσεως, μὴ ἀποκλεισθείη, καὶ λόφον ἐν μέσῳ καταλαβεῖν, Ἀραβίωνα δὲ ἀρτώμενον αὐτοῦ κτεῖναί τε πολλοὺς καὶ τὸν λόφον περικυκλῶσαι. ὁρῶν δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Κορνιφίκιος ἐξῄει τῷ πλέονι στρατῷ, βοηθήσων τῷ Λαιλίῳ· καὶ τοῦδε μὲν ὁ Σέξστιος ὄπισθεν γενόμενος ἐξήπτετο συντρέχων, καὶ αὐτὸν ἐπιστρεφόμενος ὁ Κορνιφίκιος ἀπεμάχετο μάλα κακοπαθῶς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.7.55

Thus encouraged Sextius made a sortie by which Ventidius was killed and his army put to headlong flight. Sextius pursued them, killing and taking prisoners. When Laelius heard the news he raised the siege of Cirta and joined Cornificius. Sextius, elated by his success, advanced against Cornificius himself at Utica and encamped opposite him, although the latter had the superior force. Cornificius sent Laelius with his cavalry to make a reconnoissance, and Sextius ordered Arabio to engage him with his own cavalry in front, and Sextius himself with his light troops fell upon the enemy’s flank and threw them into such confusion that Laelius, although not vanquished, feared lest his retreat should be cut off and took possession of a hill near by. Arabio hung upon his rear, killed many, and surrounded the hill. When Cornificius saw this he sallied out with a larger force to assist Laelius. Sextius, who was in his rear, dashed up and attacked him, but Cornificius turned upon him and drove him back, although suffering severely.

4.7.56 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.7.56

ὁ δὲ Ἀραβίων ἐν τούτῳ πετροβάταις ἀνδράσιν ἀνέρπουσι διὰ κρημνῶν ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον τοῦ Κορνιφικίου παρέδυ λαθών. καὶ Ῥώσκιος μὲν ὁ φύλαξ, τοῦ χάρακος ἁλισκομένου, τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν τινι τὴν σφαγὴν ὑπέσχε καὶ ἀνῃρέθη, ὁ δὲ Κορνιφίκιος τῇ μάχῃ κάμνων μετεπήδα πρὸς Λαίλιον ἐς τὸν κολωνόν, οὐκ εἰδώς πω περὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου· μεταπηδῶντα δʼ αὐτὸν οἱ τοῦ Ἀραβίωνος ἱππέες ἐπιδραμόντες ἔκτειναν. καὶ γιγνόμενα ταῦτα ὁ Λαίλιος ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου καθορῶν ἑαυτὸν διεχρήσατο. τῶν δʼ ἀρχόντων πεσόντων ὁ στρατὸς κατὰ μέρη διέφυγεν· καὶ ὅσοι τῶν προγεγραμμένων ἦσαν παρὰ τῷ Κορνιφικίῳ, οἱ μὲν ἐς Σικελίαν διέπλεον, οἱ δʼ ὅπῃ δύναιντο ἕκαστος. ὁ δὲ Σέξστιος Ἀραβίωνα μὲν καὶ τοὺς Σιττιανοὺς ἐδωρεῖτο πολλοῖς λαφύροις, τὰς δὲ πόλεις τῷ Καίσαρι καθίστατο, συγγινώσκων ἁπάσαις.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.7.56

Meanwhile Arabio, with a band of men accustomed to climbing rocks, scaled a precipice to the camp of Cornificius and stole into it unobserved. When the camp was captured Roscius, the custodian, offered his throat to one of his assistants and was killed. Cornificius, overcome by the fatigue of the engagement, retired toward Laelius on the hill, not yet knowing what had happened to his camp. While he was retreating the cavalry of Arabio charged upon him and killed him, and when Laelius, looking down from the hill, saw what had happened he killed himself. When the leaders had fallen the soldiers fled in various directions. Of the proscribed who were with Cornificius, some crossed over to Sicily, others took refuge wherever they could. Sextius gave great spoils to Arabio and the Sittians. He brought the cities into allegiance to Octavius and granted pardon to all. This was the end of the war in Africa between Sextius and Cornificius, which seemed inconsiderable by reason of the rapidity with which it was prosecuted.

4.8.57 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.8.57

τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τέλος ἦν τῷ περὶ Λιβύην Σεξστίου καὶ Κορνιφικίου πολέμῳ, βραχεῖ διὰ ταχυεργίαν δόξαντι εἶναι· τὰ δʼ ἀμφὶ Κάσσιόν τε καὶ Βροῦτον, μικρὰ καὶ τῶν εἰρημένων ἀναλαβόντι ἐς ὑπόμνημα, ἦν τοιάδε. ἐπειδὴ Γάιος Καῖσαρ ἀνῄρητο, οἱ μὲν σφαγεῖς αὐτοῦ τὸ Καπιτώλιον κατέλαβον καὶ ψηφισθείσης αὐτοῖς ἀμνηστίας κατέβησαν. ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐπὶ τῇ ἐκκομιδῇ τοῦ σώματος ἐν οἴκτῳ Καίσαρος γενόμενος ἐζήτει τοὺς φονέας περιθέων. οἱ δὲ τότε μὲν ἠμύνοντο αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν τεγῶν, εὐθὺς δὲ ἐξῄεσαν αὐτῶν, ὅσοι στρατηγεῖν ἐθνῶν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος αὐτοῦ κεχειροτόνηντο. Κάσσιος δὲ καὶ Βροῦτος ἐστρατήγουν μὲν ἔτι τῆς πόλεως, ᾕρηντο δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ στρατηγίᾳ καὶ οἵδε ὑπὸ Γαΐου Καίσαρος ἡγεῖσθαι Συρίας μὲν ὁ Κάσσιος, Μακεδονίας δὲ ὁ Βροῦτος. οὔτε δὲ ἄρχειν πω τῶν ἐθνῶν πρὸ τοῦ χρόνου δυνάμενοι οὔτε τὸν ἐν ἄστει φόβον ὑπομένοντες ἐξῄεσαν ἔτι στρατηγοῦντες· καὶ αὐτοῖς ἐς εὐπρέπειαν ἡ βουλὴ σίτου φροντίσαι προσέταξεν, ἵνα μὴ τὸ ἐν μέσῳ διάστημα φεύγειν νομίζοιντο. οἰχομένων δὲ αὐτῶν Συρία μὲν καὶ Μακεδονία εἰς τοὺς ὑπάτους Ἀντώνιόν τε καὶ Δολοβέλλαν μετεψηφίζετο, τῆς βουλῆς πάνυ δυσχεραινούσης, ἀντεδόθη δὲ ὅμως τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον Κυρήνη τε καὶ Κρήτη· ὧν ὑπεριδόντες ὡς βραχυτέρων ἐκεῖνοι στρατὸν καὶ χρήματα ἤγειρον ὡς ἐς Συρίαν καὶ Μακεδονίαν ἐσβαλοῦντες.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.8.57

Resuming the narrative of Cassius and Brutus, I shall repeat some small part of what has already been said, in order to refresh the memory. When Caesar was assassinated his murderers took possession of the Capitol, and when amnesty was voted to them they came down. The people were greatly moved at Caesar’s funeral and scoured the city in pursuit of his murderers. The latter defended themselves from the roofs of their houses, and those of them who had been appointed by Caesar himself as governors of provinces departed from the city forthwith. Cassius and Brutus were still city praetors. Cassius had been chosen by Caesar as governor of Syria and Brutus of Macedonia. As they could not enter at once upon these offices, and as they were afraid to remain in the city, they took their departure while still praetors, and the Senate, for the sake of appearances, gave them charge of the supply of corn, so that they might not seem to have taken flight in the interval. After they had gone, the provinces of Syria and Macedonia were transferred to the consuls Dolabella and Antony much against the will of the Senate. Nevertheless, Cyrene and Crete were given to Brutus and Cassius in exchange. These provinces they despised because of their insignificance, and, accordingly, they set about raising troops and money in order to invade Syria and Macedonia.

4.8.58 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.8.58

καὶ οἱ μὲν ἦσαν ἐν τούτοις, Τρεβώνιον δὲ ἐν Ἀσίᾳ κτείναντος Δολοβέλλα καὶ Δέκμον Ἀντωνίου πολιορκοῦντος ἐν Κελτοῖς, χαλεπαίνουσα ἡ βουλὴ Δολοβέλλαν μὲν καὶ Ἀντώνιον ἐψηφίσαντο εἶναι πολεμίους, Βροῦτον δὲ καὶ Κάσσιον ἐς τὰς προτέρας ἡγεμονίας ἐπανήγαγον καὶ Βρούτῳ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα προσέθεσαν τοῖς τε ἄλλοις πᾶσιν ἐκέλευσαν, ὅσοι Ῥωμαίοις ἡγεμονεύουσιν ἐθνῶν ἢ στρατοπέδων ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἰονίου μέχρι Συρίας, ὑπακούειν, ἐς ὅ τι κελεύοι Κάσσιος ἢ Βροῦτος. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις Κάσσιος φθάνει Δολοβέλλαν ἐς τὴν Συρίαν ἐμβαλὼν καὶ σημεῖα τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἀνέσχε καὶ δυώδεκα τέλη στρατοῦ Γαΐῳ Καίσαρι ἐκ πολλοῦ στρατευόμενα καὶ γεγυμνασμένα προσέλαβεν ἀθρόως· οὗ τὸ μὲν ἓν αὐτῶν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐν Συρίᾳ καταλελοίπει, τὰ ἐς Παρθυαίους ἤδη διανοούμενος, τὴν δὲ ἐπιμέλειαν αὐτοῦ ἐπιτέτραπτο μὲν Καικίλιος Βάσσος, τὸ δὲ ἀξίωμα εἶχε νεανίας αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος συγγενής, Σέξστος Ἰούλιος. ἐκδιαιτώμενος δὲ ὁ Ἰούλιος τὸ τέλος ἐς τρυφὴν ἐπήγετο ἀσχημόνως καὶ ἐπιμεμφομένῳ τῷ Βάσσῳ ποτὲ ἐνύβρισε· καὶ καλῶν ὕστερον, ἐπειδὴ βραδέως ὑπήκουεν, ἄγειν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευεν ἕλκοντας. θορύβου δὲ ἀσχήμονος καὶ πληγῶν ἐς τὸν Βάσσον γενομένων οὐκ ἐνεγκοῦσα τὴν ὄψιν ἡ στρατιὰ τὸν Ἰούλιον συνηκόντισε. καὶ εὐθὺς ἦν μετάνοια καὶ δέος ἐκ τοῦ Καίσαρος. συνομόσαντες οὖν ἀλλήλοις, εἰ μή τις αὑτοῖς συγγνώμη καὶ πίστις γένοιτο, διαγωνιεῖσθαι μέχρι θανάτου, τὸν Βάσσον ἐς ταῦτα συνηνάγκασαν. τέλος δὲ στρατεύσαντες ἕτερον, συνεγύμναζον ἄμφω καὶ Στάιον Μοῦρκον, ὑπὸ Καίσαρος αὐτοῖς σὺν τρισὶ τέλεσιν ἐπιπεμφθέντα, γενναίως ἀπεμάχοντο. Μούρκῳ δʼ ἧκεν ἐπίκουρος Μάρκιος Κρίσπος ἐκ Βιθυνίας μετὰ τριῶν τελῶν ἄλλων, καὶ τὸν Βάσσον ἐπολιόρκουν ὁμοῦ πάντες ἓξ τέλεσιν ἤδη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.8.58

While they were thus engaged Dolabella put Trebonius to death in Asia and Antony besieged Decimus Brutus in Cisalpine Gaul. The Senate in indignation voted both Dolabella and Antony public enemies, and restored both Brutus and Cassius to the former commands and added Illyria to that of Brutus. It also ordered all other persons holding commands of Roman provinces or armies, between the Adriatic and Syria, to obey the orders of Cassius and Brutus. Thereupon Cassius anticipated Dolabella by entering Syria, where he raised the standards of a governor and won over twelve legions of soldiers who had been enlisted and trained by Gaius Caesar long before. One of these Caesar had left in Syria when he was contemplating a war against the Parthians, and had placed it under the charge of Caecilius Bassus, but had given the nominal command to Sextus Julius, a young man who was his kinsman. This Julius was a fellow of loose habits who led the legion into shameful dissipations and once insulted Bassus when the latter remonstrated with him. Afterward he summoned Bassus to his presence, and when the latter delayed he ordered that he be dragged before him. There was a disgraceful tumult in consequence, and some blows were given to Bassus, the sight of which the army resented, and Julius was stabbed. This act was followed straightway by repentance and fear of Caesar, and so they bound each other by an oath that, unless they were granted pardon and reconciliation, they would fight to the death; and they compelled Bassus to take the same oath. They recruited another legion and both were drilled together. Caesar sent Statius Murcus against them with three legions, but they resisted bravely. Marcius Crispus was then sent from Bithynia to the aid of Murcus with three additional legions, and thus Bassus was besieged by six legions altogether.

Edition note

The text here is almost identical with that which describes the same events in Book iii. 77, 78.

4.8.59 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.8.59

Κάσσιος οὖν τήνδε τὴν πολιορκίαν σπουδῇ καταλαβὼν τόν τε τοῦ Βάσσου στρατὸν αὐτίκα παρελάμβανεν ἑκόντα καὶ ἐπʼ ἐκείνῳ τὰ Μούρκου τέλη καὶ Μαρκίου, κατά τε φιλίαν αὐτῷ παραδιδόντων καὶ κατὰ τὸ δόγμα τῆς βουλῆς ἐς πάντα ὑπακουόντων. ἄρτι δὲ καὶ Ἀλλιηνός, ὑπὸ Δολοβέλλα πεμφθεὶς ἐς Αἴγυπτον, ἐπανῆγεν ἐξ αὐτῆς τέσσαρα τέλη τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἥσσης Πομπηίου τε καὶ Κράσσου διαρριφέντων ἢ ὑπὸ Καίσαρος Κλεοπάτρᾳ καταλελειμμένων· καὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Κάσσιος ἐν τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ, τῶν ὄντων οὐ προπεπυσμένον, ἄφνω περιέλαβέ τε καὶ ἠνάγκασε προσθέσθαι οἱ καὶ παραδοῦναι τὸν στρατόν, δείσαντα τέσσαρσι τέλεσι μάχεσθαι πρὸς ὀκτώ. οὕτω μὲν ὁ Κάσσιος ἐκ παραδόξου δυώδεκα τελῶν ἀρίστων ἀθρόως ἐκράτει. καὶ αὐτῷ τινες καὶ Παρθυαίων ἱπποτοξόται συνεμάχουν, δόξαν ἔχοντι παρὰ τοῖς Παρθυαίοις, ἐξ οὗ Κράσσῳ ταμιεύων ἐμφρονέστερος ἔδοξε τοῦ Κράσσου γενέσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.8.59

Cassius speedily intervened in this siege and took command at once of the army of Bassus with its consent, and afterward of the legions of Murcus and Marcius, who surrendered them to him in a friendly way and in pursuance of the decree of the Senate, which they obeyed in all respects. About the same time Allienus, who had been sent to Egypt by Dolabella, brought from that country four legions composed of men who had been dispersed after the disasters of Pompey and Crassus, and who had been left with Cleopatra by Caesar. Cassius surrounded him in Palestine unexpectedly, while he was in ignorance of what had happened, and compelled him to come to terms and surrender his army, as he did not dare to fight with four legions against eight. Thus in a marvellous manner Cassius came into possession of twelve first-rate legions, to whom were added a certain number of Parthian mounted bowmen, who were attracted by the reputation he had acquired among them from the time when, as quaestor to Crassus, he had shown himself to be more skilful than that general.

4.8.60 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.8.60

Δολοβέλλας δὲ διέτριψε μὲν περὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν, κτείνων Τρεβώνιον καὶ ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐπιβάλλων ἐσφορὰς καὶ ναυτικὸν ἀγείρων ἐπὶ μισθῷ διὰ Λευκίου Φίγλου παρά τε Ῥοδίων καὶ Λυκίων καὶ Παμφύλων καὶ ἐκ Κιλικίας· ὡς δέ οἱ τάδε ἕτοιμα ἦν· ἐπῄει τῇ Συρίᾳ, κατὰ μὲν τὴν γῆν αὐτὸς μετὰ δύο τελῶν, διὰ δὲ τῆς θαλάσσης ὁ Φίγλος. πυθόμενος δὲ τῆς Κασσίου στρατιᾶς ἐς Λαοδίκειαν οἰκείως ἔχουσάν οἱ παρῆλθεν, ἐπί τε χερρονήσου συνῳκισμένην καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῆς γῆς ὠχυρωμένην καὶ ἐς τὸ πέλαγος ἔχουσαν ὅρμον, ὅθεν ἔμελλεν εὐπορήσειν τε ἀγορᾶς ἀπὸ θαλάσσης καὶ ἀδεῶς, ὅτε βούλοιτο, ἀποπλευσεῖσθαι. ὧν αἰσθανόμενος ὁ Κάσσιος καὶ δεδιώς, μὴ αὑτὸν ὁ Δολοβέλλας διαφύγοι, τόν τε ἴσθμὸν ἔχου διστάδιον ὄντα, λίθους καὶ πᾶσαν ὕλην ἐξ ἐπαύλεων καὶ προαστείων καὶ τάφων συμφέρων, καὶ ἐπὶ ναῦς περιέπεμπεν ἔς τε Φοινίκην καὶ Λυκίαν καὶ Ῥόδον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.8.60

Dolabella was spending his time in Ionia, having put Trebonius to death, levied tribute on the towns, and hired a naval force, by means of Lucius Figulus, from the Rhodians, Lycians, Pamphylians, and Cilicians. When this was in readiness he advanced toward Syria, leading two legions by land while Figulus proceeded by sea. After he had learned of the forces of Cassius he passed on to Laodicea, a city friendly to himself, situated on a peninsula, fortified on the landward side and having a roadstead in the sea, so that supplies might be easily obtained by water and he might sail away securely whenever he wished. When Cassius learned this, fearing lest Dolabella should escape him, he threw up a mound across the isthmus, two stades in length, composed of stones and all sorts of material brought together from suburban houses and tombs, and at the same time sent to Phoenicia, Lycia, and Rhodes for ships.

Edition note

There were five Laodiceas in the dominions of the Seleucidae, all named after the mother of Seleucus (Syr. 57). This one was on the coast of Syria, the modern Latikiyeh.

Edition note

Among the letters of Cicero are two written by P. Lentulus, the quaestor of Trebonius, dated Perge, Pamphylia, May 29 and June 2, the former to Cicero and the latter to the Senate, which throw light on the movements of Dolabella before he shut himself up in Laodicea. He says that he has learned from deserters from Dolabella’s army that before throwing himself into the latter place Dolabella tried to get possession of Antioch, but was not allowed to enter. Then he made several attempts to gain entrance by force, but was each time repulsed with severe loss. After losing about a hundred men he fled by night from Antioch in the direction of Laodicea, leaving his sick and wounded. That night nearly all of his Asiatic troops deserted him, and 800 of them returned to Antioch and surrendered themselves to the officers whom Cassius had left to guard the town. The remainder, of whom my informants were a part, came into Cilicia by way of Mount Amanus. They said that Cassius, with his entire army, was only four days’ march from Laodicea when Dolabella started thither, for which reason I am confident that this most infamous robber will get his deserts sooner than we had anticipated. (Ad Fam. xii. 15.)

4.8.61 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.8.61

Ὑπερορώμενος δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων πλὴν Σιδωνίων ἐπανήχθη τῷ Δολοβέλλᾳ, καὶ κατέδυσαν μὲν ἑκατέρου νῆες ἱκαναί, πέντε δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν εἷλεν Δολοβέλλας. καὶ ὁ Κάσσιος αὖθις ἔπεμπεν ἐς τοὺς ὑπεριδόντας αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐς Κλεοπάτραν, τὴν Αἰγύπτου βασιλίδα, καὶ ἐς Σεραπίωνα, τὸν ἐν Κύπρῳ τῇ Κλεοπάτρᾳ στρατηγοῦντα. Τύριοι μὲν δὴ καὶ Ἀράδιοι καὶ Σεραπίων, οὐδὲν τῆς Κλεοπάτρας προμαθών, ἔπεμψαν αὐτῷ ναῦς, ὅσας εἶχον· ἡ βασιλὶς δὲ Κασσίῳ μὲν προύφερε λιμὸν ὁμοῦ καὶ λοιμὸν ἐνοχλοῦντα τότε Αἰγύπτῳ, διὰ δὲ οἰκειότητα τοῦ προτέρου Καίσαρος συνέπρασσε τῷ Δολοβέλλᾳ. καὶ ἀπὸ τῆσδε τῆς γνώμης αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ τέσσαρα τέλη προπεπόμφει διʼ Ἀλλιηνοῦ καὶ στόλον ἄλλον ἕτοιμον εἶχεν ἐπαμύνειν, ἄνεμοι δὲ ἐπεῖχον. Ῥόδιοι δὲ καὶ Λύκιοι οὔτε Κασσίῳ οὔτε Βρούτῳ συμμαχήσειν ἔφασκον ἐς ἐμφύλια, ἐπεὶ καὶ Δολοβέλλᾳ δοῦναι ναῦς προπομπούς, καὶ οὐκ εἰδέναι συμμαχούσας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.8.61

Being refused by all except the Sidonians, he came to a naval engagement with Dolabella, in which a number of ships were sunk on both sides and Dolabella captured five with their crews. Then Cassius again sent to those who had rejected his application, and also to Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, and to Serapio, her viceroy in Cyprus. The Tyrians, the Aradii, and Serapio, without consulting Cleopatra, sent Cassius what ships they had. The queen excused herself on the ground that Egypt was at that time suffering from famine and pestilence, but she was really cooperating with Dolabella on account of her relations with the elder Caesar. This was the reason why she had sent him the four legions by Allienus, and had another fleet ready to assist him, which was kept back by adverse winds. The Rhodians and the Lycians said that they would help neither Cassius nor Brutus in civil wars, and that when they supplied ships to Dolabella they furnished them as an escort, not knowing that they were to be used as allies in war.

4.8.62 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.8.62

ἑτοιμασάμενος οὖν ὁ Κάσσιος αὖθις ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἐπανήγετο δὶς τῷ Δολοβέλλᾳ· καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀγχώμαλοι διεκρίθησαν ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων, τῇ δὲ ἑξῆς ναυμαχίᾳ ἡσσᾶτο ὁ Δολοβέλλας, καὶ ὁ Κάσσιος αἰρομένου τοῦ χώματος ἔκοπτεν αὐτοῦ τὸ τεῖχος ἤδη καὶ ἐσάλευεν. τόν τε νυκτοφύλακα αὐτοῦ Μάρσον οὐ δυνηθεὶς διαφθεῖραι διέφθειρε τοὺς ἡμεροφυλακοῦντας αὐτῷ λοχαγοὺς καὶ ἀναπαυομένου τοῦ Μάρσου μεθʼ ἡμέραν ἐσῆλθεν, ὑπανοιχθεισῶν αὐτῷ πυλίδων κατὰ μέρη πολλῶν. ἁλούσης δὲ τῆς πόλεως ὁ μὲν Δολοβέλλας προύτεινε τὴν κεφαλὴν τῷ σωματοφύλακι αὑτοῦ καὶ τεμόντα προσέταξε φέρειν Κασσίῳ σῶστρον ἴδιον· ὁ δὲ τεμὼν ἐπικατέσφαξεν ἑαυτόν, διεχρήσατο δὲ καὶ Μάρσος ἑαυτόν. ὁ δὲ Κάσσιος τὴν μὲν τοῦ Δολοβέλλα στρατιὰν ἐς ἑαυτὸν μεθώρκου, Λαοδικέων δὲ τά τε ἱερὰ καὶ τὰ κοινὰ ἐσύλα καὶ τοὺς ἐπιφανεῖς ἐκόλαζε καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἐσφοραῖς βαρυτάταις ἐξέτρυχε, μέχρι τὴν πόλιν περιήνεγκεν ἐς ἔσχατον κακοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.8.62

When Cassius was again ready with the forces in hand he engaged Dolabella a second time. The first battle was doubtful, but in the next one Dolabella was beaten on the sea. Then Cassius completed his mound and battered Dolabella’s walls till they trembled. He tried unsuccessfully to corrupt Marsus, the captain of the night-watch, but he bribed the centurions of the day force and, while Marsus was taking his rest, effected an entrance by daylight through a number of small gates that were secretly opened to him one after another. When the city was taken Dolabella offered his head to his own body-guard and told him to cut it off and carry it to Cassius in order to secure his own safety. The guard cut it off, but he killed himself also, and Marsus took his own life. Cassius swore Dolabella’s army into his own service. He plundered the temples and the treasury of Laodicea, punished the chief citizens, and exacted very heavy contributions from the rest, so that the city was reduced to the extremest misery.

4.8.63 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.8.63

μετὰ δὲ Λαοδίκειαν ἐπʼ Αἴγυπτον ὥρμα, πυνθανόμενος μὲν Κλεοπάτραν βαρεῖ στόλῳ διαπλευσεῖσθαι πρός τε Καίσαρα καὶ πρὸς Ἀντώνιον, ἐπινοῶν δὲ κωλῦσαί τε τὸν πλοῦν καὶ τίσασθαι τῆς γνώμης τὴν βασιλίδα καὶ πρὸ τῶνδε αὐτὴν Αἴγυπτον ἐνθυμιζόμενος μάλιστα ἐν καιρῷ, τετρυμένην τε ὑπὸ λιμοῦ καὶ ξενικὸν στρατὸν οὐ πολὺν ἔχουσαν, ἄρτι τῶν Ἀλλιηνοῦ στρατιωτῶν ἀποστάντων. οὕτω δὲ αὐτὸν ὁρμῆς καὶ ἐλπίδος ἔχοντα καὶ καιροῦ ὁ Βροῦτος ἐκάλει κατὰ σπουδήν, ὡς ἤδη Καίσαρος καὶ Ἀντωνίου τὸν Ἰόνιον περώντων. ἄκων μὲν δὴ Κάσσιος Αἴγυπτον ἐκ τῶν ἐλπίδων μεθίει καὶ τοὺς Παρθυαίων ἱπποτοξότας ἀπέπεμπε τιμήσας καὶ πρέσβεις πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα αὐτῶν ἔστελλε περὶ μείζονος συμμαχίας, ἣ μετὰ τὸ ἔργον ἀφικνουμένη Συρίαν τε καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἐγγὺς ἐθνῶν μέχρι Ἰωνίας ἐπέδραμε καὶ ἀνεχώρησεν. αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ Κάσσιος τὸν μὲν ἀδελφιδοῦν ἐν Συρίᾳ μεθʼ ἑνὸς τέλους ἀπέλιπε, τοὺς δὲ ἱππέας προύπεμψεν ἐς Καππαδοκίαν, οἳ Ἀριοβαρζάνην τε ἄφνω κατέκανον ὡς ἐπιβουλεύοντα Κασσίῳ καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ τὰ ἐκείνου καὶ τὴν ἄλλην κατασκευὴν ἐς τὸν Κάσσιον ἐπανήγαγον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.8.63

After the capture of Laodicea Cassius turned his attention to Egypt. Having learned that Cleopatra was about to join Octavius and Antony with a strong fleet, he purposed to prevent its sailing and to punish the queen for her intention. He had before this thought that the condition of Egypt was especially favorable for these designs, because it was wasted by famine and had no considerable foreign army, now that the forces of Allienus had taken their departure. In the midst of his eagerness, his hopes, and his opportunity came a hasty summons from Brutus telling him that Octavius and Antony were crossing the Adriatic. Cassius reluctantly gave up his hopes in respect of Egypt. He also sent back his Parthian mounted bowmen with presents, and with them ambassadors to their king asking for a larger force of auxiliaries. This force arrived after the decisive battle, ravaged Syria and many of the neighboring provinces as far as Ionia, and then returned home. Cassius left his nephew in Syria with one legion and sent his cavalry in advance into Cappadocia, who presently killed Ariobarzanes for plotting against Cassius. Then they seized his large treasures and other military supplies and brought them to Cassius.

4.8.64 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.8.64

Ταρσέων δʼ ἐς στάσιν διῃρημένων οἱ μὲν τὸν Κάσσιον ἐστεφανώκεσαν ἐλθόντα πρότερον, οἱ δὲ τὸν Δολοβέλλαν ἐπελθόντα· ἀμφότεροι δὲ τῷ τῆς πόλεως σχήματι ταῦτα ἔπρασσον. καὶ παραλλὰξ αὐτῶν προτιμώντων ἑκάτερον, ὡς εὐμεταβόλῳ πόλει χαλεπῶς ἐχρῶντο ἑκάτεροι· Κάσσιος δὲ νικήσας Δολοβέλλαν καὶ ἐσφορὰν ἐπέθηκεν αὐτοῖς χίλια καὶ πεντακόσια τάλαντα. οἱ δὲ ἀποροῦντές τε καὶ ὑπὸ στρατιωτῶν ἐπειγόντων ἀπαιτούμενοι σὺν ὕβρει, τά τε κοινὰ ἀπεδίδοντο πάντα καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ ἐπὶ τοῖς κοινοῖς, ὅσα εἶχον ἐς πομπὰς ἢ ἀναθήματα, ἔκοπτον. οὐδενὸς δὲ μέρους οὐδʼ ὣς ἀνυομένου, ἐπώλουν αἱ ἀρχαὶ τὰ ἐλεύθερα· καὶ πρῶτα μὲν ἦν παρθένοι τε καὶ παῖδες, ἐπὶ δὲ γυναῖκές τε καὶ γέροντες ἐλεεινοί, βραχυτάτου πάμπαν ὤνιοι, μετὰ δὲ οἱ νέοι. καὶ διεχρῶντο οἱ πλέονες ἑαυτούς, ἕως ὧδε ἔχοντας ὁ Κάσσιος ἐκ Συρίας ἐπανιὼν ᾤκτειρέ τε καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ τῶν ἐσφορῶν ἀπέλυσε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.8.64

The people of Tarsus were divided into factions. One of these factions had crowned Cassius, who was the first to arrive. The other had done the same for Dolabella, who came later. Both had acted thus in the name of the city. As the inhabitants bestowed their honors upon each alternately, each of them treated it despitefully as a fickleminded place. After Cassius had overcome Dolabella he levied a contribution on it of 1500 talents. Being unable to find the money, and being pressed for payment with violence by the soldiers, the people sold all their public property and after that they coined all the sacred articles used in religious processions and the temple offerings into money. As this was not sufficient, the magistrates sold free persons into bondage, first girls and boys, afterward women and miserable old men, who brought a very small price, and finally young men. Most of these committed suicide. Finally Cassius, on his return from Syria, took pity on their sufferings and released them from the remainder of the contribution. Such were the calamities that befell Tarsus and Laodicea.

4.9.65 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.9.65

Τάρσος μὲν δὴ καὶ Λαοδίκεια τοιάδε ἐπεπόνθεσαν, Κάσσιος δὲ καὶ Βροῦτος συμβολήσαντες ἀλλήλοιν, Βρούτῳ μὲν ἐδόκει τὴν στρατιὰν ἁλίσαντε χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ μεῖζον ἔργον ἐς Μακεδονίαν· τέλη τε γὰρ ἤδη τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐς τεσσαράκοντα εἶναι στρατοῦ καὶ αὐτῶν διεληλυθέναι τὸν Ἰόνιον ὀκτώ· Κασσίῳ δὲ ἐδόκει τῶν μὲν πολεμίων ἔτι περιορᾶν ὡς τριφθησομένων ἐν σφίσιν ἐξ ἀπορίας διὰ τὸ πλῆθος, Ῥοδίους δὲ καὶ Λυκίους ἐξελεῖν, εὔνους τε ὄντας ἐκείνοις καὶ ναυτικὸν ἔχοντας, ἵνα μὴ κατὰ νώτου σφίσι γίγνωνται παρὰ τὸ ἔργον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἔδοξεν ὧδε, ἐχώρουν Βροῦτος μὲν ἐπὶ Λυκίους, Κάσσιος δὲ ἐπὶ Ῥοδίους, τεθραμμένος τε ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ πεπαιδευμένος τὰ Ἑλληνικά. ὡς δὲ κρατίστοις τὰ ναυτικὰ ἀνδράσι συνοισόμενος ἐς μάχην, τὰς ἰδίας ναῦς ἐπεσκεύαζε καὶ ἀνεπλήρου καὶ ἐγύμναζεν ἐν Μύνδῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.9.65

When Brutus and Cassius had their conference, Brutus was in favor of uniting their armies and making Macedonia their chief concern, since the enemy had forty legions, of which eight had already crossed the Adriatic. Cassius was of the opinion that the enemy might still be disregarded, believing that they would waste away for want of supplies by reason of their great numbers. He thought it would be best to subvert the Rhodians and Lycians, who were friendly to Octavius and Antony and who had fleets, lest they should fall upon the rear of the republicans while the latter were busy with the enemy. Having decided to do this, they separated, Brutus proceeding against the Lycians and Cassius against Rhodes, in which place he was brought up, and educated in the literature of Greece. As he had to contend with men of superior naval prowess, he prepared his own ships with care, filled them with troops, and drilled them at Myndus.

Edition note

The Epitome of Livy (cxxii.) says that this conference took place at Smyrna. This is confirmed by Plutarch (Life of Brutus, 28).

4.9.66 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.9.66

Ῥοδίων δὲ οἱ μὲν ἐν λόγῳ μᾶλλον ὄντες ἐδεδοίκεσαν Ῥωμαίοις μέλλοντες ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι, ὁ δὲ λεὼς ἐμεγαλοφρονεῖτο, ἐπεί οἱ καὶ παλαιῶν ἔργων πρὸς οὐχ ὁμοίους ἄνδρας ἐμνημόνευον. ναῦς τε καθεῖλκον τὰς ἀρίστας σφῶν τρεῖς καὶ τριάκοντα. καὶ τάδε πράσσοντες ἔπεμπόν τινας ἐς Μύνδον ὅμως, οἳ τὸν Κάσσιον ἠξίουν μήτε Ῥόδου καταφρονεῖν, πόλεως ἀμυναμένης ἀεὶ τοὺς καταφρονήσαντας, μήτε συνθηκῶν, αἳ Ῥοδίοις εἰσὶ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις, ὅπλα μὴ φέρειν ἐπὶ ἀλλήλους· εἰ δέ τι περὶ συμμαχίας ἐπιμέμφοιτο, ἐθέλειν παρὰ τῆς Ῥωμαίων βουλῆς πυθέσθαι, καὶ κελευούσης ἔφασαν συμμαχήσειν. οἱ μὲν δὴ τοιάδε μάλιστα ἔλεγον, ὁ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα τὸν πόλεμον ἀντὶ λόγων ἔφη κρινεῖν, τὰς δὲ συνθήκας κελεύειν ὅπλα μὴ φέρειν ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους, καὶ ἐπενηνοχέναι Ῥοδίους Κασσίῳ, Δολοβέλλᾳ συμμαχοῦντας, κελεύειν δὲ ἀλλήλοις συμμαχεῖν, Κασσίῳ δὲ δεομένῳ εἰρωνεύεσθαι τὰ περὶ τῆς Ῥωμαίων βουλῆς, φευγούσης καὶ ἁλωμένης ἐν τῷ παρόντι διὰ τοὺς ἐν ἄστει τυράννους, οἳ δώσουσι μὲν αὐτοὶ δίκας, δώσουσι δὲ καὶ Ῥόδιοι τὰ ἐκείνων προτιμῶντες, ἢν μὴ θᾶσσον ἀνέχωνται τῶν κελευομένων. ὧδε μὲν ὁ Κάσσιος αὐτοὺς ἠμείψατο, καὶ οἱ εὖ φρονοῦντες Ῥοδίων μᾶλλον ἐδεδοίκεσαν· τὸ δὲ πλῆθος ἐδημαγώγουν Ἀλέξανδρός τε καὶ Μνασέας ἀναμιμνήσκοντες, ὅτι καὶ Μιθριδάτης πλέοσι ναυσὶν ἐπιπλεύσειε τῇ Ῥόδῳ καὶ Δημήτριος ἔτι πρὸ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.9.66

The Rhodians of distinction were alarmed at the prospect of a conflict with Romans, but the common people were in high spirits, because they recalled former victories achieved over men of different character. They launched thirty-three of their best ships, but while doing so they sent messengers to Myndus nevertheless to urge Cassius not to despise Rhodes, which had always defended herself against those who underestimated her, and not to disregard the treaty which existed between the Rhodians and the Romans which bound them not to bear arms against each other. If he complained of them for not rendering military assistance, they would be glad to hear from the Roman Senate, and if called upon they would lend such assistance. When they had spoken thus Cassius replied that as to the other matters war would decide instead of words, but as regarded the treaty, which forbade them to bear arms against each other, the Rhodians had violated it by allying themselves with Dolabella against Cassius. The treaty required them to assist each other in war, but when Cassius asked for assistance they quibbled about the Roman Senate, which was either in flight or held captive at present by the tyrants who had mastered the city. Those tyrants would be punished, and the Rhodians would be punished also for siding with them, unless they speedily obeyed his commands. Such was the answer Cassius returned to them. The more prudent Rhodians were still more alarmed, but the multitude were excited by two public speakers named Alexander and Mnaseas, who reminded them that Mithridates had invaded Rhodes with a still larger fleet, and that Demetrius had done so before him; whereupon they elected Alexander as prytanis, who is the magistrate exercising the supreme power among them, and Mnaseas as admiral of their fleet.

Edition note

As to whether he underestimated the power of Rhodes to defend herself.

Edition note

See Mithr. 25-27.

4.9.67 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.9.67

οἱ μὲν δὴ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐκ τούτων εἵλοντο σφίσι πρυτανεύειν, ἥπερ ἐστὶν ἀρχὴ παρʼ αὐτοῖς μάλιστα αὐτοκράτωρ, καὶ ναυαρχεῖν Μνασέαν, ἔπεμπον δʼ ὅμως ἐς τὸν Κάσσιον ἔτι πρεσβευτὴν Ἀρχέλαον, ὃς ἐν Ῥόδῳ τὰ Ἑλληνικὰ διδάσκαλος γεγένητο τῷ Κασσίῳ, δεησόμενον ἤδη τόνδε τοῦ Κασσίου λιπαρέστερον· καὶ ἐδεῖτο, τῆς δεξιᾶς λαβόμενος, ὡς γνωρίμου. μὴ πόλιν ἀναστήσῃς Ἑλληνίδα φιλέλλην ἀνήρ, μὴ Ῥόδον φιλελεύθερος ἀνήρ· μηδὲ αἰσχύνῃς ἀξίωμα Δώριον, οὐχ ἡσσημένον, ἐξ οὗ γεγόναμεν, μηδὲ ἐκλάθῃ καλῆς ἱστορίας ἧς ἔμαθες ἐν Ῥόδῳ τε καὶ ἐν Ῥώμῃ, ἐν Ῥόδῳ μέν, ὅσα Ῥόδιοι κατὰ πόλεις καὶ πρὸς βασιλέας, ἄλλους τε καὶ τοὺς μάλιστα ἀμάχους δόξαντας εἶναι, Δημήτριον καὶ Μιθριδάτην, ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας ἔπραξαν, ὑπὲρ ἧς δὴ καὶ σὺ φῂς τάδε κάμνειν· ἐν Ῥώμῃ δέ, ὅσα ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς καθʼ ἑτέρων καὶ κατʼ Ἀντιόχου τοῦ μεγάλου συνεμαχήσαμεν, ὧν εἰσὶν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἀνάγραπτοι στῆλαι παρʼ ὑμῖν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.9.67

Nevertheless, they sent still another ambassador to Cassius in the person of Archelaus, who had been his teacher in Greek literature in Rhodes, to present a more earnest petition. This he did, taking Cassius by the right hand in a familiar manner, and saying, O friend of the Greeks, do not subvert a Greek city. O friend of freedom, do not attack Rhodes. Do not put to shame the glory of a Doric state hitherto unvanquished. Do not forget the famous histories you learned both at Rhodes and at Rome — at Rhodes, what the Rhodians accomplished against states and kings (and especially against Demetrius and Mithridates, who were deemed invincible), in behalf of that freedom for which you say that you also are now contending — at Rome, our services to you, among others those that were rendered when we fought with you against Antiochus the Great, concerning which you have monuments inscribed in our honor. So much, O Roman, for our race, our dignity, our condition hitherto unenslaved, our alliance, and our good-will toward you.

4.9.68 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.9.68

τάδε μὲν δὴ καὶ γένους ἕνεκα καὶ ἀξιώσεως ἡμῶν καὶ τύχης ἐς τὸ νῦν ἀδουλώτου καὶ συμμαχίας καὶ προαιρέσεως ἐς ὑμᾶς, ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, λελέχθω· πρὸς σὲ δέ, ὦ Κάσσιε, καὶ αἰδώς τις ἔστιν ἐξαίρετος ἔς τε τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν ἐν αὐτῇ τροφήν τέ σου καὶ παίδευσιν καὶ διατριβὴν καὶ ἑστίαν, ἣν ᾤκησας, καὶ τοὐμὸν διδασκαλεῖον αὐτὸ καὶ ἐμέ, ἐλπίσαντα μὲν ἐς ἕτερα τούτοις ποτὲ ἐναβρυνεῖσθαι, νῦν δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος αὐτὰ δαπανῶντα, ἵνα μηδʼ αὐτή σοι πολεμεῖν ἀναγκάζηται πεπαιδευμένῳ τε ὑφʼ αὑτῆς καὶ τεθραμμένῳ μηδὲ γένηται δυοῖν ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης θάτερον, ἢ Ῥοδίους ἀποθανεῖν πάντως ἢ Κάσσιον ἡσσᾶσθαι. συμβουλεύω δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ παρακλήσει, τοιῶνδέ σε ὑπὲρ τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας ἁπτόμενον ἔργων θεοὺς ἡγεμόνας αἰεὶ ποιεῖσθαι παντὸς ἔργου. θεοὺς δʼ ὠμόσατε, ὅτε ἡμῖν ἔναγχος διὰ Γαΐου Καίσαρος συνετίθεσθε καὶ σπονδὰς ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅρκοις ἐσπένδετε καὶ δεξιὰς ἐτίθεσθε, αἳ καὶ παρὰ πολεμίοις ἰσχύουσιν, οὐ παρὰ φίλοις καὶ τροφεῦσιν; φείδου δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ δόξης τῆς κατὰ ἀνθρώπους· ὡς οὐδέν ἐστι συνθηκῶν παραβάσεως μᾶλλον, ὃ τοὺς ἁμαρτάνοντας ἀπίστους ἐς ἅπαντα ποιεῖ καὶ φίλοις καὶ πολεμίοις.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.9.68

As for you, Cassius, you owe a peculiar reverence to this city in which you were brought up and educated, restored to health when sick, where you had your hearthstone, and where you attended my very school. You owe respect to me who have hoped that I should some time plume myself on your education with different hopes, but I am now pleading this relation in behalf of my country, lest it be forced into a war with you, its pupil and its ward, where one of two things must necessarily happen: either that the Rhodians perish utterly, or Cassius be defeated. In addition to my entreaty I give you the advice that while engaged in such important tasks in behalf of the Roman commonwealth you take the gods for your leaders at every step. You, Romans, swore by the gods when you recently concluded the treaty with us through Gaius Caesar, and to the oaths you added libations and gave the right hand, which is valid even among enemies, not to mention friends and wards. Besides dreading the judgment of the gods, have regard for the opinions of mankind, who consider nothing more base than a violation of treaties, which causes the violators to be distrusted in all respects by both friends and enemies.

4.9.69 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.9.69

ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ὁ πρεσβύτης οὐ μεθίετο τῆς χειρός, ἀλλʼ ἐπεδάκρυεν αὐτῇ, ὡς ἐρυθριᾶσαι μὲν ἐπὶ τῷ σχήματι τὸν Κάσσιον καὶ παθεῖν τι ὑπὸ αἰδοῦς, ὑφελόντα δὲ ὅμως εἰπεῖν· εἰ μὲν οὐ συνεβούλευσας Ῥοδίοις μὴ ἀδικεῖν με, σύ με ἠδίκεις· εἰ δὲ διδάσκων οὐκ ἔπεισας, ἀμυνῶ σοι. ἠδικούμην δὲ δή που σαφῶς τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀδίκημα συμμαχίαν αἰτῶν καὶ παρορώμενος ὑπὸ τῶν παιδευσάντων καὶ θρεψάντων, τὸ δὲ ἑξῆς προτιμώντων μου Δολοβέλλαν, ὃν οὐκ ἐπαίδευσαν οὐδὲ ἀνέθρεψαν, τὸ δὲ ἀνιαρότερον, ἐμοῦ μὲν καὶ Βρούτου καὶ ὅσων ὁρᾶτε ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἀρίστων ἀνδρῶν φευγόντων τυραννίδα καὶ τὴν πατρίδα ἐλευθερούντων, ὦ Ῥόδιοι φιλελεύθεροι, Δολοβέλλα δὲ αὐτὴν καταδουλοῦντος ἑτέροις, οἷς δὴ καὶ ὑμεῖς εὔνως ἔχοντες ὑποκρίνεσθε ἐξίστασθαι τοῖς ἐμφυλίοις ἡμῶν. ἔστι δὲ ἐμφύλια μέν, εἰ καὶ ἡμεῖς δυναστείας ὠρεγόμεθα, πόλεμος δὲ σαφὴς τὸ γιγνόμενόν ἐστι δημοκρατίας πρὸς μοναρχίαν. καὶ δημοκρατίαν ἀβοήθητον καταλείπετε οἱ παρακαλοῦντες ὑπὲρ αὐτονομίας· φιλίαν τε Ῥωμαίοις προφέροντες οὐκ ἐλεεῖτε ἀκρίτους ἐπὶ θανάτῳ καὶ δημεύσει προγραφομένους, ἀλλʼ ὑποκρίνεσθε πεύσεσθαι τῆς βουλῆς τῆς ταῦτα πασχούσης καὶ οὐδὲ ἀμύνειν ἑαυτῇ πω δυναμένης. ἡ δʼ ὑμῖν ἤδη προαπεκρίνατο, ἐν οἷς ἐψηφίσατο τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὴν ἕω πάντας ἀμύνειν ἐμοί τε καὶ Βρούτῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.9.69

When the old man had thus spoken he did not let go Cassius’ hand, but shed tears on it, so that Cassius blushed at the spectacle and was moved somewhat by the sense of shame, yet he drew away his hand, and said, If you have not counselled the Rhodians not to wrong me, you have yourself done me wrong. If you have so counselled them and they have not followed your advice I will avenge you. That I have suffered injury is plain enough. The first wrong done me was when I asked assistance and was slighted by my guardians and instructors. In the next place they gave the preference to Dolabella, whom they had not brought up and educated, rather than to me. And what makes it worse, O freedom-loving Rhodians, is that Brutus and I and the noblest men of the Senate, whom you see here, were fugitives from tyranny for endeavoring to liberate their country, while Dolabella was seeking to enslave it to others, whom you also favor while pretending to abstain from our civil wars. This would be a civil war if we also were aiming at supreme power, but it is plainly a war of the republic against monarchy. And you, who appeal to me in behalf of your own freedom, have refused aid to the republic. While professing friendship for the Romans you have no pity for those who have been sentenced to death and confiscation without trial. You pretend that you want to hear from the Senate, which is suffering from these very evils and is not yet able to defend itself. But the Senate had answered you beforehand when it decreed that all the peoples of the Orient should lend aid to Brutus and myself.

4.9.70 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.9.70

σὺ δέ, εἰ μέν ποτε ἡμῖν περικτωμένοις τι συνεπράξατε, ὧν εὐεργεσίας καὶ μισθοὺς ἀντικεκόμισθέ που, καταλογίζῃ, ὅτι δὲ ἡμῖν ἐς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ σωτηρίαν ἀδικουμένοις οὐ συμμαχεῖτε, ἐπιλανθάνῃ· οὓς εἰκὸς ἦν, εἰ καὶ μηδὲν ἡμῖν ἐς ἀλλήλους ὑπῆρχεν, ἀλλὰ νῦν ἄρχειν ἐθελοντὰς ὑπερμαχῆσαι τῆς Ῥωμαίων δημοκρατίας, Δωριέας ὄντας. οἳ δʼ ἀντὶ τοιούτων ἔργων καὶ λογισμῶν συνθήκας ἡμῖν προφέρετε, γενομένας μὲν ὑμῖν καὶ τάσδε πρὸς Γάιον Καίσαρα, τῆσδε τῆς μοναρχίας ἡγεμόνα· λέγουσι δʼ ὅμως αἱ συνθῆκαι Ῥωμαίους καὶ Ῥοδίους ἐν ταῖς χρείαις ἀλλήλοις ἀμύνειν. ἀμύνατε οὖν ἐς τὰ μέγιστα κινδυνεύουσι Ῥωμαίοις. Κάσσιος ὑμῖν ἐστιν ὁ τὰς συνθήκας τάσδε προφέρων καὶ ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν καλῶν, Ῥωμαῖος ἀνὴρ καὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγός, ὥς φησι τὸ ψήφισμα τῆς βουλῆς, ἐν ᾧ πάντας ὑπακούειν ἡμῖν ἔταξε τοὺς τοῦ Ἰονίου πέραν. τὰ δʼ αὐτὰ καὶ Βροῦτος ὑμῖν προτείνει ψηφίσματα καὶ Πομπήιος, τὴν θάλασσαν ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπιτετραμμένος, τὰς δʼ ἱκετείας ἐπὶ τοῖς ψηφίσμασι καὶ οἵδε πάντες, ὅσοι φεύγουσιν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς, οἱ μὲν ἐς ἐμὲ καὶ Βροῦτον, οἱ δʼ ἐς Πομπήιον. ἔστι δὲ δή που τὸ συγκείμενον, Ῥωμαίοις Ῥοδίους βοηθεῖν, κἂν καθʼ ἕνα χρῄζωσιν. εἰ δὲ οὔτε στρατηγοὺς ἡμᾶς οὔτε Ῥωμαίους ἔτι, ἀλλὰ φυγάδας ἢ ξένους ἢ κατακρίτους, ὡς οἱ προγράψαντες λέγουσιν, ἡγεῖσθε, οὐ πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἐστιν ὑμῖν ἔτι, ἀλλὰ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, ὦ Ῥόδιοι, τὰ συγκείμενα· ἡμεῖς δὲ ξένοι καὶ ἀλλότριοι τῶν συνθηκῶν ὄντες πολεμήσομεν ὑμῖν, ἢν μὴ ἐς πάντα κατακούητε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.9.70

Whatever aid you have rendered us when we were adding to our possessions (for which you reaped an abundant reward) you remind us of, but when in our time of adversity you fail us in the struggle for freedom and safety, you have very short memories. Even if we had had no relations with each other before, you ought, as members of the Doric race, to be willing to begin now to fight for the Roman republic. Instead of such thoughts and deeds you quote to us treaties, — treaties made with you by Gaius Caesar, the founder of the present monarchy, — yet these very treaties say that the Romans and the Rhodians shall assist each other in case of need. Therefore, assist the Romans in the time of their greatest peril! It is Cassius who quotes these very treaties to you and calls for your help in war, — Cassius, a Roman citizen and a Roman general, whom, as the Senate’s decree says, all the countries beyond the Adriatic are required to obey. The same decrees are presented to you by Brutus, and also by Pompeius, who has been invested by the Senate with the command of the sea. Added to these decrees are the prayers of all these senators who have fled, some to myself and Brutus, and others to Pompeius. The treaty provides that the Rhodians shall lend aid to the Romans even in cases where the application is made by single individuals. If you do not consider us as generals or even as Romans, but as exiles, or strangers, or persons condemned, as the proscribers call us, O Rhodians, you have no treaties with us, but only with the Roman people. Being strangers and foreigners to the treaties, we will fight you till you obey our orders in everything. With this ironical remark Cassius sent Archelaus away.

4.9.71 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.9.71

τοιαῦτα μὲν ὁ Κάσσιος ἐπειρωνευσάμενος τὸν Ἀρχέλαον ἀπέλυεν, Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ καὶ Μνασέας, οἱ Ῥοδίων ἡγούμενοι, ταῖς τριάκοντα καὶ τρισὶ ναυσὶν ἀνήγοντο ἐπὶ Κάσσιον ἐς Μύνδον ὡς προκαταπλήξοντες τῷ ἐπίπλῳ· καί τί που καὶ κούφως εἶχον ἐλπίδος, ὅτι καὶ Μιθριδάτῃ ἐς Μύνδον ἐπιπλεύσαντες ἐδόκουν ἐς τὸ τοῦ πολέμου τέλος εὐτυχῆσαι. εἰρεσίᾳ δὲ ἐς ἐπίδειξιν χρώμενοι τήν τε πρώτην ἡμέραν ηὐλίσαντο ἐν Κνίδῳ καὶ τῆς ἐπιούσης ἐπεφαίνοντο τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον ἐκ τοῦ πελάγους. οἱ δὲ θαυμάσαντες ἀντανήγοντο, καὶ τὸ ἔργον ἦν ἑκατέρωθεν ἰσχύος τε καὶ δυνάμεως· Ῥόδιοι μὲν γὰρ ναυσὶ κούφαις διεξέπλεόν τε τοὺς πολεμίους ὀξέως καὶ περιέπλεον καὶ ἐπανόδοις ἐχρῶντο, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ἐπὶ νεῶν βαρυτέρων, ὅτε συμπλακεῖεν, ἀπὸ βαρυτέρας ῥύμης ἐπεβάρουν ὥσπερ ἐν πεζομαχίᾳ. τοῦ δὲ Κασσίου πλήθει νεῶν τὰς πολεμίας περιλαβόντος, οἱ μὲν Ῥόδιοι περιπλεῖν ἔτι καὶ διεκπλεῖν οὐκ ἐδύναντο, ἐμβάλλουσι δʼ αὐτοῖς μόνον ἐκ τοῦ μετώπου καὶ ἀναχωροῦσιν ἡ μὲν ἐμπειρία διέφθαρτο ὑπὸ τῆς στενοχωρίας κεκυκλευμένοις, αἱ δὲ ἐμβολαὶ καὶ ἀποσιμώσεις ἐς βαρυτέρας τὰς Ῥωμαίων ναῦς ἀσθενεῖς ἐγίγνοντο, Ῥωμαίοις δʼ ἦσαν ἐς κουφοτέρας εὔτονοι, μέχρι Ῥόδιαι μὲν τρεῖς αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐλήφθησαν καὶ δύο ἀνερράγησάν τε καὶ κατέδυσαν καὶ αἱ λοιπαὶ βεβλαμμέναι διέφυγον ἐς τὴν Ῥόδον, αἱ δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἅπασαι μὲν ἐπανῆλθον ἐς Μύνδον, ἐπεσκευάζοντο δὲ καὶ τούτων αἱ πλέονες βλαβεῖσαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.9.71

Alexander and Mnaseas, the Rhodian leaders, put to sea with their thirty-three ships against Cassius at Myndus, intending to surprise him by the suddenness of their attack. They built their hopes somewhat lightly on the supposition that by sailing against Mithridates at Myndus they had brought that war to a successful end. In order to display their seamanship they took their station the first day at Cnidus. The next day they showed themselves to the forces of Cassius on the high sea. The latter in astonishment put to sea against them, and it was a battle of strength and skill on both sides. The Rhodians with their light ships darted swiftly through the enemy’s line, turned around, and attacked them in the rear. The Romans had heavier ships, and whenever they could come to close quarters they prevailed, as in an engagement on land, by their greater strength. Cassius, by reason of his more numerous fleet, was enabled to surround his enemy, and then the latter could no longer turn and dart through his line. When they could only attack in front and then haul off, their nautical skill was of no avail in the narrow space where they were confined. The ramming with their prows and broadside movements against the heavier Roman ships did little damage, while those of the Romans against the lighter vessels were more effective. Finally, three Rhodian ships were captured with their crews, two were rammed and sunk, and the remainder took flight to Rhodes in a damaged condition. All of the Roman ships returned to Myndus, where they were repaired, the greater part having suffered injury.

4.9.72 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.9.72

τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τῆς ἐν Μύνδῳ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Ῥοδίων ναυμαχίας τέλος ἦν, καὶ αὐτὴν γιγνομένην ὁ Κάσσιος ἀπὸ ὄρους καθεώρα· ὡς δὲ ἐπεσκεύασε τὰ σκάφη, διέπλευσεν ἐς Λώρυμα, Ῥοδίων τι φρούριον ἐν τῇ περαίᾳ, καὶ τὸ πεζὸν ἐς τὴν Ῥόδον διεβίβαζεν ἐπὶ ὁλκάδων ὑπὸ Φαννίῳ τε καὶ Λέντλῳ. αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπέπλει ταῖς ὀγδοήκοντα ναυσὶν ἐσκευασμέναις ἐς τὸ φοβερώτατον καὶ περιστήσας τῇ Ῥόδῳ τὸ πεζὸν ὁμοῦ καὶ τὸ ναυτικὸν ἡσύχαζεν ὡς ἐνδωσόντων τι τῶν πολεμίων. οἱ δὲ ἐπανήχθησαν μὲν αὖθις εὐθαρσῶς, δύο δὲ καὶ τότε ναῦς ἀποβαλόντες συνεκλείσθησαν. καὶ ἀναδραμόντες ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη πάντα τε ὅπλων ἐπλήρουν καὶ ἀπεμάχοντο ὁμοῦ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Φάννιον ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς ἐνοχλοῦντας καὶ τὸν Κάσσιον τοῖς πρὸς θαλάσσῃ τείχεσι τὸ ναυτικὸν οὐκ ἀνέτοιμον ἐς τειχομαχίαν ἐπαγαγόντα· ἐλπίζων γάρ τι τοιοῦτον ἐπεφέρετο πύργους ἐπτυγμένους, οἳ τότε ἀνίσταντο. Ῥόδος μὲν δὴ δύο πείραις καμοῦσα ἔκ τε γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης ἐπολιορκεῖτο· καὶ οὐδέν, ὡς ἐν ἔργῳ ταχεῖ καὶ ἀδοκήτῳ, παρεσκεύαστο αὐτοῖς ἐς πολιορκίαν. ὅθεν ἦν εὔδηλον ἁλώσεσθαι τάχιστα τὴν πόλιν ἢ χερσὶν ἢ λιμῷ· καὶ τάδε Ῥοδίων οἱ συνετώτεροι καθεώρων, καὶ Φάννιος αὐτοῖς καὶ Λέντλος διελέγοντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.9.72

Such was the result of the naval engagement of the Romans and the Rhodians at Myndus. Cassius watched the fight while it was going on from the summit of a mountain. When he had repaired his ships he sailed to Loryma, a fortified place belonging to the Rhodians on the mainland opposite the island, from which he sent his foot-soldiers across in transports under the command of Fannius and Lentulus. He advanced in person with eighty ships rigged in a way to produce terror. He surrounded Rhodes with his land and naval forces, and then remained quiet, expecting that the enemy would show signs of weakening. But they sailed out again valiantly and, after losing two more ships, were hemmed in on all sides. Then they mounted the walls, heaped them with missiles, and resisted simultaneously the soldiers of Fannius, who were assailing them on the landward side, and Cassius, who was advancing his naval force, prepared for wall-fighting, against the defences on the sea. Anticipating such a necessity he had brought with him turrets in sections, which were then elevated. Thus was Rhodes, after suffering two naval defeats, beleaguered by land and sea, and, as frequently happens in sudden and unexpected trouble, found herself wholly unprepared for siege; whence it became evident that the city must speedily be taken either by assault or by famine. The more intelligent of the Rhodians perceived this and opened communications with Fannius and Lentulus.

Edition note

This was the Lentulus whose letter to the Senate is mentioned in the note on p. 332.

4.9.73 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.9.73

γιγνομένων δʼ ἔτι τούτων ἄφνω Κάσσιος ἦν ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει μετʼ ἐπιλέκτου στρατοῦ, βίας μὲν οὐδεμιᾶς φανείσης οὐδὲ κλιμάκων ἔργου. εἴκαζον δὲ οἱ πολλοί, καὶ δοκεῖ γενέσθαι, τοὺς χαρίεντας αὐτῷ τῶν πολιτῶν ὑπανοῖξαι πυλίδας ἐλέῳ τῆς πόλεως καὶ προμηθείᾳ τροφῶν. ὧδε μὲν ἑαλώκει Ῥόδος, καὶ Κάσσιος ἐν αὐτῇ προυκάθητο ἐπὶ βήματος καὶ δόρυ τῷ βήματι παρεστήσατο ὡς ἐπὶ δοριαλώτῳ. ἀτρεμεῖν τε κελεύσας τὸν στρατὸν ἀκριβῶς καὶ θάνατον ἐπικηρύξας, εἴ τις ἁρπάσειεν ἢ βιάσαιτό τι, αὐτὸς ἐξ ὀνόματος ἐκάλει Ῥοδίων ἐς πεντήκοντα ἄνδρας καὶ ἀχθέντας ἐκόλαζε θανάτῳ· ἑτέροις δέ, ἀμφὶ τοὺς πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν, οὐχ εὑρεθεῖσι φυγὴν ἐπέταττεν. χρήματα δὲ ὅσα ἦν ἢ χρυσὸς ἢ ἄργυρος ἐν ἱεροῖς τε καὶ δημοσίοις, πάντα συλήσας ἐκέλευσε καὶ τὸν ἰδιωτικὸν ἐκφέρειν τοὺς κεκτημένους εἰς ἡμέραν ῥητήν· καὶ ἐπεκήρυξε τοῖς μὲν ἐπικρύψασι θάνατον, τοῖς δὲ μηνύσασι δεκάτην, δούλοις δὲ καὶ ἐλευθερίαν. οἱ δʼ ἐν μὲν ἀρχῇ πολλοὶ συνέκρυψαν, οὐκ ἐς τέλος ἐλπίζοντες ἀφίξεσθαι τὴν ἀπειλήν· διδομένων δὲ τῶν γερῶν καὶ κολαζομένων τῶν μηνυομένων ἔδεισάν τε καὶ προσθεσμίαν ἑτέραν λαβόντες οἱ μὲν ἐκ γῆς ἀνώρυσσον, οἱ δὲ ἐκ φρεάτων ἀνίμων, οἱ δὲ ἐξέφερον ἐκ τάφων πολὺ πλέονα τῶν προτέρων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.9.73

While they were doing so Cassius suddenly made his appearance in the midst of the city with a chosen band of soldiers, without any show of violence or use of ladders. Most people conjectured, as seemed the fact, that those of the citizens who were favorable to him had opened the small gates, being moved by pity for the town and the apprehension of famine. Thus was Rhodes captured; and Cassius took his seat on the tribunal and planted a spear by the side of it to indicate that he had taken the city by force. Laying strict commands upon his soldiers to remain quiet, and threatening with death any who should resort to violence or plunder, he summoned by name about fifty citizens, and punished with death those who were led before him. The others, who were not found, numbering about twenty-five, he ordered to be banished. All the money that was found, either gold or silver, in the temples and the public treasury, he seized, and he ordered private citizens who had any to bring it to him on a day named, proclaiming death to those who should conceal it, together with a reward of one-tenth to informers and freedom in addition in the case of slaves. At first many concealed what they had, hoping that in the end the threat would not be carried out, but when they saw the rewards paid and those who had been informed against punished, they became alarmed, and having procured the appointment of another day, some of them dug their money out of the ground, others drew it out of wells, and others brought it from tombs, in much larger amounts than the former collections.

Edition note

Dion Cassius (xlvii. 33) says that Cassius did the Rhodians no harm, but that he took their valuables, both sacred and profane, except the chariot of the Sun. Plutarch says that he did not treat them with moderation, οὐκ ἐπιεικῶς ἐχρῆτο τοῖς πράγμασι, a phrase which does not necessarily imply the shedding of blood.

4.9.74 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.9.74

αἱ μὲν δὴ Ῥοδίων συμφοραὶ τοιαίδε ἦσαν, καὶ Λεύκιος Οὐᾶρος αὐτοῖς μετὰ φρουρᾶς ὑπελέλειπτο· ὁ δὲ Κάσσιος ἡδόμενος τῇ ταχυεργίᾳ τῆς ἁλώσεως καὶ τῷ πλήθει τῶν χρημάτων ἐπέταττεν ὅμως καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἔθνεσι τῆς Ἀσίας ἅπασι φόρους ἐτῶν δέκα συμφέρειν. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπράσσοντο συντόνως, ἐξαγγέλλεται δὲ αὐτῷ Κλεοπάτρα μέλλουσα διαπλεῖν μεγάλῳ στόλῳ καὶ παρασκευῇ βαρυτάτῃ πρὸς Καίσαρά τε καὶ Ἀντώνιον· τὰ γὰρ ἐκείνων αἱρουμένη καὶ τέως διὰ τὸν πρότερον Καίσαρα, τότε μᾶλλον ᾑρεῖτο διὰ τὸν ἐκ Κασσίου φόβον. ὁ δὲ Μοῦρκον μετά τε ὁπλιτῶν ἀρίστου τέλους καὶ τοξοτῶν τινων ἐπὶ νεῶν ἑξήκοντα καταφράκτων ἐς Πελοπόννησον ἔπεμπε ναυλοχεῖν περὶ Ταίναρον, […: gap in edition] περισυράμενος ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου λείαν, ὅσην ἔφθασε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.9.74

Such were the calamities that befell the Rhodians. Lucius Varus was left in charge of them with a garrison. Cassius, although delighted with the quickness of the capture and the quantity of money taken, nevertheless ordered all the other peoples of Asia to pay ten years’ tribute, and this they did within a short space of time. News now reached him that Cleopatra was about to sail with a large fleet and very extensive apparatus to Octavius and Antony. She had espoused their cause previously on account of her relations with the first Caesar, and now she espoused it all the more by reason of her fear of Cassius. The latter sent Murcus, with a legion of the best soldiers and a certain number of archers, with sixty decked ships, to the Peloponnesus, to lie in wait in the neighborhood of Taenarum and to collect what booty they could from that country.

4.10.75 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.10.75

τὰ δʼ ἀμφὶ Λυκίαν καὶ Βροῦτον, μικρὰ καὶ τῶν ἀμφὶ τοῦτον ἐς ὑπόμνησιν ἀναλαβόντι ἄνωθεν, ἦν τοιάδε. ἐπειδὴ παρὰ Ἀπουληίου στρατιάν τέ τινα εἰλήφει, ὅσην Ἀπουλήιος εἶχεν, καὶ χρήματα ἐς ἑξακισχίλια καὶ μύρια τάλαντα, ὅσα ἐκ τῶν φόρων τῆς Ἀσίας συνείλεκτο, παρῆλθεν ἐς Βοιωτίαν. ψηφισαμένης δὲ αὐτῷ τῆς βουλῆς τοῖς τε χρήμασιν ἐς τὰ παρόντα χρῆσθαι καὶ Μακεδονίας ἄρχειν καὶ τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος ἐπὶ τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ, τὰ μὲν ἐν τοῖς Ἰλλυριοῖς τρία τέλη τοῦ στρατοῦ παραλαμβάνει, Οὐατινίου τοῦ πρότερον ἄρχοντος Ἰλλυριῶν παραδόντος, ἓν δὲ ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἀφείλετο Γάιον, τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἀντωνίου. τέσσαρα δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἄλλα συναγαγὼν ὀκτὼ τὰ πάντα εἶχε, Γαΐῳ Καίσαρι τὰ πολλὰ αὐτῶν ἐστρατευμένα. εἶχε δὲ καὶ ἱππέων πλῆθος καὶ ψιλοὺς καὶ τοξότας, καὶ τοὺς Μακεδόνας ἐπαινῶν ἐς τὸν Ἰταλικὸν ἤσκει τρόπον. ἀγείροντι δὲ αὐτῷ στρατὸν ἔτι καὶ χρήματα συντυχία Θρᾴκιος τοιάδε γίγνεται. Πολεμοκρατία, γυνή τινος τῶν βασιλίσκων, ἀναιρεθέντος αὐτῇ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ὑπὸ ἐχθρῶν δείσασα περὶ τῷ παιδὶ ἔτι ὄντι μειρακίῳ, ἧκεν αὐτὸν φέρουσα καὶ ἐνεχείρισε Βρούτῳ, ἐνεχείρισε δὲ καὶ τοὺς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς θησαυρούς. ὁ δὲ τὸν μὲν παῖδα Κυζικηνοῖς ἀνατρέφειν παρέδωκε, μέχρι σχολάσειεν ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν καταγαγεῖν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς θησαυροῖς εὗρε παράδοξον χρυσίου τι πλῆθος καὶ ἀργύρου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.10.75

We will now relate the transactions of Brutus in Lycia, first glancing at what has been mentioned above in order to refresh the memory. When he had received from Apuleius certain soldiers which the latter had under his command, together with 16,000 talents in money which Apuleius had collected from the tribute of Asia, he passed into Bœotia. The Senate having voted that he should use this money for his present necessities and that he should have command of Macedonia, and of Illyria in addition, he came into possession of three legions of soldiers which Vatinius, the former governor of Illyria, delivered to him. Another one he captured from Gaius, the brother of Mark Antony, in Macedonia. He collected four more in addition to these, so that he had eight legions in all, most of whom had served under Gaius Caesar. He had a large force of cavalry, light-armed troops, and archers. He had a high opinion of his Macedonian soldiers and he trained them in the Roman discipline. While he was still collecting soldiers and money a piece of good luck came to him from Thrace, of the following sort. Polemocratia, the wife of one of the Thracian princes, whose husband had been killed by his enemies, being alarmed for her son, who was still a boy, came to Brutus bringing the boy, whom she placed in his hands together with her husband’s treasures. Brutus delivered the boy to the inhabitants of Cyzicus to be cared for until he (Brutus) should have leisure to restore him to his kingdom. Among the treasures he found an unexpected quantity of gold and silver. This he stamped and converted into money.

Edition note

See iii. 63 supra.

Edition note

Y.R. 712

4.10.76 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.10.76

καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἔκοπτε καὶ νόμισμα ἐποίει· ὡς δὲ ἦλθέ τε ὁ Κάσσιος καὶ ἔδοξε Λυκίους καὶ Ροδίους προεξαιρεῖν, ἐτράπετο Λυκίων ἐπὶ Ξανθίους πρώτους. οἱ δὲ τά τε προάστεια σφῶν καθεῖλον, ἵνα μὴ ἐς κατάλυσιν αὐτοῖς ὁ Βροῦτος μηδʼ ἐς ὕλην ἔχῃ χρῆσθαι, καὶ τὴν πόλιν περιταφρεύσαντες ἀπεμάχοντο ἀπὸ τῆς τάφρου, τὸ μὲν βάθος οὔσης πεντήκοντα ποδῶν βαθυτέρας, τὸ δὲ πλάτος κατὰ λόγον τοῦ βάθους, ὥστε παρʼ αὐτὴν ἑστῶτες ἠκόντιζόν τε καὶ ἐτόξευον ὥσπερ ἐν μέσῳ ποταμὸν ἔχοντες ἀπέρατον. ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος αὐτὴν ἔχου βιαζόμενος καὶ σκεπαστήρια τῶν ἐργαζομένων προυτίθει καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐς ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτα ἐμέριζε, καὶ τὴν ὕλην μακρόθεν, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι, σὺν δρόμῳ καὶ βοῇ μετέφερεν, οὐδὲν ἐκλείπων σπουδῆς καὶ πόνου. ὅθεν αὐτῷ τὸ ἔργον ἐλπισθὲν ἢ οὐκ ἔσεσθαι κωλυόντων τῶν πολεμίων ἢ πολλοῖς μησὶ μόλις ἔσεσθαι, ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ἐξείργαστο, καὶ οἱ Ξάνθιοι κατακλεισθέντες ἐπολιορκοῦντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.10.76

When Cassius came, and it was decided to begin by reducing the Lycians and Rhodians, Brutus turned his attention first to the inhabitants of Xanthus in Lycia. The latter destroyed their suburbs in order that Brutus might not effect a lodgment or find material there. They also surrounded the city with a trench and embankment of more than fifty feet vertically and of corresponding breadth, from which they fought, so that standing upon it they could hurl darts and shoot arrows as though protected by an impassable river. Brutus invested the place, pushed forward coverings for his workmen, divided his army into day and night forces, brought up material from long distances, hurrying and cheering as in contests for prizes, and spared neither zeal nor labor. So the work which it seemed most likely could not be done at all in the face of an opposing enemy, or only at the end of many months, was accomplished by him in a few days.

Edition note

B.C. 42

4.10.77 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.10.77

καὶ αὐτοῖς ὁ Βροῦτος τοὺς μὲν ἐκ μηχανημάτων εἰς τὰ τείχη, τοὺς δὲ ἐκ ποδὸς ἐπῆγεν ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας καὶ πάντας ἐνήλλασσε συνεχῶς. οἱ δὲ ἀκμῆσιν αἰεὶ κεκμηκότες συμφερόμενοι καὶ τετρωμένοι πάντες, ὅμως ὑπέμενον, ἕως σφίσιν αἱ ἐπάλξεις διέμενον. ὡς δὲ καὶ αὗται κατεσύρησαν καὶ οἱ πύργοι διερρώγεσαν, ὑποτοπήσας τὸ ἐσόμενον ὁ Βροῦτος ἐκέλευσε τὰς ἐφέδρους τῶν πυλῶν τάξεις ἀποστῆναι· καὶ οἱ Ξάνθιοι νομίσαντες ἀφυλαξίαν καὶ ἀμέλειαν εἶναι νυκτὸς ἐξέδραμον μετὰ λαμπάδων ἐπὶ τὰ μηχανήματα. ταχὺ δὲ ἐκ συνθήματος αὐτοῖς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐπιδραμόντων, συνέφευγον αὖθις ἐς τὰς πύλας· καὶ τῶν φυλάκων αὐτὰς προαποκλεισάντων ὑπὸ δέους, μὴ συνεσπέσοιεν οἱ πολέμιοι, φθόρος ἦν Ξανθίων πολὺς ἀμφὶ ταῖς πύλαις ἀποκεκλεισμένων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.10.77

The Xanthians were now subjected to close siege. Brutus attacked them now with battering-rams against the walls, now by assaults upon the gates with foot-soldiers, whom he kept changing continually. The defenders, although fatigued by being always pitted against fresh soldiers, and all wounded, nevertheless held out as long as their parapets remained. When these were battered down and the towers broken through, Brutus, foreseeing what would happen, ordered those who were attacking the gates to withdraw. The Xanthians, thinking that the enemy’s works were deserted and unguarded, darted out by night to set fire to the machines. Suddenly the Romans attacked them as ordered, and they again fled to the gates, the guards of which closed them before they entered, fearing lest the enemy should rush in with them — in consequence of which there was around the gates a great slaughter of the Xanthians who were shut out.

4.10.78 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.10.78

οὐ πολὺ δὲ ὕστερον ἐξέδραμον αὖθις οἱ λοιποὶ περὶ μεσημβρίαν, ἀναχωρούσης πάλιν τῆς τάξεως, καὶ ἐνέπρησαν τὰ μηχανήματα ἅπαντα ἀθρόως. πεπετασμένων δʼ αὐτοῖς τῶν πυλῶν διὰ τὸ πρότερον πάθος, συνεισέπεσον ἀμφὶ δισχιλίους μάλιστα Ῥωμαίων. καὶ ἑτέροις δὲ εἰσωθιζομένοις ἀμφὶ τὴν εἴσοδον ἐπέπεσον αἰφνίδιον αἱ πύλαι, εἴθʼ ὑπό του Ξανθίων εἴτε καὶ αὐτομάτως τῶν χαλαστηρίων διαρραγέντων, ὥστε τῶν ἐσβιασαμένων Ῥωμαίων τοὺς μὲν ἀπολέσθαι, τοὺς δὲ ἔνδον ἀποληφθῆναι, τὰς πύλας οὐ δυναμένους ἔτι ἀνασπάσαι, χωρὶς ἀνασπαστηρίων γενομένας. βαλλόμενοι δʼ ἐν τοῖς στενωποῖς ἄνωθεν ὑπὸ τῶν Ξανθίων, βιασάμενοί ποτε μόλις ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐγγὺς οὖσαν διέδραμον· κἀνταῦθα τῶν μὲν συμπλεκομένων σφίσι κρατοῦντες, τοξευόμενοι δὲ χαλεπῶς καὶ οὐδὲν ἔχοντες αὐτοὶ τόξον ἢ ἀκόντιον, παρὰ τὸ Σαρπηδόνειον, ἵνα μὴ κυκλωθεῖεν, διέδραμον. οἱ δʼ ἔξω τείχους Ῥωμαῖοι περὶ τῶν ἔνδον ἀγανακτοῦντές τε καὶ δεδιότες, Βρούτου περιθέοντος αὐτούς, ἐς πᾶσαν ἐμερίζοντο πεῖραν, οὔτε τὰς πύλας δυνάμενοι ῥῆξαι σιδήρῳ περιβεβλημένας, οὔτε κλιμάκων ἢ πύργων ἐμπεπρησμένων εὐποροῦντες. ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν ἐσχεδίαζον κλίμακας, οἱ δὲ κεραίας τοῖς τείχεσι προστιθέντες ὡς διὰ κλιμάκων ἐπεχείρουν, οἱ δὲ καὶ σιδήρια ὀξέα καλωδίοις περιτιθέντες ἐσφενδόνων τὰ σιδήρια ἐς τὸ τεῖχος ἄνω καί, ὅτε καταπαγείη τινὰ αὐτῶν, ἑαυτοὺς ἀνίμων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.10.78

Soon afterwards the remainder made a fresh sally about midday, and as the besiegers withdrew again, they burned all the machines. As the gates were left open for them on account of the former calamity, about 2000 Romans broke in with them. While others were pushing in at the entrance the portcullis suddenly fell upon them, either by the design of the Xanthians or the accidental breaking of the ropes, so that some of the Romans who were forcing their way in were crushed and the others found their retreat cut off, as they could not raise the portcullis without the hoisting apparatus. Pelted by missiles hurled upon them by the Xanthians from the roofs in the narrow streets, they forced their way with difficulty till they came to the forum, which was near by, and there they overcame the forces which were at close quarters with them, but, being under a heavy volley of arrows and having themselves neither bows nor javelins, they took refuge in the temple of Sarpedon to avoid being surrounded. The Romans who were outside the walls were excited and anxious for those inside, and tried every means [to effect an entrance], Brutus meantime darting hither and thither, but they were not able to break the portcullis, which was protected with iron, nor could they procure ladders or towers since their own had been burned. Nevertheless some of them made extemporized ladders, and others pushed trunks of trees against the walls to serve in place of ladders. Still others fastened iron hooks to ropes and hurled them up to the walls, and whenever one of them caught fast they climbed up.

4.10.79 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.10.79

Οἰνοανδεῖς δὲ γείτονες, διὰ τὴν ἐς τοὺς Ξανθίους ἔχθραν τῷ Βρούτῳ συμμαχοῦντες, διὰ τῶν κρημνῶν ἐπετροβάτουν ἄνω· καὶ αὐτοὺς ἰδόντες οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐμιμοῦντο ἐπιμόχθως. καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν ἐξέπιπτον, εἰσὶ δʼ οἳ τὸ τεῖχος ὑπερβάντες καὶ πυλίδα ἀνέῳξαν, ἣ προεσταύρωτο πυκνοτάτοις σταυροῖς, καὶ τοὺς εὐτολμοτάτους αἰωρουμένους ὑπὲρ τὰ σταυρώματα ἐσεδέχοντο. καὶ πλείους γενόμενοι τὰς πύλας ἔκοπτον, οὐ περιβεβλημένας ἔτι τῷ σιδήρῳ τὰ ἐντός, ἀντικοπτόντων αὐτοῖς ἅμα ἔξωθεν ἑτέρων ἐς τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ συνεργούντων. Ξανθίων δὲ σὺν μεγάλῃ πάνυ βοῇ τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸ Σαρπηδόνειον οὖσι Ῥωμαίοις ἐπιθεόντων, δείσαντες ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν, ὅσοι περὶ τὰς πύλας ἔνδοθέν τε καὶ ἔξωθεν αὐτὰς ἔκοπτον, ὑπὸ μανιώδους ὁρμῆς ἐβιάζοντο καὶ διαρρήξαντες ἐσέδραμον ἀθρόοι, δύνοντος ἄρτι τοῦ θεοῦ, μετὰ ἀλαλαγῆς, ἵνα σύμβολον εἴη τοῖς ἐντὸς οὖσιν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.10.79

The Œnandians, who were neighbors of the Xanthians, and who had formed an alliance with Brutus by reason of their enmity to the latter, clambered up by way of a precipice. When the Romans saw them they toiled up after them. Many fell off, but some scaled the wall and opened a small gate, defended with a very dense palisade, and admitted the most daring of the assailants, who swung themselves over the palings. Being now more numerous they began to chop down the portcullis, which was not protected with iron on the inside, while others outside chopped in conjunction with them, and coöperated to the same end. While the Xanthians, with loud cries, were rushing upon the Romans who were at the temple of Sarpedon, the Romans within and without who were demolishing the portcullis, fearful for their comrades, struggled with frantic zeal. Finally they broke it down and rushed through in crowds about sunset, with a loud shout intended as a signal to those in the temple.

4.10.80 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.10.80

ἁλούσης δὲ τῆς πόλεως οἱ Ξάνθιοι ἐς τὰς οἰκίας συνέτρεχον καὶ τὰ φίλτατα σφῶν κατέκαινον, ἑκόντα τὴν σφαγὴν ὑπέχοντα. οἰμωγῆς δὲ γιγνομένης ὁ Βροῦτος νομίσας ἁρπαγὴν εἶναι τὸν στρατὸν ἀνεῖργε διὰ κηρύκων· ὡς δὲ ἔγνω τὸ γιγνόμενον, ᾤκτειρεν ἀνδρῶν φρόνημα φιλελεύθερον καὶ σπονδὰς περιέπεμπεν. οἱ δὲ καὶ τοὺς φέροντας ἔβαλλον καὶ τὰ σφέτερα πάντα ἀνελόντες ἐς πυρὰς προνενης μένας ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις ἐπέθεσαν καὶ τὸ πῦρ ἅψαντες ἑαυτοὺς ἐπικατέσφαξαν. Βροῦτος δὲ τῶν ἱερῶν περισώσας ὅσα ἐδύνατο, μόνους θεράποντας εἷλε Ξανθίων καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἀνδρῶν γύναια ὀλίγα ἐλεύθερα καὶ ἄνδρας οὐδὲ ἐς ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα πάντας. Ξάνθιοι μὲν δὴ τρίτον ὑπὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἀπώλλυντο ἐλευθερίας οὕνεκα. καὶ γὰρ ἐπὶ Ἁρπάγου τοῦ Μήδου, Κύρῳ τῷ μεγάλῳ στρατηγοῦντος, ὧδε σφᾶς ἀντὶ δουλοσύνης διέφθειραν, καὶ τάφος Ξανθίοις ἡ πόλις ἀνειληθεῖσιν ὑπὸ Ἁρπάγου τότε ἐγένετο· καὶ ἐπὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Φιλίππου φασὶν ὅμοια παθεῖν, οὐχ ὑποστάντας οὐδὲ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ μετὰ τοσῆσδε γῆς ἀρχὴν ὑπακοῦσαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.10.80

When the city was taken the Xanthians ran to their houses and killed those dearest to them, all of whom willingly offered themselves to the slaughter. Upon hearing cries of lamentation, Brutus thought that plundering was going on, and he gave orders to the army to stop it; but when he knew what the facts were he commiserated the freedom-loving spirit of the citizens, and sent messengers to offer them terms. They hurled missiles at the messengers, and, after destroying their own families, placed the bodies on funeral piles, which they had previously erected in their houses, set fire to them, and slew themselves on the same. Brutus saved such of the temples as he could, but he captured only the slaves of the Xanthians; and of the citizens a few free women and hardly 150 men. Thus the Xanthians perished the third time by their own hands on account of their love of liberty; for when the city was besieged by Harpagus, the Mede, the general of Cyrus the Great, they destroyed themselves in like manner rather than be enslaved, and the city, shut up by Harpagus, then became the tomb of the Xanthians; and it is said that they suffered a similar fate at the hands of Alexander, the son of Philip, as they would not submit to obey him even after he had become the master of so large a portion of the earth.

Edition note

ἡ πόλις ἀμεληθεῖσα ὑπὸ Ἁρπάγου: literally, the city being uncared for by Harpagus. What this may mean it is hard to understand, since Harpagus was an enemy outside the walls. Mendelssohn accordingly suggests ἀποκλεισθεῖσα (shut up) in place of ἀμεληθεῖσα. I have adopted this emendation, but it is pure conjecture.

Edition note

Plutarch’s account of the siege and destruction of Xanthus is very like Appian’s. He refers also to its earlier destruction in the Persian war (Life of Brutus, 30, 31). The latter event is described by Herodotus (i. 176).

4.10.81 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.10.81

Βροῦτος δὲ ἐς Πάταρα ἀπὸ Ξάνθου κατῄει, πόλιν ἐοικυῖαν ἐπινείῳ Ξανθίων, καὶ περιστήσας αὐτοῖς τὸν στρατὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἐς πάντα ὑπακούειν ἢ τὰς Ξανθίων συμφορὰς προσδέχεσθαι· προσήγοντό τε αὐτοῖς οἱ Ξάνθιοι ὀδυρόμενοι τὰ σφέτερα καὶ παραινοῦντες ἀμείνονα βουλεύσασθαι. Ξανθίοις δὲ οὐδὲν ἀποκριναμένων πω τῶν Παταρέων, ἐδίδου τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτοῖς τῆς ἡμέρας ἐς σκέψιν καὶ ἀνεχώρει. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ προσῆγεν. οἱ δὲ ἀπό τε τῶν τειχῶν ἐβόων ὑπακούειν, ἐς ὅ τι βούλοιτο, καὶ τὰς πύλας ἀνεῴγνυον. ὁ δʼ ἐσελθὼν ἔκτεινε μὲν οὐδένα οὐδʼ ἐξήλασε, χρυσὸν δὲ καὶ ἄργυρον, ὅσον ἡ πόλις εἶχε, συνενεγκὼν ἐκέλευε καὶ τὸν ἰδιωτικὸν ἑκάστους ἐσφέρειν ὑπὸ ζημίαις καὶ μηνύμασιν, οἵοις καὶ Κάσσιος ἐκήρυξεν ἐν Ῥόδῳ. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐσέφερον, θεράπων δὲ τὸν δεσπότην ἐμήνυσε χρυσίον κρύψαι καὶ πεμφθέντι λοχαγῷ τὸ χρυσίον ἔδειξεν. ἀγομένων δὲ ἁπάντων ὁ μὲν δεσπότης ἐσιώπα, ἡ δὲ ἐκείνου μήτηρ περισῴζουσα τὸν υἱὸν εἵπετο, βοῶσα αὐτὴ τὸ χρυσίον κρύψαι. ὁ δὲ οἰκέτης, οὐδὲ ἀνερωτώμενος, τὴν μὲν ἤλεγχε ψευδομένην, τὸν δὲ κρύψαντα. καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος τὸν μὲν νεανίαν ἀπεδέξατο τῆς σιωπῆς καὶ τὴν μητέρα τοῦ πάθους καὶ μεθῆκεν ἀμφοτέρους ἀπαθεῖς ἀπιέναι τὸ χρυσίον φερομένους, τὸν δὲ οἰκέτην ὡς πέρα τοῦ προστάγματος ἐπιβουλεύσαντα τοῖς δεσπόταις ἐκρέμασε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.10.81

Brutus went from Xanthus down to Patara, a city which was something like a seaport of the Xanthians. He surrounded it with his army and ordered the inhabitants to obey him in everything, under penalty of meeting the fate of the Xanthians. Certain Xanthians were brought to them who lamented their own misfortunes and advised them to adopt wiser counsels. As the inhabitants of Patara made no sort of answer to the Xanthians, Brutus gave them the remainder of the day to consider the matter, and went away. The next morning he moved his troops forward. The Patarans cried out from the walls that they would obey all his commands, and opened their gates. He came in, but he neither killed nor banished anybody; but he ordered them to deliver to him whatever gold and silver the city possessed, and each citizen to bring in his private holdings under the same penalties and rewards to informers as those proclaimed by Cassius at Rhodes. They obeyed his order. One slave testified that his master had concealed his gold, and showed it to a centurion who was sent to find it. All the parties were brought before the tribunal. The master remained silent, but his mother, who had followed in order to save her son, cried out that she had concealed the gold. The slave, although not interrogated, disputed her, saying that she lied and that his master had concealed it. Brutus approved of the young man’s silence and sympathized with his mother’s grief. He allowed them both to depart unharmed and to take their gold with them, and he crucified the slave for superserviceable zeal in accusing his superiors.

4.10.82 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.10.82

τῷ δʼ αὐτῷ χρόνῳ καὶ Λέντλος ἐπιπεμφθεὶς Ἀνδριάκῃ Μυρέων ἐπινείῳ τήν τε ἅλυσιν ἔρρηξε τοῦ λιμένος καὶ ἐς Μύρα ἀνῄει. Μυρέων δέ, ἃ προσέτασσε, δεχομένων χρηματισάμενος ὁμοίως ἐς Βροῦτον ἐπανῄει. καὶ τὸ κοινὸν τὸ Λυκίων ἐς Βροῦτον ἐπρέσβευε, συμμαχήσειν τε ὑπισχνούμενοι καὶ ἐσοίσειν, ὅσα δύναιντο. ὁ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐσφοράς τε ἐπέβαλε καὶ Ξανθίων τοὺς ἐλευθέρους ἀπεδίδου τῇ πόλει καὶ τὸ ναυτικὸν τὸ Λυκίων ἅμα ταῖς ἄλλαῖς ναυσὶν ἐκέλευε περιπλεῖν ἐς Ἄβυδον, ἔνθα καὶ τὸ πεζὸν αὐτὸς ἦγε καὶ Κάσσιον ἐξ Ἰωνίας ἀνέμενεν, ὡς ἐς Σηστὸν ὁμοῦ διαβαλοῦντες. Μοῦρκος δὲ ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ ναυλοχῶν Κλεοπάτραν, ἐπειδὴ ἔμαθεν αὐτὴν ὑπὸ χειμῶνος ἀμφὶ τῇ Λιβύῃ βλαβεῖσαν καὶ τὰ ναυάγια εἶδε μέχρι τῆς Λακωνικῆς ἐκφερόμενα καὶ σὺν ἀρρωστίᾳ μόλις αὐτὴν ἐς τὰ ἑαυτῆς ἐπανιοῦσαν, ἵνα μὴ διʼ ἀπραξίας εἴη μετὰ τοσοῦδε στόλου, διέπλευσεν ἐπὶ Βρεντεσίου καὶ ἐς τὴν ἐπικειμένην τῷ λιμένι νῆσον ὁρμισάμενος ἐκώλυε τὴν ὑπόλοιπον τῶν πολεμίων στρατιὰν ἢ ἀγορὰν ἐς Μακεδονίαν περαιοῦσθαι. καὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἀπεμάχετο ναυσὶ μακραῖς, ὅσαις εἶχεν, ὀλίγαις· ἀπεμάχετο δὲ καὶ πύργοις, οὓς ἐπῆγεν ἐπὶ σχεδιῶν, ὅτε τὸν στρατὸν ὁλκάσιν ἐκπέμποι κατὰ μέρη, πνεῦμα ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς πολὺ φυλάσσων, ἵνα μὴ καταλαμβάνοιντο ὑπὸ τοῦ Μούρκου. κακοπαθῶν δὲ ἐκάλει Καίσαρα, Πομπηίῳ Σέξστῳ κατὰ Σικελίαν περὶ αὐτῆς Σικελίας ναυμαχοῦντα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.10.82

At the same time Lentulus, who had been sent to Andriace, the seaport of the Myreans, broke the chain which closed the harbor and ascended to Myra. As the inhabitants obeyed his commands, he collected money in the same way as at Patara and returned to Brutus. The confederation of Lycia sent ambassadors to Brutus promising to form a military league with him and to contribute what money they could. He imposed taxes on them and he restored the free Xanthians to their city. He ordered the Lycian fleet, together with his own ships, to set sail for Abydus, where he would rendezvous with his land forces and await Cassius, who was coming from Ionia, so that they might cross over to Sestus together. When Murcus, who was at Peloponnesus lying in wait for Cleopatra, learned that her fleet had been damaged by a storm on the Libyan coast, and saw the wreckage borne by the waves as far as Laconia, and knew that she had returned home with difficulty and in ill health, he sailed for Brundusium in order that he might not be idle with so great a fleet. He came to anchor at the island lying opposite the harbor, and prevented the remainder of the enemy’s army and supplies from passing over to Macedonia. Antony fought him with the few war-ships that he had, and with towers mounted on floats, whenever he sent out detachments of his army on transports and was favored by a strong wind from the land, in order that they might not be captured by Murcus. As he fared badly he called for help from Octavius, who was contending on the water with Sextus Pompeius along the coast of Sicily for possession of that island.

4.11.83 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.11.83

ὧδε δὲ εἶχε καὶ τὰ περὶ Πομπήιον. νεώτερος ὢν ὅδε τῶν Μάγνου Πομπηίου παίδων ὑπερώφθη μὲν τὰ πρῶτα ὑπὸ Γαΐου Καίσαρος περὶ Ἰβηρίαν, ὡς οὐδὲν μέγα διὰ νεότητα καὶ ἀπειρίαν ἐργασόμενος, καὶ ἠλᾶτο περὶ τὸν ὠκεανὸν λῃστεύων σὺν ὀλίγοις καὶ λανθάνων, ὅτι εἴη Πομπήιος. πλεόνων δὲ ἐς τὸ λῃστεύειν αὐτῷ συνιόντων χείρ τε ἦν ἤδη καρτερὰ καὶ ἐξεφαίνετο Πομπήιος ὤν. καὶ αὐτίκα, ὅσοι τοῦ πατρὸς ἢ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ στρατιῶται γεγονότες ἠλῶντο, ὡς ἐς οἰκεῖον ἡγεμόνα συνέτρεχον, καὶ Ἀραβίων ἐκ Λιβύης ἀφίκετʼ αὐτῷ, ἀφῃρημένος τὰ πατρῷα, ὥς μοι προείρηται. ὧδε δὲ αὐτῷ πλήθους γενομένου, ἔργα τε ἦν ἤδη λῃστηρίου δυνατώτερα καὶ ὄνομα τοῦ Πομπηίου ἀνὰ ὅλην τὴν Ἰβηρίαν, εὐρυτάτην ἐθνῶν οὖσαν, περιθέοντός τε καὶ μεθιπταμένου καὶ ἐς χεῖρας οὐχ ὑπομένοντος ἐλθεῖν τοῖς ἡγουμένοις αὐτῆς ὑπὸ Γαΐῳ Καίσαρι. ὧν ὁ Γαίος πυνθανόμενος ἔπεμπε σὺν στρατῷ πλέονι Καρρίναν ἐκπολεμήσοντα Πομπήιον. ὁ δὲ καὶ τούτῳ, κουφότερος ὤν, ἐπεφαίνετο ἄφνω καὶ ἀφιπτάμενος ἠνώχλει καὶ πόλεις ἤδη τινὰς ᾕρει βραχυτέρας τε καὶ μείζους.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.11.83

With Pompeius the situation was as follows. Being the younger son of Pompey the Great, he was at first disregarded by Gaius Caesar in Spain as not likely to accomplish anything of importance on account of his youth and inexperience. He roamed about the ocean with a few followers, committing piracy and concealing the fact that he was Pompeius. When larger numbers joined him for the purpose of pillage, and his force became powerful, he revealed his name. Presently those who had served with his father and his brother, and who were leading a vagabond life, drifted to him as their natural leader, and Arabio, who had been deprived of his ancestral kingdom, as I have related previously, came to him from Africa. His forces being thus augmented, his doings were now more important than robbery, and as he flew from place to place the name of Pompeius spread through the whole of Spain, which was the most extensive of the provinces; but he avoided coming to an engagement with the governors of it appointed by Gaius Caesar. When Caesar learned of his doings he sent Carinas with a stronger army to fight him. Pompeius, however, being the more nimble of the two, would show himself and then disappear, and so he wore out his enemy and got possession of a number of towns, large and small.

Edition note

See Sec. 54.

Edition note

καὶ ὄνομα τοῦ Πομπηίου . . . περίθεοντός τε καὶ μεθιπταμένου. Mendelssohn suggests, in place of the second clause, περιέθει ἐπιόντος τε.

4.11.84 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.11.84

καὶ ὁ Γάιος ἔπεμψε τῷ Καρρίνᾳ διάδοχον Ἀσίνιον Πολλίωνα πολεμεῖν Πομπηίῳ. ὅν τινα πόλεμον αὐτῶν ὁμοίως διαφερόντων, ὅ τε Γάιος Καῖσαρ ἀνῃρέθη καὶ ἡ βουλὴ κατεκάλει Πομπήιον. ὁ δὲ ἐν Μασσαλίᾳ γενόμενος περιεσκόπει ἔτι τὰ ἐν Ῥώμῃ. αἱρεθεὶς δὲ καὶ τῆς θαλάσσης ἄρχειν, καθὰ ἦρχεν αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁ πατήρ, ἐς μὲν τὴν πόλιν οὐδʼ ὣς ἀνῆλθεν, ὅσαι δὲ νῆες ἐν τοῖς λιμέσιν ἦσαν, λαβὼν ἐξέπλευσε σὺν αἷς εἶχεν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰβηρίας. ἐπιγενομένης δὲ τῆς τῶν τριῶν ἀρχῆς ἐς Σικελίαν διέπλευσε καὶ Βιθυνικὸν ἄρχοντα αὐτῆς, οὐ παριέντα οἱ τὴν νῆσον, ἐπολιόρκει, μέχρι προγραφέντες ἐπὶ θανάτῳ καὶ φυγόντες ἐκ Ῥώμης Ἵρτιός τε καὶ Φάννιος ἔπεισαν ἐκστῆναι Πομπηίῳ Βιθυνικὸν Σικελίας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.11.84

Then Caesar sent Asinius Pollio as successor to Carinas to prosecute the war against Pompeius. While they were carrying on the same kind of warfare, Caesar was assassinated and the Senate recalled Pompeius. The latter came to Massilia and there watched the course of events at Rome. Having been appointed commander of the sea with the same powers that his father had exercised, he did not yet come back to the city, but, taking what ships he found in the harbors, and joining them with those he had brought from Spain, he put to sea. When the triumvirate was established he sailed to Sicily, and as Bithynicus, the governor, would not yield the island, he besieged him, until Hirtius and Fannius, two men who had been proscribed and had fled from Rome, persuaded Bithynicus to surrender Sicily to Pompeius.

4.11.85 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.11.85

ὧδε μὲν ὁ Πομπήιος Σικελίας ἐκράτησε, καὶ ναῦς ἔχων καὶ νῆσον ἐπικειμένην τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ στρατὸν ἤδη πολύν, ὅσον τε πρότερον εἶχε καὶ ὅσον οἱ φεύγοντες ἐκ Ῥώμης ἐλεύθερον ἢ δοῦλον ἦγον ἢ αἱ πόλεις ἐξ Ἰταλίας ἔπεμπον αὐτῷ, αἱ ἐς ἐπινίκια τοῖς στρατοῖς ἐπηγγελμέναι. ταῖς γὰρ δὴ γνώμαις αἵδε μάλιστα τὴν νίκην τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀπεύχοντο καί, ὅσα δύναιντο, κρύφα ἀντέπρασσον· ἀποδιδράσκοντές τε τῶν πατρίδων ὡς οὐκέτι πατρίδων οἱ δυνάμενοι συνέφευγον ἐς Πομπήιον, ἀγχοτάτω τε ὄντα καὶ περιφίλητον ἅπασιν ἐν τῷ τότε. παρῆσαν δʼ αὐτῷ καὶ ναυτικοὶ ἄνδρες ἐκ Λιβύης καὶ Ἰβηρίας, ἔμπειροι θαλάσσης, ὥστε καὶ ἡγεμόσι καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ καὶ χρήμασιν ὁ Πομπήιος ἐπῆρτο. καὶ τούτων ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπήκοος ὢν ἔπεμπε Σαλουιδιηνὸν ἐπὶ νεῶν στόλου, Πομπήιον ὡς εὐχερὲς ἔργον ἐξελεῖν παραπλέοντα· καὶ αὐτὸς ᾔει διὰ τῆς Ἰταλίας ὡς αὐτῷ Σαλουιδιηνῷ συμβολήσων περὶ Ῥήγιον. Σαλουιδιηνῷ δʼ ὁ Πομπήιος ἀπαντᾷ μεγάλῳ στόλῳ, καὶ πρὸ τοῦ πορθμοῦ ναυμαχίας ἀμφὶ τὸ Σκύλλαιον αὐτοῖς γενομένης αἱ μὲν τοῦ Πομπηίου νῆες, κουφότεραί τε οὖσαι καὶ ναυτικωτέρων ἀνδρῶν, ταχυτῆτι καὶ ἐμπειρίᾳ προῦχον, αἱ δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἅτε βαρύτεραι καὶ μείζους ἐμόχθουν. ὡς δʼ ὁ συνήθης τοῦ πορθμοῦ κλύδων ἐπεγίγνετο καὶ διεσπᾶτο ἡ θάλασσα ἐφʼ ἑκάτερα ὑπὸ τοῦ ῥοῦ, οἱ μὲν ἧσσον ἐμόχθουν ὑπὸ ἔθους τοῦ κλύδωνος, οἱ δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Σαλουιδιηνόν, οὔτε ἑστῶτες βεβαίως ὑπὸ ἀηθείας οὔτε τὰς κώπας ἔτι ἀναφέρειν δυνάμενοι οὔτε τὰ πηδάλια ἔχοντες εὐπειθῆ, συνεταράσσοντο, ὥστε κλίνοντος ἐς δείλην ἑσπέραν ἤδη τοῦ θεοῦ πρότερος ὁ Σαλουιδιηνὸς ἀνεκάλει. ὑπεχώρει δὲ καὶ ὁ Πομπήιος. νῆες δὲ ἑκατέρων ἴσαι διεφθάρατο, καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς λελωβημένας τε καὶ πεπονημένας ὁ Σαλουιδιηνὸς ἐπεσκεύαζεν, ὑποχωρήσας ἐς λιμένα πρὸ τοῦ πορθμοῦ Βαλαρόν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.11.85

In this way Pompeius possessed himself of Sicily, and thus had ships, and an island lying convenient to Italy, and an army, now of considerable size, composed of those whom he had before, and those who had fled from Rome, both freemen and slaves, or those sent to him by the Italian cities which had been proclaimed as prizes of victory for the soldiers. These cities dreaded a victory of the triumvirs more than anything else, and whatever they could do against them secretly they did. The wealthy citizens fled from a country that they could no longer consider their own and took refuge with Pompeius, who was near by and greatly beloved by all at that time. There were present with him also many seafaring men from Africa and Spain, skilled in naval affairs, so that Pompeius was well provided with officers, ships, troops, and money. When Octavius learned these facts he sent Salvidienus with a fleet to come alongside of Pompeius and destroy him, as though it were an easy task, while he passed through Italy himself with the intention of joining Salvidienus at Rhegium. Pompeius advanced with a large fleet to meet Salvidienus, and a naval engagement took place between them at the entrance of the straits near the promontory of Scyllaeum. The ships of Pompeius, being lighter and manned by better sailors, excelled in swiftness and skill, while those of the Romans, being of great tonnage and size, labored heavily. When the usual rush of waves through the straits came on, and the sea dashed hither and thither under the influence of the current, the ships of Pompeius suffered less than their adversaries, because they were accustomed to the agitation of the waters; while those of Salvidienus, being unable to maintain their position firmly, or to work their oars, or manage their rudders, by reason of their inexperience, were thrown into confusion. Accordingly, about sunset, Salvidienus was the first to give the signal of retreat. Pompeius withdrew also. The ships suffered about equally on both sides. Salvidienus retired to the port of Balarus, facing the straits, where he repaired what was left of his damaged and wasted fleet.

4.11.86 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.11.86

ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐπελθὼν ʽρηγίνοις μὲν καὶ Ἱππωνεῦσι μεγάλας πίστεις αὐτὸς ἔδωκεν ἀναλύσειν αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἐπινικίων ʽἐδεδίει γὰρ ὄντας ἐπὶ τοῦ πορθμοῦ μάλιστἀ, καλοῦντος δʼ αὐτὸν Ἀντωνίου κατὰ σπουδὴν διέπλει πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον, ἐν ἀριστερᾷ ἔχων Σικελίαν καὶ Πομπήιον καὶ Σικελίαν ὑπερθέμενος ἐν τῷ τότε. Μοῦρκος δὲ ἐπιόντος τοῦ Καίσαρος, ἵνα μὴ ἐν μέσῳ γένηται Ἀντωνίου τε καὶ Καίσαρος, μικρὸν ἀναχωρήσας τοῦ Βρεντεσίου, τὰς ὁλκάδας ἐφύλασσεν ἐν τῷ πόρῳ τὸν στρατὸν ἐς Μακεδονίαν ἐκ τοῦ Βρεντεσίου διαφερούσας. αἱ δὲ προεπέμποντο μὲν ὑπὸ τριήρων, πνεύματος δὲ πολλοῦ κατὰ θεὸν οἰκείου γενομένου διέπτησαν ἀδεῶς, οὐδὲν τῶν προπομπῶν δεηθεῖσαι. καὶ ὁ Μοῦρκος ἀχθόμενος ὅμως ἐφήδρευεν ἐπανιούσαις κεναῖς. αἱ δὲ καὶ τότε, καὶ αὖθις ἕτερον στρατὸν ἄγουσαι, διέπλεον ἱστίοις στρογγύλοις, μέχρι πᾶς ὁ στρατὸς καὶ ἐπʼ αὐτῷ Καῖσάρ τε καὶ Ἀντώνιος διέπλευσαν. καὶ ὁ Μοῦρκος ὑπό του δαιμόνων βεβλάφθαι νομίζων, ὑπέμενεν ὅμως τὰς ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας αὐτοῖς διαπλεούσας παρασκευὰς ἢ τροφὰς ἢ τὸν ἐπισυλλεγόμενον στρατὸν βλάπτων, ὅσα δύναιτο. καὶ αὐτῷ Δομίτιος Ἀηνόβαρβος ὑπὸ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον ἐς τὸ αὐτὸ ἔργον, ὡς χρησιμώτατον δή, μετὰ νεῶν ἄλλων πεντήκοντα καὶ τέλους ἑτέρου καὶ τοξοτῶν ἐπέμφθη· ὡς γὰρ οὐκ ἔχουσι τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Καίσαρα τροφὰς δαψιλεῖς ἑτέρωθεν ἐδόκει τὰ ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας διακλείσειν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.11.86

When Octavius arrived he gave a solemn promise to the inhabitants of Rhegium and Vibo that they should be exempt from the list of prizes of victory, for he feared them on account of their nearness to the straits. As Antony had sent him a hasty summons, he set sail to join the latter at Brundusium, having Sicily and Pompeius on his left hand; and postponing the conquest of the island for the time being. On the approach of Octavius, Murcus withdrew a short distance from Brundusium in order that he might not be between Antony and Octavius, and there he watched for the passage of the transports that were carrying the army across from Brundusium to Macedonia. The latter were escorted by triremes, but a strong and favorable wind having sprung up they darted across fearlessly, needing no escort. Murcus was vexed, but he lay in wait for the empty ships on their return. Yet these returned, took on board the remainder of the soldiers, and crossed again with full sails until the whole army, together with Octavius and Antony, had passed over. Although Murcus recognized that his plans were frustrated by some fatality, he held his position nevertheless, in order to hinder as much as possible the passage of the enemy’s munitions and supplies, or supplementary troops. Domitius Ahenobarbus was sent by Brutus and Cassius to coöperate with him in this work, which they deemed most useful, together with fifty additional ships, one legion, and a body of archers; for, as the triumvirs did not have a plentiful supply of provisions from elsewhere, it was deemed important to cut off their convoys from Italy. And so Murcus and Domitius, with their 130 long ships and a still greater number of small ones, and their large military force, sailed hither and thither harassing the enemy.

Edition note

This was the son of Caesar’s enemy of the same name who was killed during the retreat of the Pompeians from the field of Pharsalus. Ahenobarbus is a Latin surname meaning bronze-beard, the equivalent of Barbarossa. The codices contain an amusing series of blunders here. One manuscript has Δομίτιος ὁ ἀοινόβαρος (Domitius not heavy with wine), another Δομίτιος ἀηνοβάρβαρος (Domitius, the bronze barbarian), four others have Δομίτιος δ’ ἦν ὁ βάρβαρος (Domitius was a barbarian).

4.11.87 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.11.87

οἱ μὲν δὴ ναυσί τε μακραῖς ἑκατὸν καὶ τριάκοντα καὶ ὑπηρετικαῖς πλέοσι καὶ στρατῷ πολλῷ διαπλέοντες ἠνώχλουν, Δεκίδιος δὲ καὶ Νωρβανός οὓς ὁ Καῖσαρ καὶ Ἀντώνιος μετὰ ὀκτὼ τελῶν ἐς Μακεδονίαν προεπεπόμφεσαν, ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης τῆς ὀρείου χιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους σταδίους, μέχρι πόλιν ὑπερβάντες Φιλίππους τὰ στενὰ Κορπίλων καὶ Σαπαίων, τῆς Ῥασκουπόλιδος ὄντα ἀρχῆς, κατέλαβον, ᾗ μόνῃ διελθεῖν ἔστιν ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας τὴν γνώριμον ὁδόν. καὶ τοῦτο τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον, ἐς Σηστὸν ἐξ Ἀβύδου περάσασι, πρῶτον ἀντεκεκρούκει. Ῥασκούπολις δὲ καὶ Ῥάσκος ἤστην ἀδελφὼ Θρᾳκίω βασιλίσκω, μιᾶς ἄρχοντε χώρας, οἳ τότε τῇ γνώμῃ περὶ τῆς συμμαχίας διεφέροντο. καὶ Ῥάσκος μὲν τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον συνεμάχει, Ῥασκούπολις δὲ τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον, τρισχιλίους ἱππέας ἔχων ἑκάτερος. πυνθανομένοις δὲ τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον περὶ τῶν ὁδῶν ὁ Ῥασκούπολις ἔφη τὴν μὲν διʼ Αἴνου καὶ Μαρωνείας ἐπίτομόν τε καὶ συνήθη καὶ λεωφόρον οὖσαν ἐπὶ τὰ Σαπαίων στενὰ ἄγειν, κατεχόντων δὲ αὐτὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἀμήχανα ἐς δίοδον εἶναι, τὴν δὲ περίοδον τριπλασίονά τε καὶ χαλεπήν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.11.87

Decidius and Norbanus, whom Octavius and Antony had sent in advance with eight legions to Macedonia, proceeded from that country a distance of 1500 stades toward the mountainous part of Thrace until they had passed beyond the city of Philippi, and seized the passes of the Corpileans and the Sapaeans, tribes under the rule of Rhascupolis, where lies the only known route of travel from Asia to Europe. Here was the first obstacle encountered by Brutus and Cassius after they had crossed over from Abydus to Sestus. Rhascupolis and Rhascus were brothers of the royal family of Thrace, ruling one country. They differed in opinion at that time in regard to the proper alliance. Rhascus had taken up arms for Antony and Rhascupolis for Cassius, each having 3000 horse. When the Cassians came to inquire about the roads, Rhascupolis told them that the one by way of Aenus and Maronea was the short and usual and most travelled route, but that it led to the gorge of the Sapaeans, which was occupied by the enemy and hence was impassable, but that there was a roundabout road which was difficult and three times as long.

Edition note

The name of this man was Decidius Saxa. He is mentioned in Syr. 51 and in the Epitome of Livy, cxxvii.

4.11.88 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.11.88

οἱ δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους ὑπολαβόντες οὐκ ἐς κώλυσιν μὲν ὁδῶν αὑτοῖς ἀπαντᾶν, τροφῶν δὲ ἀπορίᾳ ἐς Θρᾴκην ἀντὶ Μακεδονίας ὑπερβῆναι, ἐβάδιζον ἐπὶ Λἴνου καὶ Μαρωνείας, ὅθεν ἐπὶ Λυσιμαχείας τε καὶ Καρδίας, αἳ τὸν ἰσθμὸν τῆς Θρᾳκίου χερρονήσου διαλαμβάνουσιν ὥσπερ πύλαι, μετὰ δὲ ἄλλην ἡμέραν ἐς τὸν Μέλανα κόλπον ἀφίκοντο. καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐξετάζουσιν αὐτοῖς ἐγένοντο πάντες ὁπλιτῶν ἐννεακαίδεκα τέλη, Βρούτου μὲν ὀκτώ, Κασσίου δὲ ἐννέα, ἐντελὲς οὐδέν, ἀλλʼ ἐς δύο που τέλη μάλιστα ἀναπληρούμενα, ὡς γίνεσθαι μυριάδας ὁπλιτῶν ἀμφὶ τὰς ὀκτώ. ἱππέες δὲ ἦσαν Βρούτῳ μὲν Κελτοὶ καὶ Λυσιτανοὶ τετρακισχίλιοι καὶ Θρᾷκες καὶ Ἰλλυριοὶ Παρθηνοὶ καὶ Θεσσαλοὶ δισχίλιοι, Κασσίῳ δὲ Ἴβηρές τε καὶ Κελτοὶ δισχίλιοι καὶ ἱπποτοξόται Ἄραβές τε καὶ Μῆδοι καὶ Παρθυαῖοι τετρακισχίλιοι. σύμμαχοι δὲ εἵποντο βασιλέες καὶ τετράρχαι Γαλατῶν τῶν ἐν Ἀσίᾳ, πεζόν τε ἄγοντες πολὺν ἄλλον καὶ ἱππέας ὑπὲρ πεντακισχιλίους.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.11.88

Brutus and Cassius, thinking that the enemy had taken that position not so much to close the passage to them as to transfer themselves from Macedonia to Thrace for want of provisions, marched toward Aenus and Maronea from Lysimacheia and Cardia, which clasp the neck of the Thracian Chersonesus like gates. The next day brought them to the gulf of Melas. Here they reviewed their army, which contained in all nineteen legions of infantry. Of these Brutus had eight and Cassius nine, not full, but among them were two legions that were nearly full, so that they mustered about 80,000 foot-soldiers. Brutus had 4000 Gallic and Lusitanian horse, 3000 Thracian and Illyrian, and 2000 Parthian and Thessalian. Cassius had 2000 Spanish and Gallic horse and 4000 mounted bowmen, Arabs, Medes, and Parthians. The allied kings and tetrarchs of the Galatians in Asia followed him, leading a large additional force of foot-soldiers and about 5000 horse.

Edition note

The text says that they marched toward Aenus and Maronea and thence toward Lysimacheia and Cardia, which would be the reverse of the route they actually took to Philippi. Schweighäuser judged that this was a copyist’s blunder.

Edition note

Here we have more geographical confusion. The gulf of Melas, i.e., the Black Gulf, was a day’s journey east instead of west of Aenus. Cardia was situated on it. Probably the safest conclusion is that Appian did not know the exact situation of any of these places except Lysimacheia and Cardia. These he has placed correctly at the neck of the Thracian Chersonesus.

Edition note

The number of Thracian and Illyrian horse is not given in the text. The number is inferred from the second enumeration found in Sec. 108 infra.

4.12.89 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.12.89

τοσήδε μὲν στρατιὰ τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον ἐπὶ τοῦ Μέλανος κόλπου διεκρίθη, καὶ τοσῇδε ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ τὸ ἔργον, τὴν λοιπὴν ἔχοντες ἐπὶ τῶν ἀλλαχόθι χρειῶν. καθήραντες δὲ αὐτὴν τοῖς νομιζομένοις ἀνεπλήρουν τὰς ἐκ τῶν ἐπηγγελμένων τισὶν ὀφειλομένας ἔτι δωρεάς, πολλῆς μὲν περιουσίας χρημάτων πεφροντικότες, οἰκειούμενοι δὲ ταῖς δόσεσιν αὐτούς, Γαΐῳ μάλιστα Καίσαρι τοὺς πλέονας ἐστρατευμένους, μή τις ἐς τὴν ὄψιν ἢ ὁμωνυμίαν τοῦ νέου Καίσαρος νεωτερίσειεν ἐλθόντος. καὶ αὖθις ἔδοξε τούτου χάριν καὶ δημηγορῆσαι. βῆμά τε οὖν ἐπήχθη μέγα, καὶ οἱ στρατηγοὶ μετὰ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς μόνων ἐς αὐτὸ ἀναβάντες, ὁ δὲ στρατὸς αὐτῶν, ὅ τε ἴδιος καὶ συμμαχικός, κάτω περιστάντες, ἥδοντο εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τῇ ὄψει τοῦ πλήθους ἀλλήλων ἑκάτεροι, ἰσχυροτάτῃ σφίσι φανείσῃ· καὶ θάρσος ἦν ἀμφοτέροις αὐτίκα καὶ ἐλπὶς ἰσχυρά, τοσῶνδε στρατηγοῦσιν. αὐτά τε πρῶτα πάντων τάδε τοῖς στρατηγοῖς τὸν στρατὸν ἐς πίστιν συνῆγε· τίκτουσι γὰρ εὔνοιαν ἐλπίδες κοιναί. θροῦ δὲ ὡς ἐν τοσούτοις ὄντος οἵ τε κήρυκες καὶ οἱ σαλπιγκταὶ σιωπὴν ἐποίουν, καὶ γενομένης ποτὲ ὁ Κάσσιος ʽπροῦχε γὰρ ἡλικίᾀ προελθὼν μικρὸν ἐκ τῆς τάξεως ἐς τὸ μέσον ἔλεξεν ὧδε·

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.12.89

Such was the size of the army reviewed by Brutus and Cassius at the gulf of Melas, and with it they advanced to battle, leaving the remainder of their forces on duty elsewhere. After performing a lustration for the army, they completed the payment of the promised donative still due to the soldiers. They had provided themselves with an abundant supply of money in order to propitiate them with gifts, especially the large number who had served under Gaius Caesar, lest at the sight or the name of the younger Caesar, who was advancing, they should change their minds. For which reason also it was deemed best to address the soldiers publicly. A large platform was built, upon which the generals took their places, accompanied by the senators only. The soldiers, both their own and their allies, stood around it below, filled with joy at the sight of their vast number, the most powerful they had ever beheld. To both the generals this was an immediate source of the greatest hope and courage. This more than anything else confirmed the fidelity of the army to the generals, for common hopes generate good feeling. There was a great deal of noise, as is usual on such occasions. The heralds and trumpeters proclaimed silence, and, when this was obtained, Cassius, who was the elder of the two, advanced a little in front of his companions and spoke as follows:—

4.12.90 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.12.90

ὁ μὲν ἀγὼν πρῶτον ἡμᾶς, ὦ συστρατιῶται, κοινὸς ὢν ἐς πίστιν ἀλλήλοις συνάγει· συνάπτει δὲ καὶ ὅσα ὑμῖν ὑποσχόμενοι πάντα ἔδομεν, ὃ μεγίστη πίστις ἐστὶ καὶ περὶ ὧν ἐς τὸ μέλλον ὑπισχνούμεθα. αἱ δὲ ἐλπίδες εἰσὶν ἐν τῇ ἀρετῇ, ὑμῶν τε τῶν στρατευομένων καὶ ἡμῶν, οὓς ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος τοῦδε ὁρᾶτε τοσούσδε καὶ τοιούσδε ἄνδρας ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς. ἔστι δὲ καὶ πλῆθος παρασκευῆς, ὅσον ἴστε, σίτου τε καὶ ὅπλων καὶ χρημάτων καὶ νεῶν καὶ συμμάχων κατά τε ἔθνη καὶ βασιλέας. ὥστε τί χρὴ τῷ λόγῳ παρακαλεῖν ἐς προθυμίαν τε καὶ ὁμόνοιαν, οὓς ἥ τε παρασκευὴ καὶ τὰ ἔργα κοινὰ ὄντα συνάγει; περὶ δὲ ὧν διαβάλλουσιν ἡμᾶς δύο ἄνδρες ἐχθροί, ἴστε μὲν αὐτὰ ἀκριβέστατα, καὶ διʼ αὐτὸ συστρατεύεσθε ἡμῖν ἑτοίμως, δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ νῦν ἐπεξελθεῖν ἔτι τὴν αἰτίαν, ἣ μάλιστα ἐπιδείκνυσι τοῦ πολέμου καλλίστην τε οὖσαν ἡμῖν καὶ δικαιοτάτην τὴν πρόφασιν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.12.90

A common peril, fellow-soldiers, is the first thing that binds us in a common fidelity to each other. The second is, that we have given you all that we have promised, and this is the surest guarantee for what we have promised you in the future. All our hopes rest in bravery — the bravery of you, fellow-soldiers, and of us whom you see on this platform, this large and noble body of senators. We have, as you see, the most abundant munitions of war, supplies, arms, money, ships, and auxiliaries both from Roman provinces and the allied kings. Why is it needful, then, to exhort you with words to zeal and unanimity — you whom a common purpose and common interests have brought together? As to the slanders that those two men, our enemies, have brought against us, you understand them perfectly, and it is for that reason that you were ready to take up arms with us. Yet it seems fitting to explain our reasons once more. These will prove to you that we have the most honorable and righteous cause for war.

4.12.91 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.12.91

ἡμεῖς γὰρ Καίσαρα ἐν μὲν τοῖς πολέμοις συστρατευόμενοί τε αὐτῷ μεθʼ ὑμῶν καὶ στρατηγοῦντες ἐπὶ μέγα ᾔρομεν καὶ φίλοι διετελοῦμεν ὄντες, ὡς μὴ δοκεῖν αὐτὸν διʼ ἔχθραν ὑφʼ ἡμῶν ἐπιβεβουλεῦσθαι. τὰ δὲ ἐς τὴν εἰρήνην ἐπίμεμπτος ἦν, οὐχ ἡμῖν τοῖς φίλοις, ἐπεὶ κἀν τούτοις προετιμώμεθα, ἀλλὰ τοῖς νόμοις καὶ τῷ κόσμῳ τῆς πολιτείας, ὧν οὐδεὶς νόμος οὔτε ἀριστοκρατικὸς κύριος οὔτε δημοτικὸς ἔτι ἦν· ἅπερ ἅπαντα οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν ἥρμοσαν, ὅτε τοὺς βασιλέας ἐκβαλόντες ἐπώμοσαν καὶ ἐπηράσαντο οὐκ ἀνέξεσθαι βασιλέων ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἑτέρων. ᾧ τινι ὅρκῳ βοηθοῦντες οἱ τῶν ὀμωμοκότων ἔκγονοι καὶ τὰς ἀρὰς ἀπερύκοντες ἀφʼ ἑαυτῶν οὐχ ὑπεμείναμεν ἐς πολὺ περιιδεῖν ἕνα ἄνδρα, εἰ καὶ φίλος ἦν ἡμῖν καὶ χρήσιμος, τά τε κοινὰ χρήματα καὶ στρατόπεδα καὶ χειροτονίας ἀρχῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου καὶ ἡγεμονίας ἐθνῶν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἐς ἑαυτὸν περιφέροντα καὶ νόμον ἀντὶ τῶν νόμων καὶ κύριον ἀντὶ τοῦ δήμου καὶ αὐτοκράτορα ἀντὶ τῆς βουλῆς γιγνόμενον ἐς ἅπαντα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.12.91

We raised Caesar to his high place, serving him in war in conjunction with you and holding commands under him. We continued his friends so long that no one could imagine that we conspired against him on account of any private grudge. It was in time of peace that he sinned, not against us, his friends (for we were honored before others by him), but against the laws, against the order of the commonwealth. There was no longer any law supreme, either aristocratic or plebeian, nor any of the institutions that our fathers established when they expelled the kings and swore never to tolerate royal government again. We, descendants of the men who thus swore, sustained that oath and warded off the curse from ourselves. We could no longer endure that one man, although he was our friend and benefactor, should take from the people and vest in himself the control of the public money, the armies, and the elections, and from the Senate the appointment of governors of the provinces; that his will should take the place of the laws, his rule should supplant that of the people, and his supremacy that of the Senate in everything.

4.12.92 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.12.92

ὧν ἴσως ὑμεῖς οὐκ ἀκριβῶς ᾐσθάνεσθε, ἀλλὰ μόνην αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις ἀρετὴν ἑωρᾶτε. νῦν δὲ ῥᾳδίως τε ἂν καὶ ἐκ μόνου τοῦ περὶ ὑμᾶς μέρους καταμάθοιτε. ὁ γὰρ δῆμος ὑμεῖς ἐν μὲν τοῖς πολέμοις ὑπακούετε ἐς πάντα ὡς κυρίοις τοῖς στρατηγοῖς, τὸ δὲ κῦρος τόδε ἐν τοῖς εἰρηνικοῖς ἐφʼ ἡμῖν ἀντιλαμβάνετε αὐτοί, προβουλευούσης μὲν τῆς βουλῆς, ἵνα μὴ σφαλείητε, κρίνοντες δὲ αὐτοὶ καὶ ψηφιζόμενοι κατὰ φυλὰς ἢ λόχους καὶ ἀποφαίνοντες ὑπάτους τε καὶ δημάρχους καὶ στρατηγούς. ἐπὶ δὲ ταῖς χειροτονίαις καὶ τὰ μέγιστα δικάζετε, κολάζοντες ἢ τιμῶντες, ὅτε κολάσεως ἢ τιμῆς ἀξίως ἄρξαιμεν ὑμῶν. ἡ δὲ ἀντίδοσις ἥδε τήν τε ἡγεμονίαν, ὦ πολῖται, ἐς εὐδαιμονίαν ἄκραν ὑπερήγαγε καὶ τοὺς ἀξίους ἐτίμησε, καὶ οἱ τετιμημένοι χάριν εἶχον ὑμῖν. ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς ἐξουσίας ὕπατον ἐποιήσασθε Σκιπίωνα, ὅτε αὐτῷ περὶ Λιβύην ἐμαρτυρήσατε· καὶ δημάρχους ἐποιεῖσθε ἀνὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον, οὓς ἐβούλεσθε, διοισομένους ἡμῖν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν, εἰ δέοι. καὶ τί μοι καταλέγειν τὰ πολλά, ὅσα ἴστε;

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.12.92

Perhaps you did not understand these matters particularly, but saw only his bravery in war. Yet you may easily learn about them now by observing only the part that concerns yourselves. You, of the common people, when you go to the wars, obey your generals as masters in everything. But in time of peace you resume the mastery over us. The Senate deliberates first, in order that you may not make a slip, but you decide for yourselves; you give your votes by tribes, or by centuries; you choose the consuls, the tribunes, the praetors. In the comitia you pass judgment on the weightiest questions, and you decide rewards and punishments when we have deserved rewards or punishments at your hands. This balance of powers, O citizens, has raised the empire to the summit of fortune and conferred honors upon those worthy of them, and the men thus honored have returned thanks to you. By virtue of this power you made Scipio consul when you bore testimony to his deeds in Africa, and you elected whom you pleased each year as tribunes, to oppose us in your interest if necessary. But why should I repeat so many things that you already know?

4.12.93 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.12.93

ἀλλʼ οὐκ, ἀφʼ οὗ Καῖσαρ ἐδυνάστευσεν, οὐκ ἀρχήν τινα, οὐ στρατηγόν, οὐχ ὕπατον, οὐ δήμαρχον ἐχειροτονήσατε ἔτι, οὐκ ἐμαρτυρήσατε οὐδενί, οὐκ ἀμοιβὴν εἴχετε δοῦναι μαρτυροῦντες. ἐν κεφαλαίῳ δὲ εἰπεῖν, οὐδὲ εἷς ὑμῖν χάριν ὤφειλεν, οὐκ ἀρχῆς, οὐχ ἡγεμονίας, οὐκ εὐθυνῶν, οὐ δίκης. ὃ δὲ οἴκτιστον ἁπάντων ἐγένετο, οὐδʼ αὐτοῖς ἐδυνήθητε ἐπικουρῆσαι τοῖς δημάρχοις ὑμῶν ὑβριζομένοις, ἥν τινα ἀΐδιον ὑμῶν αὐτῶν ἀρχὴν ἐστήσασθε εἶναι καὶ ἱερὰν καὶ ἄσυλον ἀπεφήνατε, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἀσύλους εἴδετε τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν ἄσυλον καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα τὴν ἱερὰν ἐς ὕβριν ἀφαιρουμένους ἀκρίτους, ἀπὸ μόνου προστάγματος, ὅτι ἔδοξαν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν χαλεπῆναι τοῖς καὶ βασιλέα αὐτὸν ἐθέλουσι προσαγορεῦσαι. ὃ καὶ μάλιστα ἐπαχθῶς ἤνεγκεν ἡ βουλὴ διʼ ὑμᾶς· ὑμετέρα γὰρ καὶ οὐ τῆς βουλῆς ἐστιν ἡ τῶν δημάρχων ἀρχή. ἐπιμέμψασθαι δὲ σαφῶς οὐ δυναμένη τὸν ἄνδρα οὐδʼ ἐς κρίσιν ἐπαγαγεῖν διὰ ἰσχὺν στρατοπέδων, ἃ καὶ αὐτά, τέως ὄντα τῆς πόλεως, ἑαυτοῦ πεποίητο ἴδια, τὸν ἔτι λοιπὸν τρόπον ἀμύνασθαι τὴν τυραννίδα ἐπενόησεν, ἐς τὸ σῶμα ἐπιβουλεύσασα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.12.93

From the time when Caesar’s domination began you no longer elected any magistrate, either praetor, or consul, or tribune. Nor did you bear testimony to anybody’s deeds, nor, if you had done so, could you have rewarded them. In a word, nobody owed you any thanks either for a magistracy or a governorship, either for approving his accounts or acquitting him on a trial. Most lamentable of all, you could not defend your tribunes against insult, whom you had constituted your own peculiar and perpetual magistracy, and had made sacred and inviolable. Yet you saw these inviolable men despoiled with contumely of this inviolable office, and of their sacred vestments, without trial, at the order of one man, because in your behalf they saw fit to proceed against certain persons who wished to proclaim him as king. The senators were deeply grieved at this on your account, for the office of tribune is yours, not theirs. But they were not able to censure this man openly or to bring him to trial by reason of the strength of the armies, which, although heretofore belonging to the republic, he had made his own. So they adopted the only remaining method to ward off tyranny, and that was to conspire against the person of the tyrant.

4.12.94 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.12.94

ἔδει δὲ τὴν μὲν γνώμην γενέσθαι τῶν ἀρίστων, τὸ δὲ ἔργον ὀλίγων. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐγένετο, αὐτίκα ἡ βουλὴ τὴν κοινὴν γνώμην ἐξέφηνε, σαφῶς μὲν ὅτε καὶ γέρα τυραννοκτονικὰ ἐψηφίζοντο εἶναι· ἐπισχόντος δὲ αὐτοὺς Ἀντωνίου καθʼ ὑπόκρισιν ἀταξίας καὶ οὐδʼ ἡμῶν ἀξιούντων διὰ γέρα τῇ πόλει μᾶλλον ἢ διʼ αὐτὴν τὴν πατρίδα βοηθεῖν, τοῦδε μὲν ἀπέσχοντο, οὐκ ἐθέλοντες ἐφυβρίζειν τῷ Καίσαρι, ἀλλὰ μόνης τῆς τυραννίδος ἀπηλλάχθαι, ἀμνηστίαν δὲ ἁπάντων ἐψηφίσαντο εἶναι καὶ σαφέστερον ἔτι, φόνου μὴ εἶναι δίκας. καὶ μετὰ μικρόν, Ἀντωνίου τὸ πλῆθος ἐφʼ ἡμῖν δημοκοπήσαντος, ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ἀρχὰς ἐθνῶν τῶν μεγίστων καὶ ἡγεμονίας ἔδοσαν ἡμῖν καὶ γῆς ἀπέφηναν ἡγεῖσθαι πάσης ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἰονίου μέχρι Συρίας, πότερον ὡς ἐναγεῖς κολάζοντες ἢ ὡς ἀνδροφόνους πορφύρᾳ τε ἱερᾷ καὶ ῥάβδοις καὶ πελέκεσι περικοσμοῦντες; ᾧ λόγῳ καὶ Πομπήιον τὸν νέον, οὐδὲν μὲν ἐς ταῦτα συνειργασμένον, ὅτι δὲ μόνον Πομπηίου Μάγνου τοῦ πρώτου περὶ τῆς δημοκρατίας ἀγωνισαμένου παῖς καὶ ὅτι μικρὰ τὴν τυραννίδα ἠνώχλει λανθάνων περὶ Ἰβηρίαν, κατεκάλεσέ τε ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς καὶ τὸ τίμημα αὐτῷ τῶν πατρῴων ἐκ τῶν κοινῶν ἔκριναν ἀποδοῦναι χρημάτων καὶ θαλασσοκράτορα ἀπέφηναν, ἵνα κἀκεῖνος ἀρχήν τινα ἔχοι δημοκρατικὸς ὤν. τί δὴ πλέον ἔργον ἔτι τῆς βουλῆς ἢ σύμβολον ἐπιζητεῖτε τοῦ κατὰ γνώμην αὐτῆς πάντα πεπρᾶχθαι, πλὴν ἢ λόγῳ μόνον ὑμῖν ἔτι ὁμολογῆσαι; ὃ καὶ αὐτὸ πράξουσι καὶ ἐροῦσι καὶ λέγοντες ἅμα ὑμᾶς ἀμείψονται μεγάλαις δωρεαῖς, ὅταν εἰπεῖν καὶ ἀμείψασθαι δύνωνται.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.12.94

It was necessary that the decision should be that of the best men, but that the deed should be done by a few. When it was done the Senate voiced the general approval clearly by proposing rewards to the tyrannicides. Antony restrained them from doing so on the pretext that it would lead to disorder; nor was it our intention to confer this benefit upon Rome for the sake of reward, but solely for the sake of the country. Accordingly the senators refrained, not wishing to insult Caesar, but only to get rid of the tyranny. So they voted amnesty for all, and it was more particularly decreed that there should be no prosecution for the murder. After a little, when Antony excited the mob against us, the Senate gave us command of the largest provinces and armies, and ordered all the countries between Syria and the Adriatic to obey us. In so doing did they punish us as monsters, or did they rather distinguish us as tyrannicides with the royal purple and with the rods and axes? For like reason the Senate recalled from exile the younger Pompeius (who was not concerned in this conspiracy), because he was the only son of Pompey the Great, who first took up arms to defend the republic, and because the young man had made some little opposition in a private way to the tyranny in Spain. It passed a decree also to pay back to him, out of the public funds, the value of his father’s property, and it appointed him admiral in order that he also might hold a command because he was on the side of the republic. What more could you ask of the Senate by way of deed or of sign to show that everything was done with their approval, unless that they should declare it to you in so many words? But they will do and say this very thing, and saying it they will repay you with magnificent gifts, when they are able to speak and to requite your services.

4.12.95 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.12.95

νῦν μὲν γὰρ ὡς ἔχουσιν, ἴστε. προγράφονται χωρὶς δίκης, καὶ τὰ ὄντα αὐτοῖς δημεύεται, καὶ κτείνονται χωρὶς καταδίκης ἐν οἰκίαις, ἐν στενωποῖς, ἐν ἱεροῖς, ὑπὸ στρατιωτῶν, ὑπὸ θεραπόντων, ὑπὸ ἐχθρῶν, ἐκ μυχῶν ἀνασπώμενοι καὶ διωκόμενοι πανταχῇ, τῶν νόμων τὸν ἐθέλοντα φεύγειν ἐώντων. ἐς δὲ τὴν ἀγοράν, ἐς ἣν οὐδενὸς πολεμίου κεφαλήν, ἀλλὰ ὅπλα μόνα καὶ ἔμβολα νεῶν ἐφέρομεν, ὑπάτων ἄρτι καὶ στρατηγῶν καὶ δημάρχων καὶ ἀγορανόμων καὶ ἱππέων κεφαλαὶ πρόκεινται· καὶ γέρα τούτων ἐστὶ τῶν κακῶν ὡρισμένα. τοῦτο γὰρ ἐπανάστασίς τίς ἐστι πάντων, ὅσα τέως ἦν ὕπουλα, καὶ ἀνδρολήψια αἰφνίδια καὶ μύση ποικίλα γυναικῶν τε καὶ υἱῶν καὶ ἀπελευθέρων καὶ οἰκετῶν. ἐς τοσοῦτον ἤδη καὶ τοὺς τρόπους ἡ πόλις ἐπιτέτριπται. καὶ τῶνδε τοῖς πονηροῖς ἡγεμόνες εἰσὶν οἱ τρεῖς ἄνδρες, αὐτοὶ πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων ἀδελφοὺς καὶ θείους καὶ ἐπιτρόπους προγράψαντες. λέγεταί ποτε πρὸς τῶν ἀγριωτάτων βαρβάρων ἡ πόλις ἁλῶναι· καὶ οὐδενὸς ἀπέτεμνον οἱ Κελτοὶ κεφαλὰς οὐδὲ ἐνύβριζον ἀνῃρημένοις οὐδὲ πολεμοῦσιν ἔτι λαθεῖν ἢ φυγεῖν ἐφθόνουν. οὐδʼ αὐτοί πω πόλιν οὐδεμίαν ὧν δορὶ ἐλάβομεν, τοιαῦτα διεθήκαμεν οὐδὲ ἑτέρους ἐπυθόμεθα διαθεῖναι, οἷα νῦν οὐκ ἰδιῶτις πόλις, ἀλλʼ ἡγεμονὶς ἀδικεῖται πρὸς τῶν αὐτὴν ἁρμόσαι καὶ διορθῶσαι τὰ κοινὰ κεχειροτονημένων. τί τοιοῦτον εἰργάσατο Ταρκύνιος; ὃν διὰ μιᾶς γυναικὸς ὕβριν, ἐξ ἔρωτος γενομένην, βασιλέα τε ὄντα ἐξέβαλον καὶ βασιλεύεσθαι διὰ ἓν ἔργον οὐκέτι ὑπέστησαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.12.95

What their present situation is you know. They have been proscribed without trial, and their property confiscated. Without being condemned, they have been put to death in their houses, in the streets, in temples, by soldiers, by slaves, by personal enemies. They have been dragged out of their hiding-places and pursued everywhere, although the laws allow anybody to go into voluntary exile. In the forum, where the head of an enemy was never carried, but only captured arms and the beaks of ships, the heads of those who were lately consuls, praetors, tribunes, aediles, and knights have been exhibited. Rewards have been assigned for these horrors. This is a breaking out of all the wounds that had been previously healed over, — sudden seizures of men, and all kinds of infamy perpetrated by wives and sons, freedmen and slaves. Into so desperate a plight and such conditions has the city now been plunged. At the head of all these villains are the triumvirs, who proscribe their own brothers and uncles and tutors first of all. It is said that the city was once captured by the most savage barbarians, but the Gauls never cut off any heads, they never insulted the dead, they never begrudged their enemies a chance to hide or fly. Nor did we ever treat in this way any city that we had captured in war, nor did we ever hear of others doing so. Moreover, it is no ordinary city, but the mistress of the world, that is thus wronged by those who have been chosen to set in order and regulate the republic. What did Tarquin ever do like this, — Tarquin, whom our ancestors hurled from the throne for an outrage committed upon one woman under the influence of the amatory passion, and then, for that one act, they resolved to be ruled by kings no longer?

4.12.96 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.12.96

καὶ τάδε, ὦ πολῖται, πράσσοντες οἱ τρεῖς ἡμᾶς ἐναγεῖς λέγουσι, καί φασι μὲν ἀμύνειν Καίσαρι, προγράφουσι δὲ τοὺς οὐδʼ ἐπιδημοῦντας, ὅτε ἀνῃρεῖτο. ὧν καὶ οἵδε εἰσὶν οἱ πλέονες, οὓς ὁρᾶτε, διὰ πλοῦτον ἢ γένος ἢ γνώμην δημοκρατικῆς διανοίας προγεγραμμένοι. ᾧ λόγῳ καὶ Πομπήιος μεθʼ ἡμῶν προεγράφη, πόρρω μὲν ὢν περὶ Ἰβηρίαν, ὅτε ἡμεῖς ἐδρῶμεν· ὅτι δέ ἐστι δημοκρατικοῦ πατρός, διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν ὑπὸ μὲν τῆς βουλῆς κατεκλήθη τε καὶ θαλασσοκράτωρ ἐγένετο, ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν τριῶν προεγράφη. τί δὲ γυναῖκες ἐπὶ Καίσαρι συνέγνωσαν αἱ ἐς ἐσφορὰς προγεγραμμέναι; τί δὲ ὁ δῆμος ὁ μέχρι δέκα μυριάδων τιμᾶσθαι τὰ ὄντα κεκελευσμένος ὑπὸ μηνύμασι καὶ ζημίαις, ᾧ τέλη καινὰ καὶ ἐσφορὰς ἐπιγράφουσι; καὶ τάδε πράσσοντες οὐδʼ ὣς ἀνεπλήρωσαν τοῖς στρατευομένοις σφίσι τὰς δωρεάς. ἡμεῖς δέ, οἷς ἀσεβὲς οὐδὲν εἴργασται, καὶ τὰ ἐπηγγελμένα δεδώκαμεν καὶ ἕτερα ἕτοιμα ἔχομεν ἐς ἀμοιβὰς μείζονας. οὕτως ἡμῖν καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον, ὡς δίκαια πράσσουσι, συνεπιλαμβάνει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.12.96

While the triumvirs are committing these outrages, O citizens, they call us infamous wretches. They say they are avenging Caesar when they proscribe men who were not in Rome when he was killed. Very many of these are here, as you see, who have been proscribed on account of their wealth, their family, or their preferences for republican government. For this reason Pompeius was proscribed with us, although he was far away in Spain when we did the deed. Because he was the son of a republican father (for which reason also he was recalled by the Senate and made commander of the sea), he was proscribed by the triumvirs. What part have those women had in the conspiracy against Caesar, who have been condemned to pay tribute? What part have those plebeians had, whose property is worth 100,000 drachmas each, upon whom new taxes and contributions have been imposed, which they have been ordered to pay under penalty of being informed against and fined? And even while levying these exactions the triumvirs have not fully paid the sums promised to their troops, while we, who have done nothing contrary to justice, have given you all that we promised and have other funds ready for still larger rewards. So it comes about that the gods favor us because we do what is just.

4.12.97 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.12.97

ἐπὶ δέ γε τῷ δαιμονίῳ καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἀνθρώπων ὁρᾶν ἔχετε, ἐς τοὺς ὑμῶν πολίτας ἀποβλέποντες, οὓς εἴδετε μὲν στρατηγοῦντας ὑμῶν πολλάκις καὶ ὑπατεύοντας καὶ ἐπαινουμένους, ὁρᾶτε δὲ πρὸς ἡμᾶς ὡς εὐαγεῖς καὶ δημοκρατικοὺς καταπεφευγότας καὶ τὰ ἡμέτερα ᾑρημένους καὶ συνευχομένους ἡμῖν ἐς τὰ λοιπὰ καὶ συναιρομένους. πολὺ γὰρ δικαιότερα ἡμεῖς γέρα τοῖς περισώσασιν αὐτοὺς ἐκηρύξαμεν ὧν ἐκεῖνοι τοῖς ἀναιροῦσιν· οὐδὲ ὁρῶσιν ἡμᾶς Γάιον μέν, ὅτι ἠξίου μόνος ἄρχειν, ἀνῃρηκότας, τοὺς δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου περιποιουμένους ἀρχὴν ὑπερορᾶν μέλλοντας καὶ μὴ ἐς ἑαυτούς, ἀλλʼ ἐς τὸ μέσον τῷ δήμῳ προτιθέντας τὴν πολιτείαν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια. ὡς οὖν οὐκ ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς γνώμης αἱρουμένων πολεμεῖν ἑκατέρων, ἀλλὰ τῶν μὲν ὑπὲρ δυναστείας καὶ τυραννίδος, ἣν ἐν ταῖς προγραφαῖς ἐπέδειξαν ἤδη, ἡμῶν δὲ οὐδέν, ἀλλʼ ἢ μόνον ἵνα τῆς πατρίδος ἐλευθερωθείσης ἰδιωτεύοιμεν ὑπὸ τοῖς νόμοις, εἰκότως οἵδε τε οἱ ἄνδρες καὶ πρὸ τούτων οἱ θεοὶ τὰ ἡμέτερα κρίνουσι. μεγίστη δὲ ἐλπὶς ἐν πολέμοις ἐστὶ τὸ δίκαιον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.12.97

Besides the favor of the gods you can see that we have that of mankind by looking at these, your fellow-citizens, whom you have often beheld as your generals and your consuls, and who have won your praises as such. You see that they have had recourse to us as to men doing right and defending the republic. They espouse our cause, they offer up their prayers, and they coöperate with us for what still remains to be done. Far more just are the rewards we have offered to those who rescue them than those which the triumvirs offer for killing them. The triumvirs know that we, who killed Caesar because he assumed the monarchy, would not tolerate them in assuming his power and that we would not assume it ourselves, but that we would restore to the people in common the government as we received it from our ancestors. So you see the two sides have not taken up arms for the same reason, — the enemy aiming at monarchy and despotism, as their proscription already proves, while we seek nothing but the mere privilege of living as private citizens under the laws of our country made once more free. Naturally the men before you espouse our side as the gods had done previously. In war the greatest hope lies in the justice of one’s cause.

4.12.98 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.12.98

μηδέ τῳ, εἰ Καίσαρος ἐγένετο στρατιώτης, ἐπὶ νοῦν ἔτι ἴτω· οὐ γὰρ ἐκείνου γε ἦμεν οὐδὲ τότε, ἀλλὰ τῆς πατρίδος, οὐδʼ οἱ διδόμενοι μισθοὶ καὶ δωρεαὶ Καίσαρος ἦσαν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ κοινοῦ, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ νῦν ἐστε Κασσίου στρατὸς οὐδὲ Βρούτου μᾶλλον ἢ Ῥωμαίων· ἡμεῖς δʼ ἐσμὲν ὑμῖν συστρατιῶται, Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοί. καὶ εἰ τόδε καὶ οἱ πολεμοῦντες ἡμῖν ἐφρόνουν, ἐνῆν ἀκινδύνως ἅπασι τὰ ὅπλα καταθέσθαι καὶ τοὺς στρατοὺς πάντας ἀποδοῦναι τῇ πόλει, κἀκείνην ἑλέσθαι τὰ συνοίσοντα· καὶ εἰ δέχονται ταῦτα, προκαλούμεθα. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐ δέχονται, οὐδʼ ἂν δέξαιντο ἔτι διὰ τὰς προγραφὰς καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἔδρασαν, ἴωμεν, ὦ συστρατιῶται, μετά τε πίστεως ὑγιοῦς καὶ προθυμίας ἀδόλου στρατευσόμενοι Ῥωμαίων τῇ τε βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ μόνοις ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.12.98

Let it give no one any concern that he has been one of Caesar’s soldiers. We were not his soldiers then, but our country’s. The pay and the rewards given were not Caesar’s, but the republic’s. For the same reason you are not now the soldiers of Cassius, or of Brutus, but of Rome. We, Roman generals, are your fellow-soldiers. If our enemies were of the same spirit with ourselves it would be possible for all to lay down their arms without danger, and give back all the armies to the commonwealth, and let it choose its own destiny. If they will accept such terms, we challenge them to do so. Since they will not (for they could not, on account of the proscription and the other things they have done), let us go forward, fellow-soldiers, with unwavering confidence and honest zeal, fighting only for the freedom of the Senate and people of Rome.

4.12.99 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.12.99

ἀναβοησάντων δὲ πάντων ἴωμεν καὶ εὐθὺς ἄγειν ἀξιούντων, ἡσθεὶς ὁ Κάσσιος τῇ προθυμίᾳ κατεκήρυξεν αὖθις σιωπὴν καὶ αὖθις ἔλεγε· θεοὶ μέν, ὅσοι πολέμων δικαίων δεσπόται, τῆς πίστεως ὑμᾶς, ὦ συστρατιῶται, καὶ προθυμίας ἀμείβοιντο· τὰ δʼ ἐς ἀνθρωπίνην στρατηγῶν πρόνοιαν ὅτι καὶ πλέονα καὶ ἀμείνονά ἐστιν ἡμῖν ἢ τοῖς πολεμίοις, μάθετε οὕτως. τέλη μὲν ὁπλιτῶν ἴσα αὐτοῖς ἀντεπάγομεν, πολλὰ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν χρειῶν ἄλλα πολλαχοῦ καταλιπόντες· ἱππεῦσι δὲ καὶ ναυσὶ πολὺ προύχομεν καὶ συμμάχοις βασιλεῦσί τε καὶ ἔθνεσι τοῖς μέχρι Μήδων καὶ Παρθυαίων. καὶ ἡμῖν μὲν ἐκ μετώπου μόνον εἰσὶ πολέμιοι, ἡμεῖς δʼ αὐτῶν καὶ κατὰ νώτου Πομπήιόν τε ὁμογνώμονα ἡμῖν ἔχομεν ἐν Σικελίᾳ, καὶ Μοῦρκος ἐν τῷ Ἰονίῳ καὶ Ἀηνόβαρβος στόλῳ πολλῷ καὶ ὑπηρεσίᾳ δαψιλεῖ καὶ δύο τέλεσι στρατοῦ καὶ τοξόταις αἰεὶ διαπλέοντες ἐνοχλοῦσι πολλά, καθαρευούσης πολεμίων ἡμῖν τῆς ὄπισθεν γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης. χρήματά γε μήν, ἅ τινες καλοῦσι νεῦρα πολέμου, τοῖς μὲν οὐκ ἔστιν, οὐδʼ ἀπέδωκάν πω τὰ ὑπεσχημένα τῷ στρατῷ, οὐδὲ κατὰ δόξαν ἀπήντησε τὰ τῶν προγραφῶν, οὐδενὸς τῶν ἐπιεικῶν ὠνουμένου χωρία ἐπίφθονα· οὐδʼ ἑτέρωθεν εὐποροῦσι, τετρυμένης στάσεσι καὶ ἐσφοραῖς καὶ προγραφαῖς τῆς Ἰταλίας. ἡμῖν δὲ ἐκ πολλῆς φροντίδος καὶ τὰ παρόντα ἐστὶ δαψιλῆ, ὡς αὐτίκα ὑμῖν ἄλλα χαρίσασθαι, καὶ ἕτερα πολλὰ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀπὸ τῶν ὄπισθεν ἐθνῶν προσοδεύεται συμφερόμενα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.12.99

They all cried out, Let us go forward! and urged him to lead them on immediately. Cassius was delighted with their spirit, and again proclaimed silence and again addressed them, saying: May the gods who preside over just wars and over good faith reward your zeal, fellow-soldiers. How far superior we are to the enemy in everything that the human foresight of generals can provide let me tell you. We are equal to them in the number of legions, although we have left behind us the large detachments needed in many places. In cavalry and ships we greatly surpass them, as also in auxiliaries from kings and nations as far as the Medes and Parthians. Besides this we have to deal only with an enemy in front, while Pompeius is cooperating with us in Sicily in their rear, and in the Adriatic Murcus and Ahenobarbus with a large fleet and abundance of small craft, besides two legions of soldiers and a body of archers, are cruising hither and thither harassing them in various ways, while both land and sea in our rear are cleared of enemies. As regards money, which some call the sinews of war, they are destitute. They cannot pay what they have promised their army. The proceeds of the proscription have not met their expectation, because no good man will buy lands entailed with hate. Nor can they obtain resources elsewhere from Italy, exhausted as it is by civil strife, exactions, and proscriptions. Thanks to abundant foresight, we have plenty for the present, so that we can give you more shortly, and there are other large sums on the road collected from the nations behind us.

Edition note

νεῦρα πολέμου: sinews of war. This phrase is older than Appian. It occurs in Cicero’s Philippic, v. 2, nervos belli, pecuniam infinitam.

4.12.100 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.12.100

τροφαὶ δέ, ὃ δυσπορώτατόν ἐστι στρατοῖς μεγάλοις, ἐκείνοις μὲν οὐκ εἰσί, πλὴν ἐκ μόνης Μακεδονίας, ἔθνους ὀρείου, καὶ Θεσσαλίας, χώρας βραχείας· καὶ τάδε χρὴ κατὰ γῆν αὐτοῖς φέρεσθαι κακοπαθοῦσιν. εἰ δʼ ἐκ Λιβύης ἐπάγοιντο ἢ Λευκανίας ἢ Ἰαπυγίας, διακλείσουσι πάντα Πομπήιός τε καὶ Μοῦρκος καὶ Δομίτιος. ἡμῖν δὲ καὶ εἰσὶ καὶ φέρονται καθʼ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἀπόνως διὰ θαλάττης ἔκ τε νήσων καὶ ἠπείρων ἁπασῶν, ὅσαι ἀπὸ Θρᾴκης ἐπὶ ποταμὸν Εὐφράτην, καὶ τάδε ἀκωλύτως, οὐδενὸς ἡμῖν ὄντος ὄπισθεν ἐχθροῦ· ὥστʼ ἐφʼ ἡμῖν ἔσται καὶ ταχύνειν τὸ ἔργον καὶ ἐπὶ σχολῆς ἐκτρύχειν τοὺς πολεμίους λιμῷ. τοσάδε μὲν ὑμῖν καὶ τοιάδε ἐστίν, ὦ συστρατιῶται, παρʼ ἀνθρωπίνης φροντίδος ἕτοιμα· τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ αὐτοῖς ἀνὰ λόγον ἀπαντήσειε παρά τε ὑμῶν καὶ παρὰ τῶν θεῶν. ἡμεῖς δʼ ὑμῖν ἐπὶ τοῖς προτέροις ἀποδόντες ἅπαντα, ὅσα ὑπεσχήμεθα, καὶ τὴν πίστιν ὑμῶν ἀμειψάμενοι πλήθει δωρεῶν, ἀμειψόμεθα καὶ τὸ μεῖζον ἔργον ἀξίως αὐτοῦ κατὰ γνώμην θεῶν. καὶ νῦν δέ, ὅσον ἐς προθυμίαν, ἰοῦσιν ἐπὶ τὸ ἔργον ἤδη, συνόδου τῆσδε καὶ λόγων τῶνδε ἕνεκα, ἐπιδώσομεν εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τοῦδε τοῦ βήματος στρατιώτῃ μὲν χιλίας καὶ πεντακοσίας δραχμὰς Ἰταλικάς, λοχαγῷ δὲ πενταπλάσιον καὶ χιλιάρχῃ δὲ τὸ ἀνάλογον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.12.100

Provisions, the supply of which is the chief difficulty in large armies, they can obtain only from Macedonia, a mountainous region, and the narrow country of Thessaly, and this must be carried to them overland with severe labor. If they try to obtain any from Africa, or Lucania, or Apulia, Pompeius, Murcus, and Domitius will cut them off entirely. We have abundance, and it is brought to us daily by sea without labor from all the islands and mainlands which lie between Thrace and the river Euphrates, and without hindrance, since we have no enemy in our rear. So it rests with us either to hasten the battle, or by delaying it to waste the enemy by hunger. Such and so great, fellow-soldiers, are our preparations, so far as they depend on human foresight. May the future event correspond to these preparations by your efforts and by the help of the gods. As we have paid you all that we promised for your former exploits and have rewarded your fidelity with abundant gifts, so for this greater battle we will, under the favor of the gods, provide you a reward worthy of it. And now, to increase the zeal with which you already advance to your task, and in remembrance of this assembly and of these words, we will make an additional gift from this platform — to each soldier 1500 Italic drachmas, to each centurion five times that sum, and to each tribune in proportion.

Edition note

This is the only place in Appian where we find the phrase Italic drachmas. What is meant is the Roman denarius, equal to sixteen American cents.

4.12.101 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.12.101

ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ παρασκευάσας τὸν στρατὸν ἔργῳ καὶ λόγῳ καὶ δωρεαῖς διέλυε τὴν ἐκκλησίαν. οἱ δὲ ἐπιμένοντες ἐπῄνουν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον αὐτόν τε καὶ Βροῦτον καὶ περὶ σφῶν, ὅσα εἰκὸς ἦν, ὑπισχνοῦντο. οἱ δὲ αὐτοῖς τὴν δωρεὰν αὐτίκα διηρίθμουν καὶ ἕτερα ὑπὲρ αὐτὴν κατὰ προφάσεις πολλὰς τοῖς ἀρίστοις. τοὺς δὲ λαμβάνοντας ἀεὶ κατὰ μέρη προαπέλυον, ἐς Δορίσκον, καὶ αὐτοὶ μετʼ ὀλίγον ἐφείποντο. δύο δὲ ἀετοὶ καταπτάντες ἐς τῶν σημείων δύο αἰετοὺς ἀπʼ ἀργύρου πεποιημένους, ἐκόλαπτον αὐτοὺς ἤ, ὡς ἑτέροις δοκεῖ, περιέσκεπον· καὶ παρέμενον δημοσίας τε τροφῆς ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἠξιοῦντο, μέχρι πρὸ μιᾶς τῆς μάχης ἡμέρας ἀπέπτησαν. δύο δʼ ἡμέραις τὸν Μέλανα κόλπον περιοδεύσαντες ἐς Αἶνον ἀφίκοντο καὶ ἐπὶ Αἴνῳ Δορίσκον τε καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα μέχρι Σερρείου ὄρους παράλια.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.12.101

Having thus spoken and having put his army in good spirits by deed and word and gifts, he dissolved the assembly. The soldiers remained a long time heaping praises on Cassius and Brutus and promising to do their duty. The generals immediately counted out the money to them, and to the bravest awarded an additional sum on various pretexts. As they received their pay they were dismissed by detachments on the march to Doriscus, and the generals themselves followed soon afterward. Two eagles alighted upon the two silver eagles which surmounted the standards, pecking at them, or, as others say, protecting them, and there they remained, being fed by the generals from the public stores until the day before the battle, when they flew away. After marching two days around the gulf of Melas the army came to Aenus and thence to Doriscus and other towns on the coast as far as Mount Serrium.

Edition note

Both Doriscus and Mount Serrium are mentioned in Pliny’s Natural History (iv. 18).

4.13.102 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.13.102

τοῦ δὲ Σερρείου προύχοντος ἐς τὸ πέλαγος, αὐτοὶ μὲν ἐς τὰ μεσόγαια ἀνεχώρουν, Τίλλιον δὲ Κίμβρον μετὰ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ καὶ τέλους ὁπλιτῶν ἑνὸς καὶ τοξοτῶν τινων τὴν ἀκτὴν περιπλεῖν ἔπεμπον, ἣ πάλαι μὲν ἦν ἐρημοτάτη, καίπερ εὔγεως οὖσα, τῶν Θρᾳκῶν οὔτε θαλάσσῃ χρωμένων οὔτε ἐς τὰ παράλια κατιόντων ὑπὸ δέους τῶν ἐπιπλεόντων· Ἑλλήνων δʼ αὐτὴν ἑτέρων τε καὶ Χαλκιδέων καταλαβόντων καὶ θαλάσσῃ χρωμένων, ἤνθει ταῖς ἐμπορίαις καὶ γεωργίαις, χαιρόντων σφίσι καὶ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν διὰ τὴν τῶν ὡραίων ἄμειψιν, μέχρι Φίλιππος ὁ Ἀμύντου τούς τε ἄλλους καὶ Χαλκιδέας ἀνέστησεν, ὡς μηδὲν ἔτι πλὴν οἰκόπεδα μόνον ἱερῶν ὁρᾶσθαι. τήνδε οὖν τὴν ἀκτὴν αὖθις ἔρημον οὖσαν ὁ Τίλλιος παραπλέων, ὥς οἱ πρὸς τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον εἴρητο, στρατοπέδοις ἐπιτήδεια χωρία ἀνεμέτρει καὶ διέγραφε καὶ ταῖς ναυσὶ κατὰ μέρη πρόσπλουν, ἵνʼ οἱ περὶ τὸν Νωρβανόν, ὡς ἀχρεῖον ἔτι τὸ τηρεῖν, τὰ στενὰ ἐκλίποιεν. καὶ ἐγένετο μὲν ὡς προσεδόκησαν· ὑπὸ γὰρ τῆς φαντασίας τῶν νεῶν Νωρβανὸς ἐπὶ τῶν Σαπαίων στενῶν ἐθορυβήθη καὶ ἐκάλει Δεκίδιον ἐκ τῶν Κορπίλων κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐπικουρεῖν οἱ. καὶ ἐπεκούρει, τὰ δὲ τῶν Κορπίλων στενὰ ἐκλειφθέντα οἱ περὶ τὸν Βροῦτον διώδευον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.13.102

As Mount Serrium projected into the sea Cassius and Brutus turned to the mainland, but they sent Tillius Cimber with the fleet and one legion of troops and some archers to sail around the promontory, which, although fertile, was formerly deserted because the Thracians were not accustomed to the sea and avoided the coast for fear of pirates. So the Chalcideans and other Greeks took possession of it, being seafaring people, and caused it to flourish with commerce and agriculture, and the Thracians were much gratified by the opportunity for the exchange of products. Finally Philip, the son of Amyntas, drove out the Chalcideans and other Greeks so that no traces of them were to be seen except the ruins of their temples. Tillius sailed along this promontory, again deserted, as he had been ordered to do by Cassius and Brutus, measuring and mapping places suitable for camps, and approaching it with his ships now and then in order that the forces of Norbanus might abandon the pass, under the belief that it was useless to hold it longer. And it turned out as he had anticipated, for on the appearance of the ships Norbanus became alarmed for the Sapaean pass and called on Decidius to hasten from that of the Corpileans to his assistance, which he did. As soon as the latter pass was abandoned Brutus and Cassius marched through it.

4.13.103 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.13.103

ἐκφανείσης δὲ τῆς ἐνέδρας ὁ Νωρβανὸς καὶ ὁ Δεκίδιος τὰ Σαπαίων κατεῖχον ἰσχυρῶς. καὶ πάλιν ἦν ἄπορα τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον, ἀθυμία τε ἐνέπιπτε, μὴ δέοι σφᾶς ἧς ὑπερεωράκεσαν περιόδου νῦν ἄρχεσθαι καὶ ἀνακυκλεύειν τὰ ἠνυσμένα, ὀψὲ καὶ τοῦ χρόνου καὶ τῆς ὥρας γεγονότων. ὧδε δὲ αὐτοῖς ἔχουσιν ὁ Ῥασκούπολις ἐφη περίοδον εἶναι παρʼ αὐτὸ τὸ τῶν Σαπαίων ὄρος ἡμερῶν τριῶν, ἄβατον μὲν ἀνθρώποις ἐς τὸ νῦν ὑπό τε κρημνῶν καὶ ἀνυδρίας καὶ ὕλης πυκνῆς· ἢν δὲ ἐθέλωσιν ὕδωρ τε ἐπάγεσθαι καὶ ὁδοποιεῖν στενὴν καὶ αὐτάρκη δίοδον, οὐ γνωσθήσεσθαι μὲν διὰ τὴν συνηρέφειαν οὐδὲ οἰωνοῖς, τῇ τετάρτῃ δὲ ἐπὶ Ἁρπησσὸν ποταμὸν ἥξειν, ἐκπίπτοντα ἐς τὸν Ἕρμον, ὅθεν ἡμέρας ἔτι μιᾶς ἐν Φιλίπποις ἔσεσθαι, τοὺς πολεμίους περιλαβόντας, ὡς ἀπειλῆφθαι τέλεον αὐτοὺς καὶ οὐδὲ ἀναχώρησιν ἕξειν. τοῖς δὲ ἐδόκει τὰ λεγόμενα τῆς τε ἄλλης ἀπορίας οὕνεκα καὶ ἐλπίδι μάλιστα τοῦ περιλήψεσθαι τοσόνδε στρατὸν πολεμίων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.13.103

When the stratagem became manifest Norbanus and Decidius occupied the gorge of the Sapaeans strongly. Again Brutus and Cassius could find no passage. They fell into discouragement lest they should now have to begin the roundabout journey which they had disdained, and to turn upon their own tracks, although pressed by time and the lateness of the season. While they were in this mood Rhascupolis said that there was a circuitous route (along the very side of the Sapaean mountain) of three days’ march, which had been impassable to men up to this time on account of rocks, scarcity of water, and dense forests. If they would carry their water and make a narrow but sufficient pathway, they would be so enveloped in shade that they would not be perceived even by birds. On the fourth day they would come to the river Harpessus, which falls into the Hebrus, and in one day more they would be at Philippi, flanking the enemy so as to cut him off completely and leave him no chance to retreat. They adopted this plan since there was nothing else to do, and especially because it held out the hope of surrounding so large a force of the enemy.

4.13.104 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.13.104

προπέμπουσιν οὖν μέρος, Λευκίῳ Βύβλῳ παραδόντες, ὁδοποιεῖν μετὰ τοῦ Ῥασκουπόλιδος. οἱ δʼ ἐπιμόχθως μέν, ὅμως δὲ ἔπραττον αὐτὸ μετὰ ὁρμῆς καὶ προθυμίας, καὶ μᾶλλον, ἐπεί τινες αὐτοῖς προπεμφθέντες ἐπανῆλθον, ἰδεῖν τὸν ποταμὸν ἐξ ἀπόπτου λέγοντες. τῇ δὲ τετάρτῃ κάμνοντες ὑπό τε κόπου καὶ δίψους, ἐπιλιπόντος ἤδη τι καὶ τοῦ ὕδατος, ὃ ἐπήγοντο, ἀνέφερον, ὅτι τριήμερόν σφισι τὸ ἄνυδρον ἐλέγετο εἶναι, καὶ ἐν φόβῳ πανικῷ περὶ ἐνέδρας ἐγίγνοντο, οὐκ ἀπιστοῦντες μὲν τοῖς προπεμφθεῖσι τὸν ποταμὸν ἰδεῖν, ἡγούμενοι δὲ ἑτέραν ἄγεσθαι. καὶ ἀθύμουν καὶ ἐβόων καὶ τὸν Ῥασκούπολιν, ὅτε ἴδοιεν περιθέοντα καὶ παρακαλοῦντα, ἐλοιδόρουν καὶ ἔβαλλον. Βύβλου δὲ αὐτοὺς ἱκετεύοντος ἐκπονῆσαι τὰ λοιπὰ μετʼ εὐφημίας, ὁ ποταμὸς περὶ ἑσπέραν ἑωρᾶτο τοῖς πρώτοις· καὶ βοῆς, ὡς εἰκός, λαμπρᾶς ἐπὶ τῇ χαρᾷ γενομένης, ἡ βοή, μεταλαμβανόντων αὐτὴν τῶν κατόπιν ἑξῆς, ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑστάτους περιῄει. Βροῦτος δὲ καὶ Κάσσιος ἐπεὶ ἔμαθον, ἵεντο αὐτίκα δρόμῳ, διὰ τῆς τετμημένης τὸν ἄλλον στρατὸν ἄγοντες. οὐ μὴν ἔλαθόν γε τοὺς πολεμίους ἐς· τέλος οὐδὲ περιέλαβον αὐτούς· ὁ γάρ τοι Ῥάσκος, ὁ ἀδελφὸς τοῦ Ῥασκουπόλιδος, ἐκ τῆς βοῆς ὑπονοήσας ἐσκέψατο καὶ τὸ γιγνόμενον ἰδὼν ἐθαύμασε μὲν ὁδὸν ἄνυδρον ἐλθόντος στρατοῦ τοσοῦδε, ἣν οὐδὲ θηρίον ᾤετο ὁδεύσειν διὰ τοιᾶσδε ὕλης, καὶ ἀνήγγειλε τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Νωρβανόν· οἱ δὲ νυκτὸς ἔφευγον ἐκ τῶν Σαπαίων ἐπʼ Ἀμφιπόλεως. καὶ οἱ Θρᾷκες ἄμφω διὰ στόματος ἦσαν ἐν τοῖς στρατοῖς, ὁ μὲν ἀγνοουμένην ἀγαγών, ὁ δʼ οὐκ ἀγνοήσας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.13.104

They sent a detachment in advance under command of Lucius Bibulus, in company with Rhascupolis, to cut a path. They found it a very laborious task, but they accomplished it nevertheless with enthusiastic zeal, and all the more when some who had gone ahead came back and said that they had had a distant view of the river. On the fourth day, fatigued with labor and thirst, the water which they carried being nearly exhausted, they recollected that it had been said that they should be in a waterless region only three days. So they fell into a panic, fearing that they were the victims of a stratagem. They did not disbelieve those who had been sent in advance and who said that they had seen the river, but they thought that they themselves had been led in a different direction. They lost heart and cried aloud, and when they saw Rhascupolis riding by and exhorting them to have courage, they reviled him and threw stones at him. While Bibulus was beseeching them with words of good cheer to persevere to the end, towards evening the river was seen by those in front, who, as was natural, raised a cry of joy, which was taken up by those behind in due order until it reached the rear. When Brutus and Cassius learned this they hurried forward at once, leading on the remainder of their army through the pathway that had been cleared. Nevertheless, they did not conceal their doings from the enemy altogether, nor surround them, for Rhascus, the brother of Rhascupolis, having his suspicions aroused by the shouting, made a reconnoissance; and when he saw what was being done he was astonished at so large an army traversing a pathway where no water could be obtained, and where he thought not even a wild beast could penetrate by reason of the dense foliage, and he forthwith communicated the news to the army of Norbanus. The latter retreated by night from the gorge of the Sapaeans toward Amphipolis. Each of the Thracian brothers received an ovation in his own army, the one because he had led an army by an unknown path, the other because he had discovered the movement.

4.13.105 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.13.105

οἱ δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον ἐκ παραλόγου τόλμης ἐς Φιλίππους παρῆλθον, ἔνθα αὐτοῖς καὶ ὁ Τίλλιος ἐπικατήχθη καὶ πᾶς ὁ στρατὸς συνεληλύθει. οἱ δὲ Φίλιπποι πόλις ἐστίν, ἣ Δάτος ὠνομάζετο πάλαι καὶ Κρηνίδες ἔτι πρὸ Δάτου· κρῆναι γάρ εἰσι περὶ τῷ λόφῳ ναμάτων πολλαί. Φίλιππος δὲ ὡς εὐφυὲς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρίον ὠχύρωσέ τε καὶ ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ Φιλίππους προσεῖπεν. ἔστι δὲ ἡ πόλις ἐπὶ λόφου περικρήμνου, τοσαύτη τὸ μέγεθος, ὅσον ἐστὶ τοῦ λόφου τὸ εὖρος. ἔχει δὲ πρὸς μὲν ἄρκτῳ δρυμούς, διʼ ὧν ὁ Ῥασκούπολις ἤγαγε τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον· πρὸς δὲ τῇ μεσημβρίᾳ ἕλος ἔστι καὶ θάλασσα μετʼ αὐτό, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἕω τὰ στενὰ τὰ Σαπαίων τε καὶ Κορπίλων, ἐκ δὲ τὴς δύσεως πεδίον μέχρι Μυρκίνου τε καὶ Δραβήσκου καὶ ποταμοῦ Στρυμόνος, τριακοσίων που καὶ πεντήκοντα σταδίων, εὔφορον πάνυ καὶ καλόν, ἔνθα καὶ τὸ πάθος τῇ Κόρῃ φασὶν ἀνθιζομένῃ γενέσθαι, καὶ ποταμὸς ἔστι Ζυγάκτης, ἐν ᾧ τοῦ θεοῦ περῶντος τὸ ἅρμα τὸν ζυγὸν ἄξαι λέγουσι καὶ τῷ ποταμῷ γενέσθαι τὸ ὄνομα. κατωφερὲς δʼ ἐστὶ τὸ πεδίον, ὡς ἐπιδέξιον μὲν εἶναι τοῖς ἄνωθεν ὁρμῶσιν ἐκ τῶν Φιλίππων, ἄναντες δὲ τοῖς ἐξ Ἀμφιπόλεως βιαζομένοις.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.13.105

Thus Brutus and Cassius by an astounding act of audacity advanced to Philippi, where Tillius also disembarked, and the whole army was there assembled. Philippi is a city that was formerly called Datus, and before that Crenides, because there are many springs bubbling around a hill there. Philip fortified it because he considered it an excellent stronghold against the Thracians, and named it from himself, Philippi. It is situated on a precipitous hill and its size is exactly that of the summit of the hill. There are woods on the north through which Rhascupolis led the army of Brutus and Cassius. On the south is a marsh extending to the sea. On the east are the gorges of the Sapaeans and Corpileans, and on the west a very fertile and beautiful plain extending to the towns of Murcinus and Drabiscus and the river Strymon, about 350 stades. Here it is said that Cora was carried off while gathering flowers, and here is the river Zygactes, in crossing which they say that the yoke of the god’s chariot was broken, from which circumstance the river received its name. The plain slopes downward so that movement is easy to those descending from Philippi, but toilsome to those going up from Amphipolis.

Edition note

κρηνίς: a small spring.

Edition note

This is the mythological tale of the seizure of Proserpine by Pluto. The Greek name of Proserpine was Persephone, but she was worshipped at Athens under the name of Cora (the maiden), in conjunction with her mother, Demeter. The place of her seizure was commonly assigned to the plain of Enna in Sicily. The word Zygactes in Greek means broken yoke. This river is not mentioned by any other author.

4.13.106 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.13.106

Φιλίππων μὲν οὖν ἐστιν ἕτερος λόφος οὐ μακράν, ὃν Διονύσου λέγουσιν, ἐν ᾧ καὶ τὰ χρυσεῖα ἔστι τὰ Ἄσυλα καλούμενα. ἀπὸ δὲ τούτου δέκα σταδίους προελθόντι δύο εἰσὶν ἄλλοι λόφοι, Φιλίππων μὲν αὐτῶν ὅσον ὀκτωκαίδεκα σταδίους ἀφεστῶτες, ἀλλήλων δὲ ὅσον ὀκτώ, ἐν οἷς ἐστρατοπέδευσαν, Κάσσιος μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν, Βροῦτος δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ βορείου. καὶ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Νωρβανὸν ὑποχωρούντων οὐκέτι προῄεσαν· Ἀντώνιόν τε γὰρ ἐπυνθάνοντο πλησιάζειν, Καίσαρος ὑπολελειμμένου διὰ νόσον ἐν Ἐπιδάμνῳ, καὶ τὸ πεδίον ἦν ἐναγωνίσασθαι καλὸν καὶ οἱ κρημνοὶ στρατοπεδεῦσαι. τὰ γὰρ ἑκατέρωθεν αὐτῶν, τῇ μὲν ἦν ἕλη καὶ λίμναι μέχρι τοῦ Στρυμόνος, τῇ δὲ τὰ στενὰ καὶ ἀτριβῆ καὶ ἀνόδευτα· τὸ δὲ μέσον τῶν λόφων, τὰ ὀκτὼ στάδια, δίοδος ἦν ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν τε καὶ Εὐρώπην καθάπερ πύλαι, καὶ αὐτὰ διετείχισαν ἀπὸ χάρακος ἐς χάρακα καὶ πύλας ἐν μέσῳ κατέλιπον, ὡς ἓν εἶναι τὰ δύο στρατόπεδα. ἦν δὲ καὶ παρʼ αὐτὸ ποταμός, ὃν Γάγγαν τινές, οἳ δὲ Γαγγίτην λέγουσι, καὶ θάλασσα ὄπισθεν, ἐν ᾗ καὶ τὰ ταμιεῖα καὶ ἐνορμίσματα ἔμελλον ἕξειν. Θάσον μὲν δὴ ταμιεῖον, ἀπὸ ἑκατὸν σταδίων οὖσαν, ἐτίθεντο, ἐνόρμισμα δὲ ταῖς τριήρεσι Νέαν πόλιν, ἀπὸ ἑβδομήκοντα σταδίων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.13.106

There is another hill not far from Philippi which is called the Hill of Dionysus, in which are gold mines called the Asyla. Ten stades farther are two other hills, at a distance of eighteen stades from Philippi itself and eight stades from each other. On these hills Cassius and Brutus were encamped, the former on the southern and the latter on the northern of the two. They did not advance against the retreating army of Norbanus because they learned that Antony was approaching, Octavius having been left behind at Epidamnus on account of sickness. The plain was admirably situated for fighting and the precipitous hill-tops for camping, since on one side of them were marshes and ponds stretching as far as the river Strymon, and on the other gorges destitute of roads and impassable. Between these hills, eight stades apart, lay the main pass from Europe to Asia as between gates. Across this space they built a fortification from camp to camp, leaving a gate in the middle, so that the two camps became virtually one. Alongside this fortification flowed a river, which is called by some the Ganga and by others the Gangites, and behind it was the sea, where they could keep their supplies and shipping in safety. Their depot was on the island of Thasos, 100 stades distant. Their triremes were anchored at Neapolis, at a distance of seventy stades. Brutus and Cassius were satisfied with the position and they proceeded to fortify their camps.

Edition note

This is the river Angites mentioned in Herodotus vii. 113, where Xerxes paused and offered a sacrifice of white horses to the river Strymon. Its present name is the Anghista.

4.14.107 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.14.107

οἱ μὲν δὴ χαίροντες τῷ χωρίῳ τὰ στρατόπεδα ὠχύρουν, Ἀντώνιος δὲ ὥδευε μὲν σὺν τῷ στρατῷ μετʼ ἐπείξεως, τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν ἐθέλων ἐς τὴν ὑπηρεσίαν τῆς μάχης προλαβεῖν, ὡς δὲ αὐτὴν εὗρεν ὠχυρωμένην οἱ πρὸς τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Νωρβανόν, ἥσθη καὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν ἐν αὐτῇ κατέλιπε μεθʼ ἑνὸς τέλους, οὗ Πινάριος ἡγεῖτο, αὐτὸς δὲ μάλα θρασέως πολὺ προελθὼν ἐστρατοπέδευεν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ, σταδίους ὀκτὼ μόνους ἀποσχὼν ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων. καὶ εὐθὺς ἦν κατάδηλος ἡ τῶν στρατοπέδων ἐλάττωσίς τε καὶ πλεονεξία. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἦσαν ἐπὶ κολωνῷ, οἱ δὲ ἐν πεδίῳ, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐξυλεύοντο ἀπὸ τῶν ὀρῶν, οἱ δʼ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἕλους· καὶ ὑδρεύοντο οἱ μὲν ἐκ ποταμοῦ, οἱ δὲ ἐκ φρεάτων ὧν αὐτίκα ὠρωρύχεισαν· τήν τε ἀγορὰν οἱ μὲν ἀπʼ ὀλίγων σταδίων ἐπήγοντο ἐκ Θάσου, οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ πεντήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίων ἐξ Ἀμφιπόλεως. ἐδόκει γε μὴν ἐξ ἀνάγκης ὁ Ἀντώνιος ὧδε πρᾶξαι, κολωνοῦ μὲν οὐδενὸς ὄντος ἑτέρου, τὸ δʼ ἄλλο πεδίον οἷα κοιλότερον ἐκλιμνάζοντος ἐνίοτε τοῦ ποταμοῦ· παρʼ ὃ καὶ τὰς πηγὰς τῶν ὀρυσσομένων φρεάτων γλυκείας τε καὶ δαψιλοῦς ὕδατος εὕρισκε. τό γε μὴν τόλμημα, εἰ καὶ ἐξ ἀπορίας ἐγένετο, κατέπλησσε τοὺς πολεμίους, ἐγγὺς οὕτω καὶ εὐθὺς ἐξ ἐφόδου σὺν καταφρονήσει παραστρατοπεδεύσαντος. φρούριά τε ἤγειρε πολλὰ καὶ πάντα κατὰ σπουδὴν ὠχύρου τάφροις καὶ τείχεσι καὶ χαρακώμασιν. ὠχύρουν δὲ καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι, ὅσα αὐτοῖς ἐνέλειπεν. ὁ δὲ Κάσσιος τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ Ἀντωνίου μανιώδη οὖσαν ὁρῶν διετείχιζεν, ὃ ἔτι μόνον αὐτοῖς ἔλειπεν ἐς τὸ ἕλος ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατόπέδου, διὰ στενότητα ὑπεροφθέν, ὡς μηδὲν ἔτι ἀτείχιστον εἶναι πλὴν κατὰ πλευρὰς Βρούτῳ μὲν τὰ ἀπόκρημνα, Κασσίῳ δὲ τὸ ἕλος καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἐπὶ τῷ ἕλει· τὰ δὲ ἐν μέσῳ πάντα διείληπτο τάφρῳ καὶ χάρακι καὶ τείχει καὶ πύλαις.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.14.107

Antony moved his army rapidly, wishing to anticipate the enemy in occupying Amphipolis as an advantageous position for the battle. When he found it already fortified by Norbanus he was delighted. Leaving his apparatus there and one legion, under the command of Pinarius, he advanced with the greatest boldness and encamped in the plain at a distance of only eight stades from the enemy, and straightway the superiority of the enemy’s situation and the inferiority of his own became evident. The former were on elevated ground, the latter on the plain; the former procured fuel from the mountains, the latter from the marshes; the former obtained water from a river, the latter from wells freshly dug; the former drew their supplies from Thasos, requiring carriage of only a few stades, while the latter was 350 stades from Amphipolis. Still it seems that Antony was compelled to do as he did, for there was no other hill, and the rest of the plain, lying in a sort of hollow, was liable to inundation at times from the river; for which reason also the fountains of water were found fresh and abundant in the wells that were dug there. Antony’s audacity, although he was driven to it by necessity, confounded the enemy when they saw him pitch his camp so near them and in such a contemptuous manner as soon as he arrived. He raised numerous towers and fortified himself on all sides with ditch, wall, and palisade. The enemy also completed their fortification wherever the work was defective. Cassius, observing that Antony’s advance was reckless, extended his fortification at the only place where it was still wanting, from the camp to the marsh, a space which had been overlooked on account of its narrowness, so that there was now nothing unfortified except the cliffs on Brutus’s flank and the marsh on that of Cassius and the sea lying against the marsh. In the centre everything was intercepted by ditch, palisade, wall, and gates.

Edition note

This should be 250 stades, according to Schweighäuser, that being approximately the distance between Amphipolis and Philippi.

4.14.108 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.14.108

οὕτω μὲν ὠχυροῦντο αὐτῶν ἑκάτεροι καὶ ἐν τοσούτῳ μόνοις ἱππεῦσι καὶ ἀκροβολισμοῖς ἐπειρῶντο ἀλλήλων. ὡς δὲ ἐξείργαστο πάντα, ὅσα ἐπενόουν, καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀφῖκτο, οὔπω μὲν ἐρρωμένος ἐς μάχην, φορείῳ δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς συντάξεις τοῦ στρατοῦ κομιζόμενος, οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν Καίσαρα εὐθὺς ἐξέτασσον ἐς μάχην, οἱ δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον ἀντεξέτασσον μὲν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑψηλοτέρων, οὐ κατῄεσαν δέ· οὐ γὰρ ἐγνώκεσαν ἐς τὴν μάχην ἐπείγεσθαι, ταῖς ἀγοραῖς ἐλπίζοντες ἐκτρύσειν τοὺς πολεμίους. ἦν δὲ τὰ μὲν πεζὰ ἑκατέροις ἐννεακαίδεκα ὁπλιτῶν τέλη, τοῖς μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον ἐνδέοντα τοῖς ἀριθμοῖς, τοῖς δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ ἐπλεόναζον ἑκατέρωθεν· ἱππέες δὲ ἅμα τοῖς ἑκατέρων Θρᾳκίοις ἦσαν Καίσαρι μὲν καὶ Ἀντωνίῳ μύριοι καὶ τρισχίλιοι, Βρούτῳ δὲ καὶ Κασσίῳ δισμύριοι. ὥστε πλήθει μὲν ἀνδρῶν καὶ θράσει καὶ ἀρετῇ στρατηγῶν καὶ ὅπλοις καὶ παρασκευῇ λαμπροτάτην ἑκατέρων παράταξιν ὀφθῆναι, ἄπρακτον δὲ ἐς πολλὰς ἡμέρας, οὐκ ἐθελόντων συμπλέκεσθαι τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον, ἀλλὰ ταῖς ἀγοραῖς προεκτρύχειν τοὺς πολεμίους, αὐτοὶ μὲν ἔχοντες Ἀσίαν χορηγὸν καὶ ἐξ ἐγγίονος πάντα διὰ θαλάσσης ποριζόμενοι, τοῖς δὲ πολεμίοις οὐδὲν ὂν δαψιλὲς οὐδὲ οἰκεῖον· οὔτε γάρ τι διʼ ἐμπόρων ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου λαβεῖν εἶχον, ὑπὸ λιμοῦ τῆς χώρας δεδαπανημένης, οὔτε ἐξ Ἰβηρίας ἢ Λιβύης διὰ Πομπήιον οὔτε ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας διὰ Μοῦρκον καὶ Δομίτιον. οὐκ ἐς πολὺ δʼ αὐτοῖς ἔμελλον ἀρκέσειν Μακεδονία τε καὶ Θεσσαλία, μόναι σφίσιν ἐν τῷ τότε χορηγοῦσαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.14.108

In this way both sides had fortified themselves, in the meantime making trial of each other by cavalry skirmishes only. When they had done all that they intended and Octavius had arrived (for, although he was not yet strong enough for a battle, he could be carried along the ranks reclining in a litter), he and Antony prepared for battle forthwith. Brutus and Cassius also drew out their forces on their higher ground, but did not come down. They decided not to give battle, hoping to wear out the enemy by want of supplies. There were nineteen legions of infantry on each side, but those of Brutus and Cassius lacked something of being full, while those of Octavius and Antony were complete. Of cavalry the latter had 13,000 and the former 20,000, including Thracians on both sides. Thus in the multitude of men, in the spirit and bravery of the commanders, and in arms and munitions, was beheld a most magnificent display on both sides; yet they did nothing for several days. Brutus and Cassius did not wish to engage, but rather to continue wasting the enemy by lack of provisions, since they themselves had abundance from Asia, all transported by the sea from close at hand, while the enemy had nothing in abundance and nothing from their own territory. They could obtain nothing through merchants from Egypt, since that country was exhausted by famine, nor from Spain or Africa by reason of Pompeius, nor from Italy by reason of Murcus and Domitius. Macedonia and Thessaly, which were the only countries then supplying them, would not suffice much longer.

4.14.109 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.14.109

ὧν οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον ἐνθυμούμενοι μάλιστα διέτριβον· ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος αὐτὰ δεδιὼς ἔγνω βιάσασθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐς μάχην καὶ ἐπενόησεν, εἰ δύναιτο βάσιμον τὸ ἕλος ἐργάσασθαι λαθών, ἵνα κατόπιν τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἔτι ἀγνοούντων γενόμενος τὴν ἀγορὰν σφᾶς ἀφέλοιτο τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς Θάσου κομιζομένην. ἐκτάσσων οὖν αὖθις ἑκάστοτε ἐς μάχην τὰ σημεῖα τοῦ στρατοῦ πάντα, ἵνα ὅλος ἐκτετάχθαι νομίζοιτο, μέρει τινὶ νυκτός τε καὶ ἡμέρας ἔκοπτεν ἐν τῷ ἕλει δίοδον στενήν, κείρων τε τὸν δόνακα καὶ χῶμα ἐπιβάλλων καὶ λίθους ἑκατέρωθεν, ἵνα μὴ τὸ χῶμα διαπίπτοι, τὰ δὲ βαθέα διεσταύρου καὶ ἐγεφύρου μετὰ σιωπῆς βαθυτάτης. ἀφῄρητο δὲ τὴν ὄψιν τοῦ ἔργου τοὺς πολεμίους ὁ πεφυκὼς ἔτι δόναξ ἀμφὶ τῇ διόδῳ. δέκα δʼ ἡμέρας ἐργασάμενος ὧδε ἐσέπεμψε λόχους ὀρθίους νυκτὸς ἄφνω καὶ τὰ ἐρυμνὰ τῶν ἐντὸς κατέλαβε καὶ ἐχαράκωσε φρούρια ὁμοῦ πολλά. ὁ δὲ Κάσσιος κατεπλάγη μὲν τοῦ ἔργου τὴν ἐπίνοιάν τε καὶ κλοπήν, ἀντεπινοῶν δὲ ἀποτεμέσθαι τὰ φρούρια τὸν Ἀντώνιον, διετείχιζε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπικάρσιον τὸ ἕλος ἅπαν, ἀρχόμενον ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου μέχρι τῆς θαλάσσης, κόπτων ὁμοίως καὶ γεφυρῶν καὶ τὸν χάρακα τοῖς στεριφώμασιν ἐπιτιθεὶς καὶ τὴν ὑπὸ Ἀντωνίου γεγενημένην δίοδον ἀπολαμβάνων, ἵνα μήτε ἐκδραμεῖν ἐς αὐτὸν οἱ ἔνδον ἔτι δυνηθεῖεν μήτε ἐκεῖνος αὐτοῖς ἐπιβοηθεῖν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.14.109

Mindful chiefly of these facts Brutus and Cassius protracted the war. Antony, fearful of the same, resolved to force them to an engagement. He formed a plan of effecting a passage through the marsh secretly, if possible, in order to get in the enemy’s rear without their knowledge, and cut off their avenue of supply from Thasos. So he arrayed his forces for battle with all the standards set each day, so that it might seem that his entire army was drawn up, while a part of his force was really working night and day cutting a narrow passage in the marsh, cutting down reeds, throwing up a causeway and flanking it with stone so that the earth should not fall away, and bridging the deeper parts with piles, all in the profoundest silence. The reeds, which were still growing around his passage-way, prevented the enemy from seeing his work. After working ten days in this manner he sent a column of troops by night suddenly, who occupied all the strong positions inside and built several redoubts at the same time. Cassius was amazed at the ingenuity as well as the secrecy of this work, and he formed the counter design of cutting Antony off from his redoubts. He carried a transverse wall across the whole marsh from his camp to the sea, cutting and bridging in the same manner as Antony had done, and laying a solid foundation for his rampart, thus intercepting the passage sage made by Antony, so that those inside could not escape to him, nor he render assistance to them.

4.14.110 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.14.110

ταῦτα δὲ ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἰδὼν περὶ μεσημβρίαν, ὡς εἶχεν, αὐτίκα σὺν ὁρμῇ τε καὶ ὀργῇ τὸν στρατὸν τὸν ἴδιον, ἐπὶ θάτερα τεταγμένον, ἦγεν ἐπιστρέφων εἰς τὸ διατείχισμα τοῦ Κασσίου, μεταξὺ τοῦ ἕλους καὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου, σιδήρια φέρων καὶ κλίμακας, ὡς ἐξελῶν αὐτὸ καὶ παροδεύσων ἐς τὸ τοῦ Κασσίου στρατόπεδον. γιγνομένου δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦ δρόμου σὺν τόλμῃ πλαγίου τε καὶ πρὸς ἄναντες, κατʼ αὐτὸ δὴ τὸ μεταίχμιον τῶν στρατιῶν ἑκατέρων, περιήλγησαν οἱ τοῦ Βρούτου στρατιῶται ἐπὶ τῇ ὕβρει, ὧδε μάλα θρασέως αὐτοὺς ὄντας ἐνόπλους ἐχθρῶν διαθεόντων, καὶ ἐπέδραμον αὐτοῖς αὐτοκέλευστοι πρό τινος ἐκ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐπιτάγματος καὶ ἔκτεινον οἷα πλαγίους ἀθρόως, οὓς καταλάβοιεν. ἀρξάμενοι δʼ ἅπαξ ἔργου καὶ τῷ Καίσαρος στρατῷ τεταγμένῳ μάλιστα κατὰ σφᾶς ἐπέδραμον καὶ τρέψαντες ἐδίωκον, μέχρι καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐξεῖλον, ὃ κοινὸν ἦν Ἀντωνίῳ τε καὶ Καίσαρι, Καίσαρος αὐτοῦ διʼ ἐνύπνιον ἔνδον οὐκ ὄντος, ἀλλὰ φυλαξαμένου τὴν ἡμέραν, ὡς αὐτὸς ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν ἔγραψεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.14.110

When Antony saw this about noon, instantly, with rage and fury, he turned his own army, which was facing in another direction, and led it against the fortification of Cassius which lay between his camp and the marsh. He carried tools and ladders intending to take it by storm and force his way into Cassius’ camp. While he was making this audacious charge, obliquely and up hill, across the space that separated the two armies, the soldiers of Brutus were provoked at the insolence of the enemy in dashing boldly athwart their front while they stood there armed. So they charged of their own volition, without any order from their officers, took them in flank, and killed as many as they could reach. The battle once begun they charged upon the army of Octavius, also, which was drawn up opposite, put it to flight, pursued it to the camp which Antony and Octavius had in common, and captured it. Octavius himself was not there, having been warned in a dream to beware of that day, as he has himself written in his Memoirs.

Edition note

ὡς αὐτὸς ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν ἔγραψεν. Plutarch used the same words with a single variation, substituting ἱστορεῖ (relates) for ἔγραψεν (has written). This identity of language would indicate that they drew from the same source, yet their accounts of the beginning of the battle differ from each other. Plutarch says that at a council of war held by Brutus and Cassius it was resolved to give battle on the following day, although Cassius favored delay; that after the resolution was taken Cassius was in good spirits, and expressed his confidence in victory; and that on the following morning the scarlet robe, which was the Roman signal of battle, was hung out in the camps of both Brutus and Cassius. Still, the two accounts are not necessarily conflicting, since one tells what took place in the republican camp, and the other what occurred in that of the triumvirs. Plutarch’s authority is Messala Corvinus, who commanded a legion under Brutus, and who was probably present at the council of war, since he relates a conversation that he had with Cassius immediately after it. (Life of Brutus, 39, 40.)

4.14.111 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.14.111

ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος ὁρῶν τὴν μάχην συνερρωγυῖαν ἥσθη μὲν ὡς ἀναγκάσας ʽπάνυ γὰρ ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀγοραῖς ἐδεδίεἰ, ἀναστρέφειν δὲ εἰς τὸ πεδίον οὐκ ἔκρινεν, μὴ τὴν φάλαγγα ἀνελίσσων ταράξειεν, ὡς ἀρξάμενος δʼ εἶχεν ὁρμῆς, ἐχεῖτο δρόμῳ καὶ ἀνέβαινε, βαλλόμενός τε καὶ χαλεπῶς, μέχρι βιαζόμενος ἐνέκυρσε τῇ φάλαγγι τῇ Κασσίου, τὴν τάξιν τὴν δεδομένην φυλασσούσῃ καὶ τὸ γιγνόμενον ὡς ἄλογον καταπεπληγμένῃ. ῥήξας δʼ αὐτὴν ὑπὸ τόλμης ἐπὶ τὸ διατείχισμα ὥρμα, τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ τε ἕλους καὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου, τόν τε χάρακα ἀνασπῶν καὶ τὴν τάφρον ἐγχωννὺς καὶ τὸ οἰκοδόμημα ὑπορύσσων καὶ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς πύλαις καταφονεύων καὶ τὰ ἐπιπίπτοντα ἐκ τοῦ τείχους ὑπομένων, ἕως αὐτὸς μὲν ἐσήλατο διὰ τῶν πυλῶν ἔνδον, ἕτεροι δὲ ταῖς ὑπωρυχίαις ἐσῆλθον, οἱ δὲ καὶ τοῖς πεπτωκόσιν ἐπανέβαινον. καὶ πάντα οὕτως ἐγίγνετο ὀξέως, ὥστε τοῖς τὸ ἕλος ἐργαζομένοις ἐπιβοηθοῦσιν ὑπήντων ἑλόντες ἤδη τὸ διατείχισμα. τρεψάμενοι δὲ καὶ τούσδε σὺν ὁρμῇ βιαίῳ καὶ ἐς τὸ ἕλος κατώσαντες ἐπανῄεσαν ἐς αὐτὸ ἤδη τὸ στρατόπεδον τοῦ Κασσίου, μόνοι σὺν τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ, ὅσοι τὸ διατείχισμα ὑπερῆλθον, τοῦ ἄλλου πλήθους, ἑκατέρων ἐκτὸς ἀλλήλοις μαχομένου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.14.111

When Antony saw that battle was joined he was delighted because he had forced it, for he had been in trouble about his supplies. He judged it inadvisable to turn again toward the plain, lest in making the evolution his ranks should be thrown into disorder. So he continued his charge, as he had begun it, on the run, and advanced under a shower of missiles, and forced his way till he struck a body of Cassius’ troops, which had not moved from its assigned position and which was amazed at this unexpected audacity. He courageously broke this advance guard and dashed against the fortification that ran between the marsh and the camp, demolished the palisade, filled up the ditch, undermined the works, and killed the men at the gates, disregarding the missiles hurled from the wall, until he had forced an entrance through the gates, and others had made breaches in the fortification, and still others had climbed up on the debris. All this was done so swiftly that those who had just now captured the fortification met Cassius’ men, who had been at work in the marsh, coming to the assistance of their friends, and, with a powerful charge, put them to flight, drove them into the marsh, and then at once wheeled against the camp of Cassius itself. These were only the men who had scaled the fortification with Antony, the remainder being engaged in conflict with the enemy on the other side of the wall.

4.14.112 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.14.112

τὸ δὲ στρατόπεδον ὡς ἐρυμνὸν ὀλίγοι πάμπαν ἐφύλασσον· ὅθεν αὐτῶν εὐμαρῶς ἐκράτησεν ὁ Ἀντώνιος. ἤδη δὲ καὶ ἔξω τοῦ Κασσίου στρατὸς ἡσσᾶτο καὶ τὴν κατάληψιν ἰδὼν τοῦ στρατοπέδου διεσκίδνατο ἀκόσμως. καὶ τὸ ἔργον ἦν ἐντελὲς ἑκατέροις καὶ ὅμοιον· Βροῦτός τε γὰρ τὸ λαιὸν τῶν πολεμίων ἐτέτραπτο καὶ τὸ στρατοπεδον ᾑρήκει, Ἀντώνιός τε Κασσίου κρατῶν σὺν ἀμηχάνῳ τόλμῃ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐπόρθει. φόνος τε ἦν ἑκατέρων ποικίλος· ὑπὸ δὲ μεγέθους πεδίου τε καὶ κονιορτοῦ τὰ ἀλλήλων ἠγνόουν, μέχρι ποτὲ ἐπύθοντο καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἀνεκάλουν. οἱ δὲ ἐπανῄεσαν, ἀχθοφόροις ἐοικότες μᾶλλον ἢ στρατιώταις· καὶ οὐδὲ τότε ἀλλήλων ᾐσθάνοντο οὐδὲ καθεώρων, ἐπεὶ ῥίψαντές γε, ὅσα ἔφερον, οἱ ἕτεροι μέγα ἂν εἰργάσαντο κατὰ τῶν ἑτέρων, ἀσυντάκτως ὧδε ἀχθοφορούντων. τὸν δʼ ἀριθμὸν τῶν ἀποθανόντων εἰκάζουσι τῶν μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον ἐς ὀκτακισχιλίους σὺν τοῖς παρασπίζουσι θεράπουσι γενέσθαι, τῶν δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Καίσαρα διπλασίονα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.14.112

As the camp was in a strong position it was guarded by only a few men, for which reason Antony easily overcame them. Cassius’ soldiers outside the camp were already worsted, and when they saw that the camp was taken they scattered in disorderly flight. The victory was complete and alike on either side, Brutus defeating the enemy’s left wing and taking their camp, while Antony overcame Cassius and ravaged his camp with irresistible courage. There was great slaughter on both sides, but by reason of the extent of the plain and the clouds of dust they were ignorant of each other’s fate. When they learned the facts they recalled their scattered forces. Those who returned resembled porters rather than soldiers, and did not at once perceive each other nor see anything clearly. Otherwise either party would have flung down their burdens and fiercely attacked the others carrying off plunder in this disorderly fashion. According to conjecture the number of killed on the side of Cassius, including slave shield-bearers, was about 8000 and on the side of Octavius double that number.

Edition note

Messala is the authority for this estimate of the losses. Plutarch says: The losses of Brutus and Cassius were 8000, including the military servants, whom Brutus called Brigas. Messala says that he thinks those of the enemy were more than twice as great. evidently a a very wild guess, like most of our statistics of the casualties of battles in ancient times. (Life of Brutus, 45.)

4.15.113 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.15.113

Κάσσιος δὲ ἐξ οὗ τῶν διατειχισμάτων ἐξέωστο καὶ οὐδὲ ἐσελθεῖν ἔτι εἶχεν ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον, ἀνέδραμεν ἐς τὸν Φιλίππων λόφον καὶ τὰ γιγνόμενα ἐφεώρα. οὐκ ἀκριβῶς δὲ αὐτὰ διὰ τὸν κονιορτὸν οὐδὲ πάντα ὁρῶν, ἀλλʼ ἢ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἑαυτοῦ μόνον εἰλημμένον, ἐκέλευσε Πινδάρῳ τῷ ὑπασπιστῇ προσπεσεῖν οἱ καὶ διαφθεῖραι. διαμέλλοντος δʼ ἔτι τοῦ Πινδάρου προσέθει τις ἀγγέλλων Βροῦτον ἐπὶ θάτερα νικᾶν καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν πολεμίων πορθεῖν. ὁ δὲ τούτῳ μὲν τοσόνδε ἀπεκρίνατο· νικῴης, λέγε αὐτῷ, παντελῆ νίκην, ἐς δὲ τὸν Πίνδαρον ἐπιστραφείς, τί βραδύνεις; ἔφη, τί τῆς ἐμῆς αἰσχύνης με οὐκ ἀπαλλάσσεις; Πίνδαρος μὲν δὴ δεσπότην, ὑπέχοντα τὴν σφαγήν, διεχρήσατο. καί τισιν οὕτως ἀποθανεῖν δοκεῖ Κάσσιον. ἕτεροι δὲ αὐτὸν οἴονται, προσιόντων ἐς εὐαγγέλιον ἱππέων Βρούτου, νομίσαντα εἶναι πολεμίους, πέμψαι τὸ ἀκριβὲς εἰσόμενον Τιτίνιον· τὸν δὲ τῶν ἱππέων ὡς Κασσίου φίλον περισχόντων τε σὺν ἡδονῇ καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε καὶ ἀλαλαξάντων μέγα, τὸν Κάσσιον ἡγούμενον ἐς ἐχθροὺς ἐμπεσεῖν Τιτίνιον τοῦτο φάναι· περιεμένομεν φίλον ἁρπαζόμενον ἰδεῖν, καὶ ἔς τινα σκηνὴν ὑποχωρῆσαι μετὰ τοῦ Πινδάρου καὶ τὸν Πίνδαρον οὐκέτι φανῆναι. διὸ καὶ νομίζουσί τινες οὔπω κεκελευσμένον ἐργάσασθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.15.113

When Cassius was driven out of his fortifications and no longer had any camp to go to, he ascended the hill to Philippi and took a survey of the situation. He could not see accurately on account of the dust, nor could he see everything, but upon discovering that his own camp was captured he ordered Pindarus, his shield-bearer, to draw his sword and kill him. While Pindarus delayed a messenger ran up and said that Brutus had been victorious on the other wing and was ravaging the enemy’s camp. Cassius merely answered, Tell him that I pray his victory may be complete. Then, turning to Pindarus, he said, What are you waiting for? Why do you not deliver me from my shame? Then, as he presented his throat, Pindarus slew him. This is one account of the death of Cassius. Others say that as some horsemen were approaching, bringing the good news from Brutus, he took them for enemies and sent Titinius to find out exactly; that the horsemen pressed around Titinius joyfully as a friend of Cassius, and at the same time uttered loud hurrahs; that Cassius, thinking that Titinius had fallen into the hands of enemies, said, Have I waited to see my friend torn from me? and that then he withdrew to a tent with Pindarus, and Pindarus was never seen afterward. For this reason some persons think that he killed Cassius without orders. Cassius ended his life on his birthday, on which also the battle was fought, and Titinius killed himself because he had been too slow.

Edition note

The second of these two accounts of the death of Cassius is found, at greater length, in Plutarch (Life of Brutus, 43); in Velleius (ii. 70); in Valerius Maximus (ix. 9. 2); in Dion Cassius (xlvii. 46); and with a slight variation in Florus (iv. 7).

4.15.114 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.15.114

Κασσίῳ μὲν δὴ τέλος ἦν τοῦ βίου κατὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ Κασσίου γενέθλιον ἡμέραν, ὧδε τῆς μάχης γενέσθαι συμπεσούσης, καὶ Τιτίνιος ὡς βραδύνας ἑαυτὸν ἔκτεινε· Βροῦτος δὲ Κασσίου τὸν νέκυν περικλαίων, ἀνεκάλει τελευταῖον ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων, ὡς οὔ τινος ἔτι τοιοῦδε ἐς ἀρετὴν ἐσομένου, ταχυεργίας τε αὐτῷ καὶ προπετείας ἐνεκάλει καὶ ἐμακάριζεν ὁμοῦ φροντίδων καὶ ἀνίας ἀπηλλαγμένον, αἳ Βροῦτον ἐς ποῖον ἄρα τέλος ὁδηγοῦσι; παραδοὺς δὲ τὸ σῶμα τοῖς φίλοις, ἔνθα λαθραίως θάψειαν, ἵνα μὴ καταδακρύσειε τὸν στρατὸν ὁρῶντα, αὐτὸς ἄσιτός τε καὶ ἀτημέλητος ἀνὰ τὴν νύκτα πᾶσαν τὸ Κασσίου στρατόπεδον καθίστατο. ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν πολεμίων τὸν στρατὸν παρατασσόντων ἐς μάχην, ἵνα μὴ δοκοῖεν ἠλασσῶσθαι, συνεὶς τοῦ ἐνθυμήματος, ὁπλισώμεθα, ἔφη, καὶ ἡμεῖς καὶ ἀνθυποκριθῶμεν ἐλάσσονα παθεῖν. ὡς δὲ παρέταξεν, οἱ μὲν ἀνεχώρουν, ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος ἐπιτωθάσας ἔφη τοῖς φίλοις· οἱ μὲν δὴ προκαλούμενοι ἡμᾶς ὡς κεκμηκότας οὐδὲ ἀπεπείρασαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.15.114

Brutus wept over the dead body of Cassius and called him the last of the Romans, meaning that his equal in virtue would never exist again. He reproached him for haste and precipitancy, but at the same time he esteemed him happy because he was freed from cares and troubles, which, he said, are leading Brutus, ah, whither? He delivered the corpse to friends to be buried secretly lest the army should be moved to tears at the sight; and himself passed the whole night, without food and without care for his own person, restoring order in Cassius’ army. In the morning the enemy drew up their army in order of battle, so that they might not seem to have been beaten. Brutus, perceiving their design, exclaimed, Let us arm also and make believe that we have suffered no defeat. So he put his forces in line, and the enemy withdrew. Brutus said to his friends, jeeringly, They challenged us when they thought we were tired, but they dared not put us to the test.

4.15.115 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.15.115

ἧι δὲ ἡμέρᾳ τὴν μάχην ἐν Φιλίπποις συνέβαινεν εἶναι, καὶ ἐν τῷ Ἰονίῳ τοιόνδε πάθος ἄλλο ἐγίγνετο μέγα. Δομίτιος Καλουῖνος ἐπὶ ὁλκάδων ἦγεν ὁπλιτῶν δύο τέλη Καίσαρι, καὶ τὸ διώνυμον ἦν αὐτῶν, τὸ Ἄρειον, ὃ ἐπὶ τιμῇ τῆς ἀλκῆς ὠνόμαζον. ἦγε δὲ καὶ στρατηγίδα σπεῖραν, ἐς δισχιλίους ἄνδρας, ἱππέων τε ἴλας τέσσαρας καὶ ἕτερον πλῆθος ἐπειλεγμένον· καὶ τριήρεις αὐτοὺς παρέπεμπον ὀλίγαι. Μοῦρκος δʼ αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἀηνόβαρβος ἑκατὸν καὶ τριάκοντα μακραῖς ὑπήντων. καὶ αὐτοὺς αἱ ὁλκάδες ἱστίῳ μὲν αἱ πρῶται διέφυγον ὀλίγαι, αἱ λοιπαὶ δέ, χαλάσαντος ἄφνω τοῦ πνεύματος, ἐν γαλήνῃ σταθερᾷ κατὰ τὸ πέλαγος ἠλῶντο, ὑπό του θεῶν ἐκδεδομέναι τοῖς πολεμίοις. ἐνέβαλλον γὰρ ἀδεῶς ἑκάστῃ καὶ ἀνερρήγνυον· οὐδὲ αἱ παραπέμπουσαί σφας τριήρεις ἐπικουρεῖν ἐδύναντο, διὰ τὴν ὀλιγότητα κυκλούμεναι. ἔργα δʼ ἦν τῶν κινδυνευοντων πολλὰ καὶ ποικίλα, ὁτὲ μὲν τὰ πλοῖα συναγόντων ἀπὸ κάλω σπουδῇ καὶ κοντοῖς ἁρμοζόντων ἐς ἄλληλα, ἵνα μὴ διεκπλεῖν αὐτὰ ἔχοιεν οἱ πολέμιοι. ὅτε δὲ τούτου κρατήσειαν, ὁ μὲν Μοῦρκος αὐτοῖς ἐπέβαλλε τοξεύματα πυρός, οἱ δὲ τοὺς συνδέσμους ἀνέλυον ὀξέως καὶ ἀπέφευγον ἀλλήλων διὰ τὸ πῦρ αὖθίς τε ἐγίγνοντο ταῖς τριήρεσιν ἐς περίπλουν καὶ ἐμβολὴν ἕτοιμοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.15.115

On the same day that witnessed the battle of Philippi another great calamity took place in the Adriatic. Domitius Calvinus was bringing two legions of infantry on transport ships to Octavius, one of which was known as the Martian legion, a name which had been given to it as a distinction for bravery. He led also a praetorian cohort of about 2000 men, four squadrons of horse, and a considerable corps d’elite of other troops, under the convoy of a few triremes. Murcus and Ahenobarbus met them with 130 war-ships. A few of the transports that were in front got away under sail. The wind suddenly failing, the rest floated about in a dead calm on the sea, having been delivered by some god into the hands of their enemies. The latter, without danger to themselves, fell upon each ship and crushed it; nor could the triremes that escorted them render any aid, since they were hemmed in by reason of their small number. The men who were exposed to this danger performed many deeds of valor. They hastily lashed their ships together with ropes and spars to prevent the enemy from breaking through their line. But when they succeeded in doing this Murcus discharged burning arrows at them. Then they cast off their fastenings as quickly as possible and separated from each other on account count of the fire, and thus again were exposed to being surrounded or rammed by the triremes.

4.15.116 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.15.116

ἀγανακτοῦντες δὲ οἱ ἄνδρες, καὶ μάλιστα αὐτῶν οἱ Ἄρειοι, ὅτι κρείττους ὄντες ἀλκὴν διʼ ἀπραξίας ἀπώλλυντο, οἱ μὲν πρὸ τοῦ πυρὸς ἑαυτοὺς ἀνῄρουν, οἱ δὲ ἐς τὰς τριήρεις τῶν πολεμίων ἐναλλομενοι τὰ μὲν ἔδρων, τὰ δὲ ἔπασχον. νῆές τε ἡμίφλεκτοι μέχρι πολλοῦ περιέπλεον, ἄνδρας ἔχουσαι τοὺς μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρός, τοὺς δʼ ὑπὸ λιμοῦ καὶ δίψης δαπανωμένους· οἱ δὲ καὶ ἱστῶν ἢ σανίδων ἐχόμενοι ἐς πέτρας ἢ ἀκτὰς ἐξεφέροντο ἐρήμους. καὶ εἰσὶν αὐτῶν, οἳ καὶ περιεσώθησαν ἐκ παραλόγου· τινὲς δὲ καὶ ἐς πέντε διήρκεσαν ἡμέρας, λιχμώμενοι τὴν πίσσαν ἢ ἱστίων ἢ κάλων διαμασώμενοι, μέχρι σφᾶς ὁ κλύδων ἐξήνεγκεν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν. πολὺ δʼ ἦν, ὃ καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἑαυτὸ ἐπέτρεπεν, ὑπὸ τῶν συμφορῶν ἡσσώμενον. ἐπέτρεψαν δὲ καὶ τῶν τριήρων ἑπτακαίδεκα. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄνδρας οἱ περὶ Μοῦρκον ἐς ἑαυτοὺς μεθώρκουν, ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς αὐτῶν Καλουῖνος ἐπὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ νεὼς ἐπανῆλθεν ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον ἡμέρᾳ πέμπτῃ, δόξας ἀπολωλέναι. τοιοῦτο μὲν δὴ πάθος τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρας τῇ περὶ Φιλίππους μάχῃ κατὰ τὸν Ἰόνιον ἐπεγίγνετο, εἴτε ναυάγιον εἴτε ναυμαχίαν ὀνομάσαι χρή· καὶ ἐξέπλησσε τὸ συγκύρημα τῶν ἔργων ὕστερον ἐπιγνωσθέν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.15.116

Some of the soldiers, and especially the Martians, who excelled in bravery, were exasperated that they should lose their lives uselessly, and so killed themselves rather than be burned to death; others leaped on board the triremes of the enemy, giving and receiving blows. Vessels half burned floated a long time, containing men perishing by fire, by hunger, and by thirst. Others, clinging to masts or planks, were thrown upon barren rocks or promontories, and of these some were saved unexpectedly. Some of them were nourished for five days by licking pitch, or chewing sails or ropes, until the waves bore them to the land. The greater part, vanquished by their misfortunes, surrendered to the enemy. Seventeen triremes surrendered, and the men in them took the oath to Murcus. Their general, Calvinus, who was believed to have perished, returned to Brundusium on his ship five days later. Such was the catastrophe that befell in the Adriatic on the same day that the battle of Philippi was fought, whether it be more fitly called a shipwreck or a naval engagement. The coincidence of the two battles caused amazement when it became known later.

4.16.117 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.16.117

ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος τὸν στρατὸν ἐς ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγὼν ἔλεξεν ὧδε· οὐδὲν ἔστιν, ὦ συστρατιῶται, παρὰ τὸν χθὲς ἀγῶνα, ἐν ᾧ μὴ κρείσσους ἐγένεσθε τῶν πολεμίων. τῆς τε γὰρ μάχης ἤρξατε προθύμως, εἰ καὶ χωρὶς παραγγέλματος· καὶ τὸ τέταρτον τέλος, ὃ περιώνυμον αὐτοῖς ὂν ἐπεπίστευτο τὸ κέρας, διεφθείρατε ἅπαν καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτεταγμένους αὐτῷ μέχρι τοῦ στρατοπέδου· καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτὸ εἵλετε πρότερον καὶ διηρπάσατε· ὡς προύχειν τάδε παρὰ πολὺ τῆς ἐπὶ τοῦ λαιοῦ βλάβης ἡμῶν. δυνηθέντες δʼ ἂν ὅλον ἐργάσασθαι τὸ ἔργον, ἁρπάσαι μᾶλλον εἵλεσθε ἢ κτείνειν τοὺς ἡσσωμένους· οἱ γὰρ πλέονες ὑμῶν τοὺς πολεμίους παροδεύοντες ἐπὶ τὰ τῶν πολεμίων ὥρμων. καὶ ἐν τῷδε αὖ πάλιν οἱ μὲν διήρπασαν δύο τῶν ἡμετέρων στρατοπέδων ὄντων τὸ ἕτερον, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐκείνων ἅπαντα ἔχομεν, ὡς καὶ τῷδε τὴν ἐπίκτησιν τῆς βλάβης διπλασίονα εἶναι. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ πλεονεκτήματα τοσαῦτα· ὅσα δὲ ἕτερα προύχομεν αὐτῶν, ἔχετε καὶ παρὰ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων μανθάνειν, περί τε ἀπορίας σίτου καὶ ἐπιτιμήσεως αὐτοῦ καὶ κομιδῆς κακοπαθοῦς καὶ παρʼ ὀλίγον ἤδη σαφοῦς ἐπιλείψεως. οὔτε γὰρ ἐκ Σικελίας ἢ Σαρδόνος ἢ Λιβύης ἢ Ἰβηρίας ἔστιν αὐτοῖς λαβεῖν διὰ Πομπήιον καὶ Μοῦρκον καὶ Ἀηνόβαρβον, ναυσὶν ἑξήκοντα καὶ διακοσίαις ἀποκλείοντας αὐτοῖς τὸ πέλαγος· Μακεδονίαν τε ἐξαναλώκασιν ἤδη καὶ ἐκ μόνης ἄρτι Θεσσαλίας ἔχουσιν, ἣ ἐς πόσον αὐτοῖς ἔτι ἀρκέσει;

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.16.117

Brutus assembled his army and addressed it as follows: In yesterday’s engagement, fellow-soldiers, you were in every respect superior to the enemy. You began the battle eagerly, although without orders, and you utterly destroyed their far-famed fourth legion, on which their wing placed its reliance, and all those supporting it as far as their camp, and you took and plundered their camp first, so that our victory far outweighs the disaster on our left wing. When it was in your power to finish the whole work, you chose rather to plunder than to kill the vanquished. Most of you passed by the enemy and made a rush for his property. We are the superior again in this, that of our two camps they captured only one, while we took all of theirs, so that here our gain is twice as great as our loss. So great are our advantages in the battle. How far we excel them in other respects you may learn from our prisoners — concerning the scarcity and dearness of provisions among them, the difficulty of procuring further supplies, and how near they are to absolute want. They can obtain nothing from Sicily, Sardinia, Africa, or Spain, because Pompeius, Murcus, and Ahenobarbus with 260 ships close the sea against them. They have already exhausted Macedonia. They are now dependent on Thessaly alone. How much longer will it suffice?

4.16.118 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.16.118

ὅταν οὖν αὐτοὺς ἐπειγομένους εἰς μάχην μάλιστα ἴδητε, τότε ἡγεῖσθε διωκομένους ὑπὸ λιμοῦ τὸν ἐν χερσὶ θάνατον αἱρεῖσθαι. ἡμεῖς δʼ ἀντιμηχανησώμεθα αὐτοῖς τὸν λιμὸν ἡμῶν προπολεμεῖν, ἵνʼ ἀσθενεστέροις καὶ τετρυμένοις ἐντύχοιμεν, ὅτε χρή. μηδʼ ἐκφερώμεθα ταῖς προθυμίαις παρὰ καιρόν, μηδὲ βραδυτῆτά τις ἡγείσθω τὴν ἐμπειρίαν ἢ ταχυτῆτα, ἐς τὴν ὀπίσω θάλασσαν ἀφορῶν, ἣ τοσαύτας ἡμῖν ὑπηρεσίας καὶ τροφὰς ἐπιπέμπουσα δίδωσιν ἀκινδύνου νίκης ἐπιτυχεῖν, ἢν ὑπομένητε καὶ μὴ ἀδοξῆτε, εἰ προσπαίξονταί τε ἡμῖν καὶ προκαλοῦνται, οὐκ ἀμείνονες ὄντες, ὡς διέδειξε τὸ ἐχθὲς ἔργον, ἀλλὰ ἕτερον δέος ἰώμενοι. τὴν δὲ προθυμίαν, ἧς νῦν ὑμᾶς ἀξιῶ κρατεῖν, ἀθρόαν ἀπόδοτε, ὅταν αἰτῶμεν. ἐγὼ δʼ ὑμῖν τὰ νικητήρια ἐντελῆ μέν, ὅταν οἱ θεοὶ κρίνωσιν, ἐπὶ ἐντελέσι τοῖς ἔργοις διαλύσομαι· νῦν δὲ τῆς ἐχθὲς ἀρετῆς ἀνὰ χιλίας ἑκάστῳ στρατιώτῃ δραχμὰς ἐπιδίδωμι καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ὑμῶν ἀνὰ λόγον. ὁ μὲν οὕτως εἶπεν καὶ αὐτίκα διεμέτρει τὴν δωρεὰν κατὰ τέλη· δοκεῖ δέ τισι καὶ Λακεδαίμονα καὶ Θεσσαλονίκην ἐς διαρπαγὴν αὐτοῖς δώσειν ὑποσχέσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.16.118

When, therefore, you see them eager to fight, bear in mind that they are so pressed by hunger that they prefer death by battle. We will make it part of our plan that hunger shall engage them before we do, so that when it is necessary to fight we shall find them weakened and exhausted. Let us not be carried away by our ardor before the proper time. Let no one think that delay implies want of generalship more than haste, when he casts his eye on the sea behind us, which sends us aid and provisions and enables us to win victory without danger if we wait and do not mind the insults and provocations of the enemy, who are not braver than ourselves, as yesterday’s work shows, but are trying to avert another danger. Let the zeal which I now desire you to repress be shown abundantly when I ask it. The rewards of victory I will pay you in full when it shall please the gods that our work be finished. And now for your bravery in yesterday’s engagement, I will give to each soldier 1000 drachmas and to your officers in proportion. After speaking thus he distributed the donative to the legions in their order. Some writers say that he promised to give them also the cities of Lacedaemon and Thessalonica to plunder.

Edition note

Μηδὲ βραδυτῆτά τις ἡγείσθω τὴν ἐμπειρίαν ἤ ταχυτῆτα. The text is probably corrupt at this place. Various suggestions have been made for its amendment. In the edition of Tollius ἀπειρίαν (want of seneralship) is suggested in place of ἐμπειρίαν. This solves the difficulty with the least possible change of the text.

4.16.119 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.16.119

ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος, εἰδότες οὐ μαχούμενον ἑκόντα τὸν Βροῦτον, τοὺς ἰδίους συνῆγον, καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἔλεξε· τὸ ἐχθὲς ἔργον, ὦ ἄνδρες, τοῖς μὲν λόγοις οἶδα ὅτι καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι μερίζονται, ὡς διώξαντές τινας ἡμῶν καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον διαρπάσαντες, ἔργῳ δὲ ἐπιδείξουσιν ἅπαν ὑμέτερον· ὑπισχνοῦμαι γὰρ ὑμῖν οὔτε αὔριον οὔτε ταῖς ἐπιούσαις ἑκόντας αὐτοὺς ἐς μάχην ἥξειν. ὃ σαφεστάτη πίστις ἐστὶ τῆς ἐχθὲς ἥσσης καὶ φόβου, ὅταν ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς γυμνικοῖς ἀφιστῶνται τοῦ ἀγῶνος οἱ ἐλάττονες· οὐ γὰρ ἐς τοῦτό ʼγε στρατὸν ἤγειρον τοσόνδε, ἵνα τῶν Θρᾳκῶν ἐρημίαν οἰκῶσι διατειχίσαντες. ἀλλὰ αὐτὴν διετείχισαν μὲν ἔτι προσιόντων ὑμῶν διὰ δέος, ἐλθόντων δὲ ἐνοικοῦσι διὰ τὴν ἐχθὲς ἧσσαν· ἐφʼ ᾗ καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν ὁ πρεσβύτερός τε καὶ ἐμπειρότερος πάντα ἀπογνοὺς ἑαυτὸν διεχρήσατο, ὃ καὶ αὐτὸ μεγίστη συμφορῶν ἐστιν ἀπόδειξις. ὅταν οὖν ἡμῶν αὐτοὺς προκαλουμένων μὴ δέχωνται μηδὲ καταβαίνωσιν ἀπὸ τῶν ὀρῶν, ἀλλὰ ἀντὶ τῶν χειρῶν πιστεύωσι τοῖς κρημνοῖς, τότε μοι θαρροῦντες ὑμεῖς, ὦ ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, συναναγκάσατε αὐτοὺς αὖθις, ὥσπερ ἐχθὲς ἠναγκάσατε, αἰσχρὸν ἡγούμενοι δεδιότων ἐλασσοῦσθαι καὶ ὀκνούντων ἀπέχεσθαι καὶ τειχῶν ἄνδρες ὄντες ἀσθενέστεροι γενέσθαι. οὐ γὰρ ἤλθομέν γε καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐν πεδίῳ βιώσοντες, οὐδʼ ἔστι βραδύνουσιν οὐδὲν αὔταρκες. ἀλλὰ δεῖ τοῖς εὖ φρονοῦσι τοὺς μὲν πολέμους ὀξεῖς, τὴν δὲ εἰρήνην ἐπὶ μήκιστον εἶναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.16.119

Octavius and Antony, seeing that Brutus was not willing to fight, assembled their men, and Antony addressed them thus: Soldiers, I am sure that the enemy claim in their speeches a share of yesterday’s victory because they drove some of us and plundered our camp, but they will show by their action that it was wholly yours. I promise you that neither to-morrow nor on any subsequent day will they be willing to fight. It is the clearest proof of their defeat yesterday and of their lack of courage that, like those who have been vanquished in public games, they keep out of the arena. Surely they did not collect so numerous an army in order to pass their time in fortifications in the desert parts of Thrace. They built their fortifications when you were still approaching because they were afraid. Now that you have come they adhere to them because of yesterday’s defeat, on which account also the older and more experienced of their generals in utter despair committed suicide, and this act is itself the greatest proof of their disaster. Since, therefore, they do not accept our challenge and come down from the mountain, but trust to their rocky fastnesses instead of their arms, be valliant, O my soldiers of Rome, and force them to it again as you forced them yesterday. Let us consider it base to yield to those who are afraid of us, to keep our hands off such sluggards, or, soldiers as we are, to be unequal to the capture of their fortifications. We did not come hither to pass our lives in this plain, and if we delay we shall be in want of everything. If we are well advised we shall prosecute the war sharply, in order that peace may be of the longest duration possible.

4.16.120 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.16.120

τοὺς μὲν οὖν καιροὺς καὶ τὰ ἐς τοῦτον ἔργα ἐπιμηχανησόμεθα ἡμεῖς, οὐ μεμπτοὶ καὶ τῆς ἐχθὲς ὁρμῆς τε καὶ μηχανῆς ὑμῖν γενόμενοι· τὴν δʼ ἀρετὴν ὑμεῖς, ὅταν αἰτῆσθε, ἀποδίδοτε τοῖς στρατηγοῖς. μηδὲ ἄχθεσθε τῆς ἐχθὲς ἁρπαγῆς μηδʼ ἐπʼ ὀλίγον· οὐ γὰρ ἐν οἷς ἔχομέν ἐστι τὸ πλουτεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐν τῷ κρατεῖν ταῖς δυνάμεσιν, ὃ καὶ τὰ ἐχθὲς ἀφαιρεθέντα, ἔτι ὄντα παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις σῶα, καὶ τὰ πολέμια αὐτὰ ἐπʼ ἐκείνοις κρατοῦσιν ἡμῖν ἀποδώσει. καὶ εἰ ἐπειγόμεθα αὐτὰ λαβεῖν, ἐπειγώμεθα ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην. ἱκανὰ δὲ καὶ ἐχθὲς ἀντειλήφαμεν αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ἡμετέρων ἴσως ἱκανώτερα· οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας πάνθʼ, ὅσα ἐβιάσαντο καὶ ἥρπασαν, ἐπήγοντο, ὑμεῖς δʼ ὡς ἐκ πατρίδος ἰόντες τὰ μὲν δαψιλέστερα οἴκοι ὑπελίπεσθε, τὰ δʼ ἀναγκαῖα μόνα ἐπήγεσθε. εἰ δέ τι καὶ δαψιλὲς ἦν, ἡμέτερον ἦν τῶν στρατηγῶν, οἳ πάντα ἐσμὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμετέρας νίκης ἐπιδιδόναι πρόθυμοι. καὶ τῆς τοιαύτης δʼ ὅμως ζημίας ὑμῖν ἕνεκα ἐπιδώσομεν νικητήρια, δραχμὰς ἑκάστῳ στρατιώτῃ πεντακισχιλίας, λοχαγῷ δὲ πεντάκις τοσαύτας, χιλιάρχῃ δὲ τὸ διπλάσιον τοῦ λοχαγοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.16.120

We, who have not incurred your censure for the onset and the plan of yesterday’s battle, will devise fresh opportunities and means for this end. You, on the other hand, when you are asked, repay your generals with your valor. Nor will you be troubled, after a little, by yesterday’s plundering of our camp, for our wealth consists not in the property we hold, but in conquering with might, which will restore to us as victors not only what we lost yesterday, which is still safe in the enemy’s possession, but the enemy’s wealth in addition. And if we are in haste to take these things let us hasten to bring on a battle. What we took from them yesterday balances what we lost, and perhaps more, for they brought with them all that they had extorted and plundered from Asia, while we, coming from our own country, left at home everything in the way of luxury, and brought with us only what was necessary. If there was anything lavish in our camp it was the property of your generals, who will gladly give it all to you as a reward for your victory. And as compensation for your losses we will give you an additional reward of 5000 drachmas for each soldier, five times as much to each centurion, and twice the latter sum to each tribune.

Edition note

καὶ εἰ ἐπειγόμεθα. Nauck suggests εὐχόμεθα in place of the last word, so that it would read if we wish to take these things let us hasten to bring on a battle.

4.16.121 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.16.121

τοιαῦτα εἰπὼν τῆς ἐπιούσης πάλιν ἐξέτασσε· καὶ οὐ κατιόντων οὐδὲ τότε τῶν πολεμίων ὁ μὲν Ἀντώνιος ἐβαρυθύμει καὶ ἐξέτασσεν αἰεί, ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος τοῦ στρατοῦ τὸ μὲν εἶχε συντεταγμένον, μὴ ἀναγκασθείη μάχεσθαι, τῷ δὲ τὰς ὁδοὺς τῆς κομιδῆς τῶν ἀναγκαίων διελάμβανε. λόφος δὲ ἦν ἀγχοτάτω τοῦ Κασσίου στρατοπέδου, δυσχερὴς μὲν ὑπὸ ἐχθρῶν καταληφθῆναι, διὰ τὴν ἐγγύτητα ἐστοξεύεσθαι δυναμένων· ὁ δὲ Κάσσιος αὐτὸν ὅμως ἐφρούρει, μὴ καὶ παρὰ δόξαν ἐπιτολμήσειέ τις. ἐκλειφθέντα δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ Βρούτου κατέλαβον οἱ περὶ τὸν Καίσαρα νυκτὸς τέτρασι τέλεσιν, ἐπαγόμενοι γέρρα πολλὰ καὶ διφθέρας ἐς προβολὴν τοῖς τοξεύμασιν. ὡς δὲ κατέσχον, ἄλλα τέλη δέκα μετεστρατοπέδευον ὑπὲρ πέντε σταδίους ἀπιοῦσιν ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ ὑπὲρ ἄλλους τέσσαρας δύο, ὡς τῷδε τῷ τρόπῳ προελευσόμενοι μέχρι θαλάσσης καὶ ἢ παρʼ αὐτὴν ἄρα τὴν θάλασσαν ἢ διὰ τῶν ἑλῶν ἢ ὅν τινα τρόπον ἄλλον ἐπενόουν, βιασόμενοι καὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἀποκλείσοντες τῶν πολεμίων. καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος αὐτοῖς ἀντεμηχανᾶτο, ἄλλα τε καὶ φρούρια ἀντικαθιστὰς τοῖς ἐκείνων στρατοπέδοις.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.16.121

Having spoken thus, he led out his men again on the following day. As the enemy would not come down then, Antony was disgusted, but he continued to lead out his men daily. Brutus had a part of his army in line lest he should be compelled to fight; and with another part he guarded the road by which his supplies were conveyed. There was a hill very near the camp of Cassius, which it was difficult for an enemy to occupy because, by reason of its nearness, it was exposed to arrows from the camp. Nevertheless, Cassius had placed a guard on it, lest it should be forced unexpectedly. As it had been abandoned by Brutus, the army of Octavius occupied it by night with four legions and protected themselves with wickerwork and hides against the enemy’s bowmen. When this position was secured they transferred ten other legions a distance of more than five stades toward the sea. Four stades farther they placed two legions, in order to extend themselves in this manner quite to the sea, with a view of breaking through the enemy’s line either along the sea itself, or through the marsh, or in some other way, and to cut off their supplies. Brutus counteracted this movement by building fortified posts opposite their camps and in other ways.

4.16.122 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.16.122

τὸ δὲ ἔργον ἤπειγε τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Καίσαρα, καὶ λιμὸς ἦν ἤδη σαφής, ἔς τε μέγεθος καὶ δέος ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ἐπεγίνετο. οὔτε γὰρ ἐκ Θεσσαλίας αὐτοῖς ἔτι τὰ ἀρκοῦντα ἐκομίζετο, οὔτε τις ἦν ἐλπὶς ἐκ θαλάσσης, ναυκρατούντων πανταχῇ τῶν πολεμίων· τῆς τε ἔναγχος περὶ τὸν Ἰόνιον συμφορᾶς ἐξηγγελμένης ἐς ἑκατέρους ἤδη, μᾶλλον ἐδεδοίκεσαν αὐτά τε καὶ τὸν χειμῶνα προσιόντα ὡς ἐν πεδίῳ πηλώδει σταθμεύοντες. ὧν ἐνθυμούμενοι τέλος μὲν ὁπλιτῶν ἐς Ἀχαΐαν ἐξέπεμψαν, ἀγείρειν τὰ ἐντυγχάνοντα πάντα καὶ πέμπειν σφίσι κατὰ σπουδήν. οὐκ ἀνεχόμενοι δὲ κινδύνου τοσοῦδε προσιόντος οὔτε τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτεχνήσεων οὔτε ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ λοιπὸν ἐκτάσσειν, παρὰ τὸ τείχισμα τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀνέβαινον μετὰ βοῆς καὶ τὸν Βροῦτον ἐκάλουν ἐς μάχην, ἐπισκώπτοντες ἅμα καὶ λοιδοροῦντες καὶ ἐγνωκότες οὐ πολιορκίας τρόπῳ μᾶλλον ἢ μανιώδει φορᾷ μὴ βουλομένῳ συμπλέκεσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.16.122

The task of Octavius and Antony became pressing, hunger was already felt, and fear fell upon them more and more each day, for Thessaly could no longer furnish sufficient supplies, nor could they hope for anything from the sea, which was commanded by the enemy everywhere. News of their recent disaster in the Adriatic having now reached both armies, it caused them fresh alarm, as also did the approach of winter while they were quartered in this muddy plain. Moved by these considerations they sent a legion of troops to Achaia to collect all the food they could find and send it to them in haste. As they could not rest under so great an impending danger, and as their other artifices were of no avail, they ceased offering battle in the plain and advanced with shouts to the enemy’s fortifications, and challenged Brutus to fight, reviling and scoffing at him, intending not so much to besiege him as by a mad rush to bring him to an engagement against his will.

Edition note

ἔς τε μέγεθος καὶ δέος ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ἐπεγίγνετο: an obscure passage. The translation is in part conjecture.

Edition note

Plutarch says expressly that Brutus was not aware of this disaster to his enemies; for, although a deserter from the camp of Octavius came to tell the news, he was not believed, and was not allowed to see Brutus at all. (Life of Brutus, 47.)

4.16.123 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.16.123

τῷ δὲ αὐτῷ μὲν ἔγνωστο τὰ ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς, καὶ μᾶλλον ἔτι πυνθανομένῳ περί τε τοῦ λιμοῦ καὶ περὶ τῇς κατὰ τὸν Ἰόνιον εὐπραξίας καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ὁρῶντι τὴν ἐκ τῆς ἀπορίας ἀπόνοιαν· καὶ ᾑρεῖτο πολιορκίας καὶ ἄλλου παντὸς ἀνέχεσθαι, μᾶλλον ἢ ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι ἀνδράσιν ἐπειγομένοις ὑπὸ λιμοῦ, καὶ ἀπογινώσκουσιν ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἑαυτοὺς καὶ ἐν μόναις ταῖς χερσὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα ἔχουσιν. ὁ δὲ στρατὸς οὐχ ὁμοίως εἶχεν ὑπὸ ἀφροσύνης, ἀλλʼ ἐδυσφόρουν γυναικῶν τρόπον ἔνδον μετὰ ἀπραξίας καὶ φόβου κατακεκλεισμένοι. ἐδυσχέραινον δὲ καὶ οἱ ἡγεμόνες αὐτῶν, ἐπαινοῦντες μὲν τὸ ἐνθύμημα τοῦ Βρούτου, νομίζοντες δὲ καὶ θᾶσσον ἐπικρατήσειν τῶν πολεμίων μετὰ προθύμου στρατοῦ. αἴτιον δὲ τούτων ἦν αὐτὸ τὸ Βροῦτον ἐπιεικῆ καὶ φιλόφρονα ἐς ἅπαντας εἶναι καὶ ἀνόμοιον Κασσίῳ, αὐστηρῷ καὶ ἀρχικῷ περὶ πάντα γεγενημένῳ· ὅθεν ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος ὑπήκουον, οὐ παραστρατηγοῦντες οὐδὲ τὰς αἰτίας μανθάνοντες οὐδὲ εὐθύνοντες, ὅτε καὶ μάθοιεν, Βρούτῳ δὲ οὐδὲν ἄλλʼ ἢ συστρατηγεῖν ἠξίουν διὰ πραΰτητα. τέλος δὲ τοῦ στρατοῦ φανερώτερον ἤδη κατὰ ἴλας καὶ κατὰ συστάσεις διαπυνθανομένου· τί κατέγνωκεν ἡμῶν ὁ στρατηγός; τί ἔναγχος ἡμάρτομεν οἱ νικήσαντες, οἱ διώξαντες, οἱ τοὺς καθʼ ἡμᾶς πολεμίους κατακανόντες, οἱ τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτῶν ἑλόντες; Βροῦτος ἑκὼν ἠμέλει καὶ ἐς ἐκκλησίαν οὐ συνῆγε, μὴ ἀπρεπέστερον ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους ἀλογίστως ἐκβιασθείη, καὶ μάλιστα μισθοφόρων, οἷς ἐστιν αἰεί, καθὰ καὶ τοῖς εὐχερέσιν οἰκέταις ἐς ἑτέρους δεσπότας, ἐλπὶς ἐς σωτηρίαν ἡ ἐς τὸ ἀντίπαλον μεταβολή.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.16.123

Brutus adhered to his original intention, and all the more because he knew of the famine and of his own success in the Adriatic, and of the enemy’s desperation for want of supplies. He preferred to endure a siege, or anything else, rather than come to an engagement with men who were famishing, and whose hopes rested solely on fighting because they despaired of every other resource. His soldiers, however, without reflection, entertained a different opinion. They took it hard that they should be shut up, idle and cowardly, like women, within their fortifications. Their officers, although they approved of Brutus’ design, were vexed, thinking that in the present temper of the army they might overpower the enemy more quickly. Brutus himself was the cause of these murmurs, being of a gentle and kindly disposition toward all — not like Cassius, who was austere and imperious in every way, for which reason the army obeyed his orders promptly, not interfering with his authority, not inquiring the reasons for his orders, and not criticising them when they had learned them. But in the case of Brutus they expected nothing else than to share the command with him on account of his mildness of temper. Finally, the soldiers began openly to collect together in companies and groups and to ask each other, Why does our general put a stigma upon us? How have we offended lately — we who conquered the enemy and put him to flight; we who slaughtered those opposed to us and took their camp? Brutus took no notice of these murmurs, nor did he call an assembly, lest he should be forced from his position, contrary to his dignity, by the unreasoning multitude, and especially by the mercenaries, who, like fickle slaves seeking new masters, always rest their hopes of safety on desertion to the enemy.

4.16.124 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.16.124

ἐνοχλούντων δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων καὶ κελευόντων νῦν μὲν ἀποχρήσασθαι τοῦ στρατοῦ τῇ προθυμίᾳ, τάχα τι λαμπρὸν ἐργασομένου, ἢν δʼ ἀντιπίπτῃ τι παρὰ τὴν μάχην, ἐπανιέναι πάλιν ἐς τὰ τείχη καὶ προβάλλεσθαι τὰ αὐτὰ χαρακώματα, χαλεπήνας ὁ Βροῦτος τοῖσδε μάλιστα ἡγεμόσιν οὖσι καὶ περιαλγήσας, ὅτι τὸν αὐτόν οἱ κίνδυνον ἐπικείμενοι συμφέρονται τῷ στρατῷ κουφόνως, ἀμφίβολον καὶ ὀξεῖαν τύχην προτιθέντι νίκης ἀκινδύνου, εἶξεν ἐπʼ οἰκείῳ καὶ σφῶν ἐκείνων ὀλέθρῳ, τοσόνδε ἐπιμεμψάμενος αὐτοῖς· ἐοίκαμεν ὡς Πομπήιος Μάγνος πολεμήσειν, οὐ στρατηγοῦντες ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ στρατηγούμενοι. καί μοι δοκεῖ τόδε μόνον ἐξειπεῖν, ἐπικρύπτων, ὃ ἐδεδοίκει μάλιστα, μὴ ὁ στρατὸς οἷα τοῦ πάλαι Καίσαρος γεγονὼς ἀγανακτήσειέ τε καὶ μεταβάλοιτο· ὅπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς αὐτός τε καὶ Κάσσιος ὑφορώμενοι ἐς οὐδὲν ἔργον αὐτοῖς πρόφασιν ἀγανακτήσεως ἐπὶ σφίσιν ἐνεδίδουν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.16.124

His officers kept teasing and urging him to make use of the eagerness of the army now, which would speedily bring glorious results. If the battle should turn out adversely, they could fall back to their walls and put the same fortifications between themselves and the enemy. Brutus was especially vexed with these, for they were his officers, and he grieved that they, who were exposed to the same peril as himself, should capriciously side with the soldiers in preferring a quick and doubtful chance to a victory without danger; but, to the ruin of himself and them, he yielded, chiding them with these words, I seem to be carrying on war like Pompey the Great, not so much commanding as commanded. I think that Brutus restricted himself to these words in order to conceal his greatest fear, lest those of his soldiers who had formerly served under Caesar should become disaffected and desert to the enemy. This both himself and Cassius had apprehended from the beginning, and they had been careful not to give any excuse for such disaffection toward themselves.

4.16.125 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.16.125

ὧδε μὲν δὴ καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος ἐξῆγεν ἄκων καὶ ἐς τάξεις διεκόσμει πρὸ τοῦ τείχους καὶ ἐδίδασκε μὴ πολὺ προύχειν τοὺ λόφου, ἵνα αὐτοῖς ἥ τε ἀναχώρησις, εἰ δεήσειεν, εὐχερὴς εἴη καὶ τὰ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ἀφιέμενα ἐπιδέξια. ἦν δὲ ἑκατέρωθεν παρακέλευσίς τε πάντων ἐς ἀλλήλους καὶ φρόνημα ἐπὶ τῷ ἔργῳ μέγα καὶ θρασύτης ν̔πὲρ λόγον ἀναγκαῖον, τοῖς μὲν ὑπὸ δέους λιμοῦ, τοῖς δὲ ὑπὸ αἰδοῦς δικαίας, βιασαμένοις τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀναβαλλόμενον ἔτι, μὴ χείροσιν ὧν ὑπέσχοντο ὀφθῆναι μηδὲ ἀσθενεστέροις ὧν ἐθρασύνοντο, μηδὲ προπετείας ὑπευθύνοις μᾶλλον ἢ ἀξιεπαίνοις εὐβουλίας. ἃ καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος αὐτοῖς, ἐπὶ ἵππου περιθέων, σοβαρῷ τῷ προσώπῳ προενέφαινε καὶ διʼ ὀλίγων ὑπεμίμνησκεν, ὅσων ὁ καιρὸς ἐδίδου· ὑμεῖς ἠθελήσατε μάχεσθαι, ὑμεῖς με ἑτέρως ἔχοντα νικᾶν ἐβιάσασθε· μὴ δὲ ψεύσησθε τῆς ἐλπίδος μήτε ἐμὲ μήτε αὑτούς. ἔχετε καὶ λόφον σύμμαχον καὶ τὰ κατὰ νώτου πάντα ἴδια. οἱ πολέμιοι δʼ εἰσὶν ἐν ἀμφιβόλῳ· μεταξὺ γάρ εἰσιν ὑμῶν τε καὶ λιμοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.16.125

So Brutus led out his army unwillingly and formed them in line of battle before his walls, ordering them not to advance very far from the hill so that they might have a safe retreat if necessary and a good position for hurling darts at the enemy. In each army the men exchanged exhortations with each other. There was great eagerness for battle, and unbounded confidence. On the one side was the fear of famine, on the other a well-deserved shame that they had constrained their general to fight when he still favored delay, and fear lest they should come short of their promises and prove weaker than their boastings, and expose themselves to the charge of rashness instead of winning praise for good counsel; because also Brutus, riding through the ranks on horseback, showed himself before them with a severe countenance and reminded them in a few words of what the opportunity offered. You want to fight, he said; you force me to battle when I am able to conquer otherwise. Do not falsify my hopes or your own. You have the advantage of the higher ground and everything safe in your rear. The enemy’s position is the one of peril because he lies between you and famine. With these words he passed on, the soldiers telling him to trust them and echoing his words with shouts of confidence.

Edition note

ὑμεῖς με ἑτέρως ἔχοντα νικᾶν ἐβιάσασθε. The Latin version of Candidus reads, You have forced me, who thought differently, and had victory in my grasp, to come to battle. Mendelssohn thinks that there is a lacuna in the existing text after the word ἑτέρως, which should be filled in accordance with the version of Candidus. Professor Wright suggests the rendering I have given above, which is clear and forceful without any change of the text.

4.16.126 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.16.126

ὁ μὲν τοιαῦτα λέγων διετρόχαζε, καὶ αὐτὸν αἱ τάξεις ἐπήλπιζον καὶ μετὰ βοῆς παρέπεμπον εὐφήμου· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος τοὺς ἰδίους περιθέοντες τήν τε δεξιὰν ὤρεγον, ἐφʼ οὓς παραγένοιντο, καὶ σοβαρώτερον ἔτι οἵδε ἐπέσπερχον αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸν λιμὸν οὐκ ἐπέκρυπτον ὡς εὔκαιρον ἐς εὐτολμίαν προφέρειν. εὕρομεν, ὦ ἄνδρες, τοὺς πολεμίους· ἔχομεν οὓς ἐζητοῦμεν ἔξω τείχους λαβεῖν. μὴ δή τις ὑμῶν τὴν ἰδίαν πρόκλησιν καταισχύνῃ μηδὲ τῆς ἀπειλῆς ἐλάττων γένηται· μηδὲ λιμόν, ὄλεθρον ἀμήχανόν τε καὶ ἐπώδυνον, ἕληται μᾶλλον ἢ πολεμίων τείχη καὶ σώματα, ἃ καὶ τόλμαις ἐνδίδωσι καὶ σιδήρῳ καὶ ἀπονοία. ἔχει δὲ ἡμῖν ἐπείξεως ὧδε τὰ παρόντα, ὡς μηδὲν ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν ἀνατίθεσθαι, ἀλλὰ σήμερον περὶ ἁπάντων διακριθῆναι μέχρι νίκης ἐντελοῦς ἢ εὐγενοῦς θανάτου. νικῶσι δʼ ἔστι λαβεῖν διὰ μιᾶς ἡμέρας καὶ διʼ ἑνὸς ἔργου τροφὰς καὶ χρήματα καὶ ναῦς καὶ στρατόπεδα καὶ τὰ νικητήρια παρʼ ἡμῶν. ἔσται δὲ ταῦτα, ἢν πρῶτον μὲν ἐμβάλλοντες αὐτοῖς μνημονεύωμεν τῶν ἐπειγόντων, εἶτα παραρρήξαντες εὐθὺς ἀποκλείωμεν ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν, ἐς δὲ τοὺς κρημνοὺς ἢ τὰ πεδία περιωθῶμεν, ἵνα μὴ ὁ πόλεμος αὖθις ἀναφύοιτο μηδὲ ἐς τὴν ἀργίαν πάλιν οἱ ἐχθροὶ διαδιδράσκοιεν, οἳ διʼ ἀσθένειαν, μόνοι δὴ πολεμίων, οὐκ ἐν τῷ μάχεσθαι τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχουσιν, ἀλλʼ ἐν τῷ μὴ μάχεσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.16.126

Octavius and Antony rode through their own ranks shaking hands with those nearest them, and urging them in the most serious manner to do their duty, and not concealing the danger of famine, because they believed that that would be the greatest incitement to bravery. Soldiers, they said, we have found the enemy. We have before us those whom we sought to catch outside of their fortifications. Let none of you shame his own challenge or prove unequal to his own threat. Let no one prefer hunger, that unmanageable and distressing evil, to the walls and bodies of the enemy which they will yield to bravery, to the sword, to despair. Our situation at this moment is so pressing that nothing can be postponed till to-morrow, but this very day must decide for us either a complete victory or an honorable death. If we conquer we gain in one day and by one blow provisions, money, ships, and camps, and the prizes of victory offered by ourselves. Such will be the result if, from our first onset upon them, we are mindful of the necessity urging us on, and if, after breaking their ranks, we immediately cut them off from their gates and drive them upon the rocks or into the plain, so that the war may not spring up again or these enemies get away for another period of idleness — the only warriors who are so weak as to rest their hopes, not on fighting, but on declining to fight.

4.16.127 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.16.127

οὕτω μὲν ὁ Καῖσαρ καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος παρώτρυνον, ἐφʼ οὓς παραγένοιντο. καὶ πᾶσιν ἦν αἰδὼς ἀξίοις τε φανῆναι τῶν στρατηγῶν καὶ τὴν ἀπορίαν ἐκφυγεῖν, ὑπεραυξηθεῖσαν ἐκ παραλόγου διὰ τὰ ἐν τῷ Ἰονίῳ γενόμενα. ᾑροῦντό τε ἐν ἔργῳ καὶ ἐν ἐλπίσιν, εἰ δέοι, τί παθεῖν μᾶλλον ἢ ὑπὸ ἀμηχάνου κακοῦ δαπανώμενοι. ὧδε δὲ ἐχόντων αὐτῶν καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἐγγὺς αὐτὰ ἐκφέροντος ἑκάστου, ὁ θυμὸς ἀμφοτέρων ηὔξετο μάλιστα καὶ ἐνεπίμπλαντο τόλμης ἀκαταπλήκτου· οὐδέν τε ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀλλήλων ὅτι ἦσαν πολῖται οὐδὲ ἐπεμέμνηντο, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἐκ φύσεως καὶ γένους ἐχθροῖς ἐπηπείλουν. οὕτως ἡ παραυτίκα ὀργὴ τὸν λογισμὸν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν φύσιν ἔσβεσεν. ἐπεμαντεύοντο δὲ ὁμαλῶς ἑκάτεροι τήνδε τὴν ἡμέραν ἐν τῷδε τῷ ἔργῳ πάντα τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα κρινεῖν. καὶ ἐκρίθη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.16.127

In this way Octavius and Antony roused the spirit of those with whom they came in contact. The emulation of the troops was excited to show themselves worthy of their commanders and also to escape the danger of famine, which had been greatly augmented by the naval disaster in the Adriatic. They preferred, if necessary, to suffer in battle, with the hope of success, rather than be wasted by an irresistible foe. Inspired by these thoughts, which each man exchanged with his nearest neighbor, the spirit of the two armies was wonderfully raised and both were filled with undaunted courage. They did not now remember that they were fellow-citizens of their enemies, but hurled threats at each other as though they had been enemies by birth and descent, so much did the anger of the moment extinguish reason and nature in them. Both sides divined equally that this day and this battle would decide the fate of Rome completely; and it did decide it.

4.16.128 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.16.128

ἤδη δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἀμφὶ τήνδε τὴν παρασκευὴν ἐς ἐνάτην ὥραν δεδαπανημένης αἰετοὶ δύο ἐς τὸ μεταίχμιον συμπεσόντες ἀλλήλοις ἐπολέμουν· καὶ ἦν σιγὴ βαθυτάτη. φυγόντος δὲ τοῦ κατὰ Βροῦτον βοή τε παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων ὀξεῖα ἠγέρθη καὶ τὰ σημεῖα ἑκατέρωθεν ἐπῇρτο, καὶ ἔφοδος ἦν σοβαρά τε καὶ ἀπηνής. τοξευμάτων μὲν δὴ καὶ λίθων ἢ ἀκοντισμάτων ὀλίγον αὐτοῖς ἐδέησε πολέμου νόμῳ, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ τῇ ἄλλῃ τέχνῃ καὶ τάξει τῶν ἔργων ἐχρῶντο, ἀλλὰ γυμνοῖς τοῖς ξίφεσι συμπλεκόμενοι ἔκοπτόν τε καὶ ἐκόπτοντο καὶ ἀλλήλους ἐξώθουν ἀπὸ τῆς τάξεως, οἱ μὲν περὶ σωτηρίας μᾶλλον ἢ νίκης, οἱ δὲ περὶ νίκης καὶ παρηγορίας στρατηγοῦ βεβιασμένου. φόνος δὲ ἦν καὶ στόνος πολύς, καὶ τὰ μὲν σώματα αὐτοῖς ὑπεξεφέρετο, ἕτεροι δὲ ἀντικαθίσταντο ἐκ τῶν ἐπιτεταγμένων. οἱ στρατηγοὶ δὲ σφᾶς, περιθέοντες καὶ ὁρώμενοι πανταχοῦ, ταῖς τε ὁρμαῖς ἀνέφερον καὶ παρεκάλουν πονοῦντας ἔτι προσπονῆσαι καὶ τοὺς κεκμηκότας ἐνήλλασσον, ὥστε ὁ θυμὸς αἰεὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ τοῦ μετώπου καινὸς ἦν. τέλος δὲ οἱ τοῦ Καίσαρος, εἴτε διὰ δέος τοῦ λιμοῦ, εἴτε διʼ αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος εὐτυχίαν ʽοὐ γὰρ ἐπίμεμπτοί γε ἦσαν οὐδὲ οἱ Βρούτειοἰ, τὴν φάλαγγα τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐκίνουν, ὥσπερ τι μηχάνημα τῶν βαρυτάτων ἀνατρέποντες. οἱ δʼ ἀνεωθοῦντο μὲν ἐπὶ πόδας ἐς τὸ ὀπίσω βάδην ἔτι καὶ μετὰ φρονήματος· ὡς δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἡ σύνταξις ἤδη παρελέλυτο, ὀξύτερον ὑπεχώρουν καί, τῶν ἐπιτεταγμένων σφίσι δευτέρων καὶ τρίτων συνυποχωρούντων, μισγόμενοι πάντες ἀλλήλοις ἀκόσμως ἐθλίβοντο ὑπὸ σφῶν καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἀπαύστως αὐτοῖς ἐπικειμένων, ἕως ἔφευγον ἤδη σαφῶς. καὶ οἱ τοῦ Καίσαρος τότε μάλιστα τοῦ παρηγγελμένου σφίσιν ἐγκρατῶς ἐχόμενοι τὰς πύλας προελάμβανον σφόδρα ἐπικινδύνως ʽἄνωθέν τε γὰρ ἐβάλλοντο καὶ ἐκ τοῦ μετώποὐ, μέχρι πολλοὺς ἐσδραμεῖν ἐκώλυσαν, οἳ διέφυγον ἐπί τε τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ ἐς τὰ ὄρη διὰ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦ Ζυγάκτου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.16.128

The day was consumed in preparations till the ninth hour, at which time two eagles fell upon each other and fought in the space between the armies, amid the profoundest silence. When the one on the side of Brutus took flight his enemies raised a great shout and battle was joined. The onset was superb and terrible. They had little need of arrows, stones, or javelins, which are customary in war, for they did not resort to the usual manœuvres and tactics of battles, but, coming to close combat with naked swords, they slew and were slain, seeking to break each other’s ranks. On the one side it was a fight for self-preservation rather than victory; on the other for victory and for the satisfaction of the general who had been forced to fight against his will. The slaughter and the groans were terrible. The bodies of the fallen were carried back and others stepped into their places from the rear ranks. The generals flew hither and thither overlooking everything, exciting the men by their ardor, exhorting the toilers to toil on, and relieving those who were exhausted so that there was always fresh courage at the front. Finally, the soldiers of Octavius, either from fear of famine, or by the good fortune of Octavius himself (for the soldiers of Brutus were not blameworthy), pushed back the enemy’s line as though they were putting in motion a very heavy machine. The latter were driven back step by step, slowly at first and without loss of courage. Presently their ranks began to dissolve and they retreated more rapidly, and then the second and third ranks in the rear retreated with them, all mingled together in disorder, crowded by each other and by the enemy, who pressed upon them without ceasing until it became plainly a flight. The soldiers of Octavius, then especially mindful of the order they had received, seized the gates of the enemy’s fortification, but at great risk to themselves because they were exposed to missiles from above and in front, but they prevented a great many of the enemy from gaining entrance. These fled, some to the sea, and some through the river Zygactes to the mountains.

Edition note

The Roman day, from sunrise to sunset, was divided into twelve hours. The ninth hour was three o’clock in the afternoon.

Edition note

Plutarch relates this and several other prodigies on the authority of Publius Volumnius, a philosopher, who was serving in the army under Brutus. One of these was of a very unusual kind. The arm of one of the centurions in Brutus’ camp sweated oil of roses; and although it was several times wiped and dried, it did not cease. (Life of Brutus, 48.) What this portended we are not informed.

4.16.129 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.16.129

γενομένης δὲ τῆς τροπῆς τὸ λοιπὸν ἔργον οἱ στρατηγοὶ διῃροῦντο, Καῖσαρ μὲν αἱρεῖν τοὺς ἐκπίπτοντας ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ αὐτὸ φυλάσσειν τὸ στρατόπεδον· ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος πάντα ἦν καὶ πᾶσιν ἐνέπιπτε, τοῖς τε φεύγουσι καὶ τοῖς ἔτι συνεστῶσι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις στρατοπέδοις αὐτῶν, ὁρμῇ τε ὑπερηφάνῳ πάντα ἐβιάζετο ὁμοῦ. καὶ περὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσι δείσας, μὴ αὑτὸν διαφυγόντες αὖθις ἕτερον στρατὸν ἀγείρειαν, τοὺς ἱππέας ἐξέπεμπεν ἐπὶ τὰς ὁδούς τε καὶ ἐκβολὰς τῆς μάχης, αἱρεῖν τοὺς ἀποδιδράσκοντας· οἳ διελόμενοι τὸ ἔργον ἀνά τε τὸ ὄρος ἐφέροντο σὺν τῷ Θρᾳκίῳ Ῥάσκῳ, διʼ ἐμπειρίαν ὁδῶν συναπεσταλμένῳ, καὶ τὰ χαρακώματα καὶ κρημνοὺς περιστάντες τοὺς ἐκφεύγοντας ἐκυνηγέτουν καὶ τοὺς ἐντὸς ἐφρούρουν. οἱ δὲ Βροῦτον αὐτὸν ἐδίωκον· καὶ αὐτοὺς ἀσχέτως ἔχοντας τοῦ δρόμου Λουκίλιος ἰδὼν ὑπέστη καὶ ὡς Βροῦτος ὢν ἠξίου πρὸς Ἀντώνιον ἀντὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἀναχθῆναι· ᾧ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα εἶναι Βροῦτος ἐνομίσθη, τὸν ἀδιάλλακτον ἐχθρὸν ἐκκλίνων. ἀγομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ πυθόμενος ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἀπήντα σὺν ἐπιστάσει, τὴν τύχην ὁμοῦ καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα τἀνδρὸς καὶ ἀρετὴν ἐνθυμούμενος, ὅπως Βροῦτον ὑποδέξαιτο. πλησιάσαντι δʼ ὁ Λουκίλιος ἐντυχὼν μάλα θρασέως εἶπε· Βροῦτος μὲν οὐχ ἑάλωκεν, οὐδὲ ἁλώσεταί ποτε πρὸς κακίας ἀρετή· ἐγὼ δὲ τούσδε ἀπατήσας ὧδέ σοι πάρειμι. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος τοὺς ἱππέας ἰδὼν αἰδουμένους παρηγόρει καί, οὐ μείονά μοι τήνδε ἄγραν, εἶπεν, ἀλλὰ ἀμείνονα ἧς ἐνομίζετε ἐθηρεύσατε, ὅσῳ κρείττων ἐχθροῦ φίλος. καὶ τὸν Λουκίλιον τότε μέν τινι τῶν φίλων ἔδωκε θεραπεύειν, ὕστερον δὲ αὐτὸς ἔχων ἐχρῆτο ὡς πιστῷ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.16.129

The enemy having been routed, the generals divided the remainder of the work between themselves, Octavius to capture those who should break out of the camp and to watch the main camp, while Antony was everywhere, and everywhere attacking, falling upon the fugitives and those who still held together, and upon their other camping-places, crushing all with vehement impetuosity. Fearing lest the leaders should escape him and collect another army, he despatched cavalry upon the roads and outlets of the field of battle to capture those who were trying to escape. These divided their work; some of them hurried up the mountain with Rhascus, the Thracian, who was sent with them on account of his knowledge of the roads. They surrounded the fortified positions and escarpments, hunted down the fugitives, and kept watch upon those inside. Others pursued Brutus himself. Lucilius seeing them rushing on furiously, surrendered himself, pretending to be Brutus, and asked them to take him to Antony instead of Octavius; for which reason chiefly he was believed to be Brutus trying to avoid his implacable enemy. When Antony heard that they were bringing him, he went to meet him, with a pause to reflect on the fortune, the dignity, and the virtue of the man, and thinking how he should receive Brutus. As he was approaching, Lucilius presented himself, and said with perfect boldness, You have not captured Brutus, nor will virtue ever be taken prisoner by vice. I deceived these men and so here I am. Antony, observing that the horse-men were ashamed of their mistake, consoled them, saying, The game you have caught for me is not worse, but better than you think — as much better as a friend is than an enemy. Then he committed Lucilius to the care of one of his friends, and later took him into his own service and employed him in a confidential capacity.

4.17.130 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.17.130

ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος ἀναφεύγει μὲν ἐς τὰ ὄρη σὺν ἱκανῷ πλήθει, ὡς νυκτὸς ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ὑποστρέψων ἢ καταβησόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν· ἐπεὶ δὲ περιείληπτο πάντα φυλακαῖς, διενυκτέρευεν ἔνοπλος μετὰ πάντων. καί φασιν αὐτὸν ἐς τοὺς ἀστέρας ἀναβλέποντα εἰπεῖν· Ζεῦ, μὴ λάθοι σε τῶνδʼ ὃς αἴτιος κακῶν, ἐνσημαινόμενον ἄρα τὸν Ἀντώνιον. ὃ καὶ αὐτὸν Ἀντώνιόν φασιν ὕστερον ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις κινδύνοις μεταγινώσκοντα εἰπεῖν, ὅτι συνεξετάζεσθαι Κασσίῳ καὶ Βρούτῳ δυνάμενος ὑπηρέτης γένοιτο Ὀκταουίου. τότε γε μὴν καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἔνοπλος ἐπὶ τῶν φυλακτηρίων ἀντιδιενυκτέρευε τῷ Βρούτῳ, χάρακα περιθέμενος ἐκ νεκρῶν σωμάτων καὶ λαφύρων συμφορηθέντων. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐς μέσην νύκτα πονηθεὶς ἀνεχώρησε διὰ τὴν νόσον, Νωρβανῷ φυλάσσειν παραδοὺς τὸ στρατόπεδον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.17.130

Brutus fled to the mountains with a considerable force, intending to return to his camp by night, or to move down to the sea. But since all the roads were encompassed by guards he passed the night under arms with all his party, and it is said that, looking up to the stars, he exclaimed: — Forget not, Zeus, the author of these ills. referring to Antony. It is said that Antony himself repeated this saying at a later period in the midst of his own dangers, regretting that, when he might have associated himself with Cassius and Brutus, he had become the tool of Octavius. At the present time, however, Antony passed the night under arms with his outposts over against Brutus, fortifying himself with a breastwork of dead bodies and spoils collected together. Octavius toiled till midnight and then retired on account of his illness, leaving Norbanus to watch the enemy’s camp.

Edition note

Ζεῦ, μὴ λάθοι σε τῶνδ’ ὃς ἀίτιος κακῶν. From the Medea of Euripides, 332.

4.17.131 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.17.131

Βροῦτος δὲ καὶ τῆς ἐπιούσης ὁρῶν τὰς ἐφεδρείας τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐπιμενούσας, ἔχων οὐ πλήρη τέσσαρα τέλη συναναβάντα οἱ, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπελθεῖν ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ἐφυλάξατο, τοὺς δὲ ἡγουμένους αὐτῶν, αἰδουμένους τε τὸ ἁμάρτημα καὶ μετανοοῦντας, ἔπεμπεν ἀποπειράσοντας αὐτῶν, εἰ ἐθελήσουσιν ὤσασθαι διὰ τῶν ἐφεδρειῶν καὶ ἀναλαβεῖν τὰ ἴδια, ἔτι φυλασσόμενα ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκείων ὑπολελειμμένων. οἱ δὲ ἀβουλότατα μὲν ἐς τὸ ἔργον ὁρμήσαντες, εὐψυχότατοι δὲ τὸ μέχρι πλείστου γενόμενοι, τότε, βλάπτοντος ἤδη τοῦ θεοῦ, τῷ στρατηγῷ σφῶν ἀπεκρίναντο ἀναξίως βουλεύεσθαι περὶ αὑτοῦ· αὐτοὶ γάρ, τῆς τύχης πολλάκις πεπειραμένοι, οὐκ ἀνατρέψειν τὴν ἔτι λοιπὴν διαλλαγῶν ἐλπίδα. καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος ἐς τοὺς φίλους εἰπών· οὐδὲν οὖν ἔτι εἰμὶ τῇ πατρίδι χρήσιμος, ὧδε καὶ τούτων ἐχόντων, ἐκάλει Στράτωνα τὸν Ἠπειρώτην, ὄντα φίλον ἑαυτῷ, καὶ ἐγχειρεῖν ἐκέλευε τῷ σώματι. τούτου δὲ ἔτι βουλεύεσθαι παραινοῦντος ἐκάλει τινὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν. καὶ ὁ Στράτων, οὐκ ἀπορήσεις, εἶπεν, ὦ Βροῦτε, φίλου μᾶλλον ἢ οἰκετῶν ἐς τὰ ὕστατα προστάγματα, εἰ ἤδη κέκριται. καὶ εἰπὼν ἐνήρεισε ταῖς λαγόσι τοῦ Βρούτου τὸ ξίφος οὔτε ἀποστραφέντος οὔτε ἐνδόντος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.17.131

On the following day Brutus, seeing the enemy still lying in wait for him, and having less than four full legions, which had ascended the mountain with him, thought it best not to address himself to his troops, but to their officers, who were ashamed and repentant of their fault. To them he sent to put them to the test and to learn whether they were willing to break through the enemy’s lines and regain their own camp, which was still held by their troops who had been left there. These officers, though they had rushed to battle unadvisedly, had been of good courage for the most part, but now, misled by a god, gave to their general the undeserved answer that he should look out for himself, that they had tempted fortune many times, and that they would not throw away the last remaining hope of accommodation. Then Brutus said to his friends, I am no longer useful to my country if such is the temper of these men, and calling Strato, the Epirote, who was one of his friends, gave him the order to stab him. While Strato was still willing to deliberate, Brutus called one of his servants. Then Strato said, Your friend shall not come short of your servants in executing your last commands, if the decision is actually reached. With these words he thrust his sword into the side of Brutus, who did not shrink or turn away.

Edition note

Dion Cassius (xlvii. 49) says that before killing himself Brutus repeated the words of Hercules: Delusive virtue, thou art but a name. I cultivated thee as a reality, but thou art the slave of fortune. Florus (iv. 7) puts in the mouth of Brutus nearly the same words: Non in re, sed in verbo tantum esse virtutem. Brutus’ dying speech given by Plutarch is much longer, as well as more appropriate and dignified, and better entitled to credence.

4.17.132 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.17.132

ὧδε μὲν δὴ Κάσσιος καὶ Βροῦτος ἐθνῃσκέτην, ἄνδρε Ῥωμαίων εὐγενεστάτω τε καὶ περιφανεστάτω καὶ ἐς ἀρετὴν ἀδηρίτω, χωρὶς ἄγους ἑνός, ὥ γε καὶ Γάιος Καῖσαρ, ὄντε τῆς Μάγνου Πομπηίου μοίρας, ἐκ μὲν ἐχθροῖν καὶ πολεμίοιν ἐποιήσατο φίλω, ἐκ δὲ φίλοιν ἦγεν ὡς υἱώ. καὶ ἡ βουλὴ περιποθήτω τε εἶχεν αἰεὶ καὶ ἀτυχήσαντε ἐλεεινὼ δυοῖν τε τούτοιν ἕνεκα πᾶσιν ἀμνηστίαν ἐτίθετο καὶ φυγόντοιν αὐτοῖν ἔπεμψεν ἡγεμονίας, ἵνα μὴ φυγάδες εἶεν, οὐκ ἀμελοῦσα μὲν Γαΐου Καίσαρος οὐδὲ ἐφηδομένη τοῖς γεγονόσιν, ὅπου καὶ ζῶντα τῆς ἀρετὴς καὶ τύχης ἐθαύμαζε καὶ ἀποθανόντα ἔθαπτε δημοσίᾳ καὶ ἐκύρου τὰ ἔργα ἀθάνατα εἶναι ἀρχάς τε καὶ ἡγεμονίας ἐς πολὺ ἐκ τῶν ὑπογραφῶν ἐποίει τῶν Καίσαρος, οὐδὲν ἡγουμένη κρεῖσσον εὑρήσειν ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἐνόησεν. ἀλλʼ ἡ περὶ τώδε τὼ ἄνδρε σπουδὴ καὶ δέος τὸ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῖν προήγαγεν αὐτὴν ἐς ὑπεροψίαν διαβολῆς· οὕτως ἅπασιν ἐγενέσθην τιμίω. ἐγενέσθην δὲ καὶ τῶν φυγόντων τοῖς ἀρίστοις τιμιωτέρω Πομπηίου, πλησιάζοντος καὶ οὐκ ἀδιάλλακτον ἔχοντος αἰτίαν, πορρωτέρω τε ὄντε αὐτὼ καὶ ἀδιαλλάκτω.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.17.132

So died Cassius and Brutus, two most noble and illustrious Romans, and of incomparable virtue, but for one crime. Although they belonged to the party of Pompey the Great, and had been the enemies, in peace and in war, of Gaius Caesar, he made them his friends, and from being friends he was treating them as sons. The Senate at all times had a peculiar attachment to them, and commiseration for them when they fell into misfortune. On account of those two it granted amnesty to all the assassins, and when they took flight it bestowed governorships on them in order that they should not be exiles; not that it was disregardful of Gaius Caesar or rejoiced at what had happened to him, for it admired his bravery and good fortune, gave him a public funeral at his death, ratified his acts, and had for a long time awarded the magistracies and governorships to his nominees, considering that nothing better could be devised than what he proposed. But its zeal for these two men and its solicitude for them brought it under suspicion of complicity in the assassination, — so much were those two held in honor by all. By the most illustrious of the exiles they were preferred to [Sextus] Pompeius, although he was nearer and not implacable to the triumvirs, while they were farther away and irreconcilable.

4.17.133 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.17.133

ἐπεί γε μὴν ἔργων ἐδέησε, δυοῖν οὐδὲ ὅλοιν ἐτοῖν στρατιάν τε συνέλεξαν ὑπὲρ εἴκοσιν ὁπλιτῶν τέλη καὶ ἱππέας ἀμφὶ τοὺς δισμυρίους καὶ ναῦς μακρὰς ὑπὲρ τὰς διακοσίας τήν τε ἄλλην παρασκευὴν ἀξιόλογον καὶ χρήματα ἄπειρα καὶ παρʼ ἑκόντων καὶ παρὰ ἀκόντων, πολέμους τε ἐπολέμησαν ἔθνεσι καὶ πόλεσι καὶ τῶν ἀντιστασιωτῶν πολλοῖς καὶ κατώρθουν. ἐθνῶν τε ἐκράτησαν ἀπὸ Μακεδονίας μέχρι Εὐφράτου· καὶ ὅσους ἐπολέμησαν, ἐς συμμαχίαν αὑτοῖς ἔπεισαν καὶ βεβαιοτάτοις ἐχρήσαντο. ἐχρήσαντο δὲ καὶ βασιλεῦσι καὶ δυνάσταις, καὶ Παρθυαίοις καίπερ οὖσιν ἐχθροῖς ἐς τὰ βραχύτερα· ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ μεῖζον ἔργον οὐκ ἀνέμειναν ἐρχομένους, ἵνα μὴ βάρβαρον ἢ ἀντίπαλον ἔθνος ἐθίσειαν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίοις. ὃ δὲ δὴ μάλιστα πάντων ἀδοκητότατον ἦν, ὁ στρατὸς ὁ πλείων ὅδε Γαΐου Καίσαρος ἐγεγένητο, καὶ δαιμονίως αὐτὸν εὐνοίας καὶ σπουδῆς ἔχοντα ἐς ἐκεῖνον μετέπεισαν οἱ σφαγεῖς οἵδε τοῦ Καίσαρος, καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ Καίσαρος υἱὸν ἕσποντο αὐτοῖς πιστότερον ἢ Ἀντωνίῳ τῷ Καίσαρος συναγωνιστῇ τε καὶ συνάρχῳ· οὐ γάρ τις αὐτῶν Βροῦτον ἢ Κάσσιον οὐδὲ ἡσσωμένους ἀπέλιπεν, οἱ Ἀντώνιον ἀμφὶ τὸ Βρεντέσιον καὶ πρὸ πείρας ἀπολιπόντες· ἦν τε πρόφασις αὐτοῖς τῶν πόνων, καὶ ἐπὶ Πομπηίου καὶ νῦν, οὐχ ὑπὲρ σφῶν αὐτῶν, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ δημοκρατίας, ὀνόματος εὐειδοῦς μέν, ἀλυσιτελοῦς δὲ αἰεί. σφῶν τε αὐτῶν, ὅτε μηδὲν ἐδόκουν ἔτι εἶναι χρήσιμοι τῇ πατρίδι, ἄμφω κατεφρόνησαν ὁμοίως. ἐν δὲ ταῖς φροντίσι καὶ πόνοις ὁ μὲν Κάσσιος ἀμεταστρεπτί, καθάπερ ἐς τὸν ἀγωνιστὴν οἱ μονομαχοῦντες, ἐς μόνον τὸν πόλεμον ἀφεώρα· ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος, ὅπῃ γίγνοιτο, καὶ φιλοθεάμων ἦν καὶ φιλήκοος, ἅτε καὶ φιλοσοφήσας οὐκ ἀγεννῶς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.17.133

When it became necessary for them to take up arms, two whole years had not elapsed ere they had brought together upward of twenty legions of infantry and something like 20,000 cavalry, and 200 ships of war, with corresponding apparatus and a vast amount of money, some of it from willing and some from unwilling contributors. They carried on wars with many peoples and with cities and with men of the adverse faction successfully. They brought under their sway all the nations from Macedonia to the Euphrates. Those whom they had fought against they had brought into alliance with them and had found them most faithful. They had had the services of the independent kings and princes, and in some small measure even of the Parthians, who were enemies of the Romans; but they did not wait for them to come and take part in the decisive battle, lest this barbarous and hostile race should become accustomed to encounters with the Romans. Most extraordinary of all was the fact that the greater part of their army had been the soldiers of Gaius Caesar and wonderfully attached to him, yet they were won over by the very murderers of Caesar and followed them more faithfully against Caesar’s son than they had followed Antony, who was Caesar’s companion in arms and colleague; for not one of them deserted Brutus and Cassius even when they were vanquished, while some of them had abandoned Antony at Brundusium before the war began. The reason for their service, both under Pompey aforetime and now under Brutus and Cassius, was not their own interest, but the cause of democracy; a specious name indeed, but generally hurtful. Both of the leaders, when they thought they could no longer be useful to their country, alike despised their own lives. In that which related to their cares and labors Cassius gave his attention strictly to war, like a gladiator to his antagonist. Brutus, wherever he might be, wanted to see and hear everything because he was by nature a seeker after knowledge.

Edition note

ὑπὲρ δημοκρατίας, ὀνόματος εὐειδοῦς μὲν ἀλυσιτελοῦς δὲ ἀεί. The Latin version of Geslen rendered this passage nomen reipublicae, speciosum quidem sed non semper commodum (the name of the republic, specious indeed, but not always advantageous); and this led Schweighäuser to suggest doubtfully οὐ λυσιτελοῦς in place of ἀλυσιτελοῦς, in which case the meaning would be not always useful, instead of always hurtful. Plutarch says that government by the majority seemed to be no longer possible to the Romans, and that a monarchy was needed; and accordingly Providence, in order to remove the only man who stood in the way of the one who was able to govern (meaning Octavius), prevented Brutus from receiving the news of his victory in the Adriatic, etc. (Life of Brutus, 47.)

4.17.134 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.17.134

ἀλλὰ καὶ τοιοῖσδε οὖσιν αὐτοῖς ἀντίθετον ἐς ἅπαντα ἦν τὸ ἄγος τὸ ἐς Καίσαρα. ὅ γε οὐδὲ ἁπλοῦν ἄγος ἦν οὐδὲ ἐν ὀλίγῳ· καὶ γὰρ ἐς φίλον ἐγίγνετο παραλόγως καὶ ἐς εὐεργέτην ἐκ πολέμου περισώσαντα ἀχαρίστως καὶ ἐς αὐτοκράτορα ἀθεμίστως καὶ ἐν βουλευτηρίῳ καὶ ἐς ἱερέα καὶ ἱερὰν ἐσθῆτα ἐπικείμενον καὶ δυνάστην μὲν οἷον οὐχ ἕτερον, χρησιμώτατον δὲ ὑπὲρ ἅπαντας τῇ τε πατρίδι καὶ τῇ ἡγεμονίᾳ γενόμενον. ἃ καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον αὐτοῖς ἄρα ἐνεμέσησε καὶ προεσήμηνε πολλάκις. Κασσίῳ τε γὰρ τὸν στρατὸν καθαίροντι ὁ ῥαβδοῦχος ἀνεστραμμένον τὸν στέφανον ἐπέθηκε· καὶ Νίκη, χρύσεον ἀνάθημα Κασσίου, κατέπεσεν, ὄρνεά τε πολλὰ ὑπὲρ τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτοῦ καθιέμενα κλαγγὴν οὐδεμίαν ἠφίει, καὶ μελισσῶν ἐπεκάθηντο συνεχεῖς ἑσμοί. Βροῦτον δὲ ἐν Σάμῳ γενεθλιάζοντά φασι παρὰ τὸν πότον, οὐδὲ εὐχερῆ πρὸς τὰ τοιαῦτα ὄντα, ἀλόγως τόδε τὸ ἔπος ἀναβοῆσαι· ἀλλά με μοῖρʼ ὀλοὴ καὶ Λητοῦς ἔκτανεν υἱός. μέλλοντα δὲ περᾶν ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην σὺν τῷ στρατῷ, νυκτὸς ἐγρηγορότα, μαραινομένου τοῦ φωτὸς ὄψιν ἰδεῖν ἑφεστῶσάν οἱ παράλογον καὶ πυθέσθαι μὲν εὐθαρσῶς, ὅς τις ἀνθρώπων ἢ θεῶν εἴη, τὸ δὲ φάσμα εἰπεῖν· ὁ σός, ὦ Βροῦτε, δαίμων κακός· ὀφθήσομαι δέ σοι καὶ ἐν Φιλίπποις. καὶ ὀφθῆναί φασιν αὐτῷ πρὸ τῆς τελευταίας μάχης. ἐξιόντι δὲ τῷ στρατῷ πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν αἰθίοψ ὑπήντησε· καὶ τόνδε μὲν ὡς οἰώνισμα φαῦλον ὁ στρατὸς αὐτίκα συνέκοψε, δαιμόνια δʼ ἦν αὐτοῖς ἄρα καὶ τάδε, Κάσσιον μὲν ἐν ἀμφηρίστῳ νίκῃ πάντα ἀλόγως ἀπογνῶναι, Βροῦτον δὲ εὐβούλου βραδυτῆτος ἐκβιασθῆναι καὶ ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν ἀνδράσι διωκομένοις ὑπὸ λιμοῦ, δαψιλῶς αὐτὸν ἔχοντα ἀγορᾶς καὶ ναυκρατοῦντα, καὶ τόδε παθεῖν ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκείων μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ μὴν πολλάκις ἀγώνων μετασχόντες ἐν μὲν ταῖς μάχαις οὐδὲν ἔπαθον, ἄμφω δʼ αὑτῶν ἐγένοντο αὐθένται καθάπερ ἐγένοντο τοῦ Καίσαρος. Κάσσιος μὲν δὴ καὶ Βροῦτος τοιάνδε δίκην ἐδεδώκεσαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.17.134

Against all these virtues and merits must be set down the crime against Caesar, which was not an ordinary or a small one, for it was committed unexpectedly against a friend, ungratefully against a benefactor who had spared them in war, and nefariously against the head of the state, in the senate-house, against a pontiff clothed in his sacred vestments, against a ruler without an equal, who was most useful above all other men to Rome and its empire. For these reasons Heaven was incensed against them and often forewarned them of their doom. When Cassius was performing a lustration for his army his lictor presented his garland wrong side up. A gilded statue of Victory dedicated to Cassius fell down. Many birds hovered over his camp, but uttered no sound, and swarms of bees continually settled upon it. While Brutus was celebrating his birthday at Samos it is said that in the midst of the feast, although not a ready man with such quotations, he shouted out this verse without any apparent cause: — A cruel fate O’ertakes me, aided by Latona’s son. Iliad, xvi. 849. Bryant’s translation. Once when he was about to cross from Asia into Europe with his army, and while he was awake at night and the light was burning low, he beheld an apparition of extraordinary form standing near him, and when he boldly asked who of men or gods it might be, the spectre answered, I am thy evil genius, Brutus. I shall appear to thee again at Philippi. And it is said that it did appear to him before the last battle. When the soldiers were going out to the fight an Ethiopian met them in front of the gates, and as they considered this a bad omen they immediately cut him in pieces. It was due to divine interposition, no doubt, that Cassius gave way to despair without reason after a drawn battle, and that Brutus was forced from his policy of wise delay to an engagement with men who were pressed by hunger, while he himself had supplies in abundance and the command of the sea, so that his calamity proceeded rather from his own troops than from the enemy. Although they had participated in many engagements, they never received any hurt in battle, but both became the slayers of themselves, as they had been of Cae sar. Such was the punishment that overtook Cassius and Brutus.

Edition note

Dion Cassius (xlvii. 40) favors us with a long chapter, full of prodigies bearing upon the battles of Philippi. The prodigy of the birds is thus described: But that which especially indicated to Brutus and Cassius their ruin, so that it was plain to their adversaries, was the great number of vultures and other carrion-eating birds that soared above them only, and looked down at them screaming and squeaking in a fearful and awe-inspiring way. Florus (iv. 7) mentions the same phenomenon: Birds accustomed to feed on dead bodies flew around the camp as though it were already their own.

Edition note

ἀλλά με μοἶρ’ ὀλοὴ καὶ Λητοῦς ἔκτανεν υἱός: the dying words of Patroclus.

Edition note

There is a noteworthy similarity of Greek words between Plutarch and Appian in relating the conversation between Brutus and the spectre, viz., Plutarch: Τίς ποτʼ ὤν, εἶπεν, ἀνθρώπων ἢ θεῶν ἢ τί βουλόμενος ἥκεις ὡς ἡμᾶς; Ὑποφθέγγεται δὲ αὐτῷ τὸ φάσμα, Ὁ σὸς, ὧ Βροῦτε, δαίμων κακός· ὄψει δέ με περὶ Φιλίππους. Appian: καὶ πυθέσθαι μὲν εὐθαρσῶς, ὅστις ἀνθρώπων ἢ θεῶν εἴη· τὸ δὲ φάσμα εἰπεῖν, Ὁ σὸς, ὦ Βροῦτε, δαίμων κακός· ὀφθήσομαι δέ σοι καὶ ἐν Φιλίπποις

4.17.135 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.17.135

καὶ Βροῦτον Ἀντώνιος ἀνευρὼν περιέβαλέ τε τῇ ἀρίστῃ φοινικίδι εὐθὺς καὶ καύσας τὰ λείψανα τῇ μητρὶ Σερουιλίᾳ ἔπεμψεν. ὁ δὲ σὺν τῷ Βρούτῳ στρατός, ὅτε ἐπύθοντο τεθνάναι Βροῦτον, πρέσβεις ἐς Καίσαρα καὶ Ἀντώνιον ἔπεμπον καὶ συγγνώμης ἔτυχον καὶ ἐς τὰ στρατεύματα αὐτῶν διῃρέθησαν· καὶ ἦσαν ἀμφὶ τοὺς μυρίους καὶ τετρακισχιλίους. παρέδοσαν δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἑαυτοὺς καὶ οἱ κατὰ τὰ φρούρια, πολλὰ ὄντα. τὰ δὲ φρούρια αὐτὰ καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐδόθη τοῖς Καίσαρος καὶ Ἀντωνίου στρατοῖς διαρπάσαι. τῶν δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον ἀνδρῶν ἐπιφανῶν οἱ μὲν ἐν ταῖς μάχαις ἀπέθανον, οἱ δὲ αὑτοὺς ἐξήγαγον ὁμοίως τοῖς στρατηγοῖς, οἱ δὲ καὶ ἐξεπίτηδες ἐμαχέσαντο μέχρι θανάτου· ὧν ἦν Λεύκιός τε Κάσσιος, ὁ ἀδελφιδοῦς αὐτοῦ Κασσίου, καὶ Κάτων ὁ Κάτωνος, ἐμπίπτων ὅδε τοῖς πολεμίοις πολλάκις, εἶθʼ ὑποχωρούντων ἀναλύσας τὸ κράνος, ἵνα ἢ γνώριμος ἢ εὔβλητος ἢ ἀμφότερα εἴη. Λαβεὼν δέ, ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ γνώριμος, ὁ πατὴρ Λαβεῶνος τοῦ κατʼ ἐμπειρίαν νόμων ἔτι νῦν περιωνύμου, βόθρον ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ τὸ μέγεθος αὐτάρκη σώματι ὀρυξάμενος καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τοῖς θεράπουσιν ἐντειλάμενος ἐπέσκηψε τῇ γυναικὶ καὶ τοῖς παισί, περὶ ὧν ἐβούλετο, καὶ τὰ γράμματα φέρειν ἔδωκε τοῖς οἰκέταις· τοῦ δὲ πιστοτάτου τῆς δεξιᾶς λαβόμενος καὶ περιστρέψας αὐτόν, ὡς ἔθος ἐστὶ Ῥωμαίοις ἐλευθεροῦν, ἐπιστρεφομένῳ ξίφος ἔδωκε καὶ τὴν σφαγὴν ὑπέσχε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.17.135

Antony found the body of Brutus, wrapped it in his best purple garment, burned it, and sent the ashes to his mother, Servilia. Brutus’ army, when it learned of his death, sent envoys to Octavius and Antony and obtained pardon, and was divided between their armies. It consisted of about 14,000 men. Besides these a large number who were in garrisons surrendered. The garrisons themselves and the enemy’s camp were given to the soldiers of Octavius and Antony to be plundered. Of the distinguished men in Brutus’ camp some perished in the battles, others killed themselves as the two generals had done, others purposely continued fighting till death. Among these men of note were Lucius Cassius, a nephew of Cassius himself, and Cato, the son of Cato. The latter charged upon the enemy many times; then, when his men began to retreat, he threw off his helmet, either that he might be recognized, or be easily hit, or for both reasons. Labeo, a man renowned for learning, father of the Labeo who is still celebrated as a jurisconsult, dug a trench in his tent the size of his body, gave orders to his slaves in reference to the remainder of his affairs, made such arrangements as he desired for his wife and children, and gave letters to his domestics to carry to them. Then, taking his most faithful slave by the right hand and whirling him around, as is the Roman custom in granting freedom, he handed him a sword as he turned, and presented his throat. And so his tent became his tomb.

Edition note

Plutarch says that the son of Cato refused to retreat or yield, but fought to the last, declaring who he was and pronouncing his father’s name, and finally fell on a heap of slain enemies. (Life of Brutus, 49.)

Edition note

The legal form of manumission in Rome was to seize the slave by the hand, whirl him around once, and give him a slight push. The word manumission (sending by the hand) is supposed to have been derived from this ceremony.

4.17.136 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.17.136

καὶ τῷδε μὲν ἡ σκηνὴ τάφος ἐγένετο, Ῥάσκος δὲ ὁ Θρᾷξ ἐπανήγαγεν ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν πολλούς, καὶ γέρας ᾔτησέ τε καὶ ἔλαβε σῴζεσθαι τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἑαυτοῦ Ῥασκούπολιν· ᾧ καὶ διεδείχθη, ὅτι οὐδʼ ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἀλλήλοις οἵδε οἱ Θρᾷκες διεφέροντο, ἀλλὰ δύο στρατοπέδων μεγάλων τε καὶ ἀμφηρίστων περὶ τὴν ἐκείνων γῆν συμφερομένων τὸ ἄδηλον τῆς τύχης ἐμερίσαντο, ἵνα ὁ νικῶν περισῴζοι τὸν ἡσσώμενον. Πορκία δʼ, ἡ Βρούτου μὲν γυνή, Κάτωνος δὲ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ νεωτέρου, ἐπείτε ἀμφοῖν ὧδε ἀποθανόντοιν ἐπύθετο, φυλασσομένη πρὸς τῶν οἰκείων πάνυ ἐγκρατῶς, ἐσχάρας πυρὸς ἐνεχθείσης ἁρπάσασα τῶν ἀνθράκων κατέπιεν. ὅσοι δʼ ἄλλοι τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἐς Θάσον διέφυγον, οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ἐξέπλευσαν, οἱ δὲ ἐπέτρεψαν ἑαυτοὺς ἅμα τῷ λοιπῷ στρατῷ τῶν ὁμοτίμων Μεσσάλᾳ τε Κορουίνῳ καὶ Λευκίῳ Βύβλῳ, ὅ τι βουλεύσοιντο περὶ σφῶν, ποιεῖν περὶ ἁπάντων. οἱ δὲ συνθέμενοι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον, Ἀντωνίῳ διαπλεύσαντι ἐς τὴν Θάσον παρέδοσαν, ὅσα ἦν ἐν Θάσῳ χρήματά τε καὶ ὅπλα καὶ τροφαὶ δαψιλεῖς καὶ ἄλλη παρασκευὴ πολλή.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.17.136

Rhascus, the Thracian, brought many troops from the mountains. He asked and received as his reward the pardon of his brother, Rhascupolis, from which it was made plain that from the beginning these Thracians had not been at variance with each other, but that seeing two great and hostile armies coming into conflict near their territory, they took sides in the contest in such a way that the victor might save the vanquished. Portia, the wife of Brutus and sister of the younger Cato, when she learned that both had died in the manner described, although very strictly watched by domestics, seized some coals of fire that they were carrying, and swallowed them. Of the members of the nobility who escaped to Thasos some took ship from thence, others committed themselves with the remains of the army to the judgment of Messala Corvinus and Lucius Bibulus, men of equal rank, to do for all what they should decide to do for themselves. These came to an arrangement with Antony and Octavius, whereby they delivered to Antony on his arrival at Thasos the money and arms, besides abundant supplies and a great quantity of war material, there in store.

Edition note

This tale of the death of Portia from swallowing live coals was widely current in the ancient world, yet there is good reason for doubting it. Plutarch says that there was a letter of Brutus in circulation, speaking of the death of Portia, and accusing his friends of neglecting her in her last illness. (Life of Brutus, 53.) There is a letter from Cicero to Brutus extant, consoling the latter for the death of some one very near to him. As he speaks of the loss as one cui simile in terris nihil fuit (which has not its like upon earth), it could hardly have been anything else than that of a wife. (Ad Brutum, 9.)

4.17.137 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.17.137

οὕτω μὲν δὴ Καίσαρί τε καὶ Ἀντωνίῳ διὰ τόλμης ἐπισφαλοῦς καὶ δυοῖν πεζομαχίαιν τηλικοῦτον ἔργον ἤνυστο, οἷον οὐχ ἕτερον ἐγένετο πρὸ ἐκείνου. οὔτε γὰρ στρατὸς τοσοῦτος ἢ τοιοῦτος ἐς χεῖρας πρότερον ἦλθε Ῥωμαίων ἑκατέρωθεν, οὐχ ὑπὸ συντάξει πολιτικῇ στρατευσαμένων, ἀλλὰ ἀριστίνδην ἐπειλεγμένων οὐδʼ ἀπειροπολέμων ἔτι, ἀλλʼ ἐκ πολλοῦ γεγυμνασμένων ἐπί τε σφᾶς καὶ οὐκ ἀλλόφυλα ἢ βάρβαρα ἔθνη τρεπομένων. ἀλλὰ καὶ γλώσσης μιᾶς ὄντες καὶ τέχνης πολέμων μιᾶς καὶ ἀσκήσεως καὶ καρτερίας ὁμοίας, δυσκαταγώνιστοι παρʼ αὐτὸ ἦσαν ἀλλήλοις. οὐδὲ ὁρμῇ καὶ τόλμῃ τοσῇδέ τινες ἐχρήσαντο ἐν πολέμῳ, πολῖταί τε ὄντες ἀλλήλων καὶ οἰκεῖοι καὶ συστρατιῶται γενόμενοι. τεκμήριον δέ, ὅτι τῶν νεκρῶν ὁ ἀριθμός, ἐπανισουμένης ἑκατέρας μάχης, οὐκ ἐλάσσων ἔδοξεν οὐδὲ παρὰ τοῖς νικῶσιν εἶναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.17.137

Thus did Octavius and Antony by perilous daring and by two infantry engagements achieve a success, the like of which was never before known; for never before had such numerous and powerful Roman armies come in conflict with each other. These soldiers were not enlisted from the ordinary conscription, but were picked men. They were not new levies, but under long drill and arrayed against each other, not against foreign or barbarous races. Speaking the same language and using the same tactics, being of like discipline and power of endurance, they were for these reasons evenly matched. Nor was there ever such fury and daring in war as here, when citizens contended against citizens, families against families, and fellow-soldiers against each other. The proof of this is that, taking both battles into the account, the number of the slain among the victors appeared to be not less [than among the vanquished].

4.17.138 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:4.17.138

ὁ δὲ στρατὸς ὁ Ἀντωνίου καὶ Καίσαρος τὸν τῶν στρατηγῶν λόγον ἐπηλήθευσαν, διὰ μιᾶς ἡμέρας καὶ διʼ ἑνὸς ἔργου κίνδυνον ἔσχατον λιμοῦ καὶ δέος ἀπωλείας ἐς εὐπορίαν δαψιλῆ καὶ σωτηρίαν ἀσφαλῆ καὶ νίκην εὐκλεῆ μεταβαλόντες. ἀπήντησέ γε μὴν αὐτοῖς καὶ ὃ συνιόντες ἐς τὴν μάχην ἐπεμαντεύσαντο Ῥωμαίοις· ἐκρίθη γὰρ αὐτῶν ἡ πολιτεία παρʼ ἐκεῖνο τὸ ἔργον μάλιστα καὶ οὐκ ἐπανῆλθεν ἐς δημοκρατίαν ἔτι, οὐδὲ πόνων αὐτοῖς ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐδέησεν ὁμοίων, χωρίς γε τῆς μετʼ οὐ πολὺ Ἀντωνίου καὶ Καίσαρος στάσεως, ὑστάτης Ῥωμαίοις γενομένης. τὰ δʼ ἐν μέσῳ μετὰ Βροῦτον ὑπό τε Πομπηίου καὶ τῶν διαφυγόντων Κασσίου καὶ Βρούτου φίλων, λείψανα τοσῆσδε παρασκευῆς μεγάλα ἐχόντων, οὔτε ταῖς τόλμαις ὅμοια ἔτι ἐγίγνετο οὔτε ταῖς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἢ πόλεων ἢ στρατῶν ἐς τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ὁρμαῖς· οὐ γάρ τις αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἔτι οὐδʼ ἡ βουλὴ οὐδὲ ἡ δόξα αὕτη, ὡς ἐς Κάσσιόν τε καὶ Βροῦτον, ἀπήντα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.17.138

Thus the army of Antony and Octavius confirmed the prediction of their generals, passing in one day and by one blow from extreme danger of famine and fear of destruction to lavish wealth, absolute security, and glorious victory. That result came about which Antony and Octavius had predicted as they advanced into battle. Their form of government was decided by that day’s work chiefly, and they have not gone back to democracy yet. Nor was there any further need of similar contentions with each other, except the strife between Antony and Octavius not long afterward, which was the last that took place between Romans. The events that transpired after the death of Brutus, under Sextus Pompeius and the friends of Cassius and Brutus, who escaped with the very considerable remains of their extensive war material, were not to be compared to the former in daring or in the devotion of men, cities, and armies to their leaders; nor did any of the nobility, nor the Senate, nor the same glory, attend them as attended Brutus and Cassius.

5.1.1 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.1.1

μετὰ δὲ τὸν Κασσίου καὶ Βρούτου θάνατον ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας ᾔει, ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν, ἔνθα αὐτῷ συμβάλλει Κλεοπάτρα βασιλὶς Αἰγύπτου, καὶ εὐθὺς ὀφθεῖσα ἐκράτει. ὁ δὲ ἔρως ὅδε αὐτοῖς τε ἐκείνοις ἐς ἔσχατον ἔληξε κακοῦ καὶ ἐς ὅλην Αἴγυπτον ἐπʼ ἐκείνοις. ὅθεν ἄν τι καὶ Αἰγύπτιον εἴη τῆσδε τῆς βίβλου μέρος, ὀλίγον τε καὶ οὐκ ἄξιον ἐπιγραφῆς πω, διὸ δὴ καὶ τοῖς ἐμφυλίοις πολὺ πλείοσιν οὖσιν ἐπίμικτον. ἐγίγνετο γὰρ δὴ καὶ μετὰ Κάσσιόν τε καὶ Βροῦτον ἕτερα ἐμφύλια ὅμοια, στρατηγοῦ μὲν οὐδενὸς ὄντος ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ὥσπερ ἐκείνοις, κατὰ μέρος δὲ ἑτέρων, μέχρι Πομπήιός τε Σέξστος, ὁ νεώτερος παῖς Πομπηίου Μάγνου, λοιπὸς ὢν ἔτι τῆσδε τῆς στάσεως, τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον ἐπανῃρέθη, καὶ Λέπιδος ἐξέπεσε τοῦ μέρους τῆς ἡγεμονίας καὶ ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴ πᾶσα περιῆλθεν ἐς δύο μόνον, Ἀντώνιόν τε καὶ Καίσαρα. ἐγίνετο δὲ αὐτῶν ἕκαστα οὕτως.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.1.1

AFTER the death of Cassius and Brutus, Octavius returned to Italy. Antony proceeded to Asia, where he met Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, and succumbed to her charms at first sight. This passion brought ruin upon them and upon all Egypt besides. For this reason a part of this book will treat of Egypt — a small part, however, not worth mentioning in the title, since it is incidental to the narrative of the civil wars, which constitutes much the larger portion. Other similar civil wars took place after Cassius and Brutus, but there was no one in command of all the forces as they had been. The later wars were sporadic. But, finally, Sextus Pompeius, the younger son of Pompey the Great, the last remaining leader of that faction, was slain, as Brutus and Cassius had been, and Lepidus was deprived of his share of the triumvirate, and the whole government of the Romans was centred in two only, Antony and Octavius. These events came about in the following manner.

5.1.2 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.1.2

Κάσσιος ὁ Παρμήσιος ἐπίκλην ὑπελέλειπτο μὲν ὑπὸ Κασσίου καὶ Βρούτου περὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐπὶ νεῶν καὶ στρατοῦ, χρήματα ἐκλέγειν. Κασσίου δὲ ἀποθανόντος οὐδὲν ἐλπίζων ὅμοιον ἐν Βρούτῳ, Ῥοδίων ἐπελέξατο νῆας τριάκοντα, ὅσας ἐνόμιζε πληρώσειν, καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς διέπρησε χωρὶς τῆς ἱερᾶς, ἵνα μὴ δύναιντο νεωτερίσαι. καὶ ὁ μὲν τάδε πράξας ἀνήγετο ταῖς τε ἰδίαις καὶ ταῖς τριάκοντα, Κλώδιος δὲ ἐκ Βρούτου πεμφθεὶς ἐς Ῥόδον ἐπὶ νεῶν τρισκαίδεκα, τοὺς Ῥοδίους νεωτερίζοντας εὑρών (ἐτεθνήκει γὰρ ἤδη καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος), ἐξήγαγε τὴν φρουράν, οὖσαν ὁπλιτῶν τρισχιλίων, καὶ ἐς τὸν Παρμήσιον ἐχώρει. ἀφίκετο δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Τουρούλιος, ἑτέρας ναῦς ἔχων πολλὰς καὶ χρήματα, ὅσα προεξείλεκτο ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥόδου. ἐς δὴ τὸ ναυτικὸν τοῦτο ὡς ἐς ἤδη τινὰ ἰσχὺν συνέθεον, ὅσοι ἦσαν κατὰ μέρη τῆς Ἀσίας ἐπὶ τῶν ὑπηρεσιῶν, καὶ αὐτὸ ὁπλίταις τε ἐξ ὧν ἐδύναντο ἀνεπλήρουν καὶ ἐρέταις ἐκ θεραπόντων ἢ δεσμωτῶν, ἐπιπλέοντες δὲ ταῖς νήσοις καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν νησιωτῶν. ἦλθον δʼ εἰς αὐτοὺς καὶ Κικέρων ὁ Κικέρωνος καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἐκ τῆς Θάσου διεπεφεύγεσαν. καὶ ταχὺ πλῆθος ἦν καὶ σύνταξις ἀξιόχρεως ἡγεμόνων τε καὶ στρατοῦ καὶ νεῶν. προσλαβόντες δὲ καὶ Λέπιδον μεθʼ ἑτέρας δυνάμεως, ἣ Βρούτῳ καθίστατο Κρήτην, πρὸς Μοῦρκον καὶ Δομίτιον Ἀηνόβαρβον ἐπὶ μεγάλης δυνάμεως ὄντας ἐς τὸν Ἰόνιον διέπλεον. καὶ αὐτῶν οἱ μὲν ἅμα τῷ Μούρκῳ διέπλευσαν ἐς Σικελίαν καὶ τὴν ἰσχὺν Πομπηίῳ Σέξστῳ συνῆψαν, οἱ δὲ κατέμειναν παρὰ Ἀηνοβάρβῳ καί τινʼ αἵρεσιν ἐφʼ ἑαυτῶν καθίσταντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.1.2

Cassius, surnamed Parmesius, had been left by Cassius and Brutus in Asia with a fleet and an army to collect money. After the death of Cassius, not anticipating the like fate of Brutus, he selected thirty ships belonging to the Rhodians, which he intended to man, and burned the rest, except the sacred one, so that they might not be able to revolt. Having done this he took his departure with his own ships and the thirty. Clodius, who had been sent by Brutus to Rhodes with thirteen ships, found the Rhodians in revolt (for Brutus also was now dead). Clodius took away the garrison, consisting of 3000 soldiers, and joined Parmesius. They were joined by Turulius, who had a numerous fleet and a large sum of money which he had previously extorted from Rhodes. To this fleet, which was now quite powerful, flocked those who were rendering service in various parts of Asia, and they manned the ships with soldiers as well as they could, and with slaves, prisoners, and inhabitants of the islands where they touched, as rowers. The son of Cicero joined them, and others of the nobility who had escaped from Thasos. Thus in a short time there was a considerable gathering and organization of officers, soldiers, and ships. Having received additional forces under Lepidus, who had brought Crete under subjection to Brutus, they made sail to the Adriatic and united with Murcus and Domitius Ahenobarbus, who had a large force under their command. Some of these sailed with Murcus to Sicily to join Sextus Pompeius. The rest remained with Ahenobarbus and formed a faction by themselves. Such was the first reassembling of what remained of the war preparations of Cassius and Brutus.

Edition note

This man is called Cassius Parmensis (i.e. Cassius of Parma) by Suetonius (Aug. 4). He was one of the assassins of Caesar, and, according to Velleius (ii. 87), the last one to be punished. There is a letter to Cicero (Ad Fam. xii. 13) from Cassius, Quaestor, dated at the promontory of Crommyon, Cyprus, June, 710, describing the naval operations of himself and others in those waters. That this letter was written by Cassius Parmensis and not by Lucius Cassius, the brother of Gaius, is made probable by the fact that he was then, as he informs Cicero, cruising in conjunction with Turulius (mentioned below), and that they joined their fleets and sailed to the Adriatic about the time that Lucius Cassius was making his peace with Antony in Asia, as described in Sec. 7. Cassius of Parma was a poet of distinction. See Horace (Epistles, i. 4. 3).

Edition note

This Turulius is twice mentioned in the letter to Cicero (Ad Fam. xii. 13) as the quaestor of Tillius Cimber and as the commander of a fleet in the Mediterranean operating against Dolabella. According to Valerius Maximus (i. 1. 19) his death was due to an act of impiety in cutting down for ship-building purposes a grove of trees sacred to Aesculapius.

Edition note

It is not known whether this Lepidus was a relative of the triumvir or not.

5.1.3 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.1.3

τοιάδε μὲν ἐκ τῶν λειψάνων τῆς παρασκευῆς Κασσίου τε καὶ Βρούτου πρῶτα συνίστατο, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ τῇ περὶ Φιλίππους ἔθυόν τε λαμπρῶς καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐπῄνουν. καὶ ἐς τὴν δόσιν τῶν ἐπινικίων ὁ μὲν ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐχώρει, τήν τε γῆν αὐτοῖς διανεμήσων καὶ ἐς τὰς ἀποικίας καταλέξων ʽὧδε γὰρ αὐτὸς εἵλετο διὰ τὴν ἀρρωστίαν̓, ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος ἐς τὰ πέραν ἔθνη, συλλέξων τὰ χρήματα, ὅσα αὐτοῖς ὑπέσχηντο. διενείμαντο δὲ αὖθις ὅσα καὶ πρότερον ἔθνη καὶ ἐπελάμβανον τὰ Λεπίδου· τήν τε γὰρ Κελτικὴν τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων ἐδόκει Καίσαρος ἀξιοῦντος αὐτόνομον ἀφιέναι γνώμῃ τοῦ προτέρου Καίσαρος, ὅ τε Λέπιδος διεβάλλετο τὰ πράγματα Πομπηίῳ προδιδόναι· καὶ ὥριστο, εἰ Καίσαρι ψευδὴς ἡ διαβολὴ φανείη, ἕτερα ἀντιδοῦναι τῷ Λεπίδῳ. ἀφίεσαν δὲ καὶ τῆς στρατείας τοὺς ἐντελῆ χρόνον ἐστρατευμένους χωρὶς ὀκτακισχιλίων, οὓς δεηθέντας ἔτι στρατεύεσθαι σφίσιν ἀποδεξάμενοι διείλοντο καὶ συνελόχισαν ἐς στρατηγίδας τάξεις. ὁ δὲ λοιπὸς αὐτοῖς στρατὸς ἐγένετο, σὺν τοῖς μεταθεμένοις ἀπὸ Βρούτου, τέλη πεζῶν ἕνδεκα καὶ ἱππέες μύριοις καὶ τετρακισχίλιοι. καὶ ἔσχεν αὐτῶν ὁ μὲν Ἀντώνιος διὰ τὴν ἀποδημίαν ἓξ τέλη καὶ ἱππέας μυρίους, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἱππέας τετρακισχιλίους καὶ τέλη πέντε· καὶ τῶνδε δὲ αὐτῶν Ἀντωνίῳ δύο ἔδωκεν, ἀντιληψόμενος ἐκ τῶν ὑπὸ Καληνῷ τοῦ Ἀντωνίου κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ὑπολελειμμένων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.1.3

After the battle of Philippi Octavius and Antony offered a magnificent sacrifice and awarded praise to their army. In order to provide the rewards of victory Octavius went to Italy to divide the land among the soldiers and to settle the colonies. He was chosen for this purpose on account of his illness. Antony went to the nations beyond the Aegean to collect the money that had been promised to the soldiers. They divided the provinces among themselves as before and took those of Lepidus besides. It was decided, at the instance of Octavius, to make Cisalpine Gaul free, as the elder Caesar had intended. Lepidus had been accused of betraying the affairs of the triumvirate to Pompeius. It was decided that if Octavius should find that this accusation was false other provinces should be given to Lepidus. They dismissed from the military service the soldiers who had served their full time, except 8000 who had asked to remain. These they took back and divided between themselves and formed them in praetorian cohorts. There remained to them, including those who had come over from Brutus, eleven legions of infantry and 14,000 horse. Of these Antony took, for his foreign expedition, six legions and 10,000 horse. Octavius had five legions and 4000 horse, but of these he gave two legions to Antony in exchange for others that Antony had left in Italy under the command of Calenus. Then Octavius proceeded toward the Adriatic.

Edition note

Κελτικὴν . . . αὐτόνομον ἀφιέναι. It had been Caesar’s intention to put Cisalpine Gaul on a footing of equality with the rest of Italy as to civil and political rights. This intention was now carried out.

Edition note

Y.R. 713

Edition note

B.C. 41

5.1.4 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.1.4

ὁ μὲν δὴ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰόνιον ᾔει, ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος ἐν Ἐφέσῳ γενόμενος τῇ θεῷ μεγαλοπρεπῶς ἔθυε καὶ τοὺς καταφυγόντας ἐκ τῆς Βρούτου καὶ Κασσίου συμφορᾶς ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ἱκέτας ἀπέλυε, χωρὶς Πετρωνίου, συνεγνωκότος ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ Καίσαρος, καὶ Κοΐντου, προδόντος ἐν Λαοδικείᾳ Κασσίῳ Δολοβέλλαν. τοὺς δὲ Ἕλληνας καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἔθνη τὴν ἀμφὶ τὸ Πέργαμον Ἀσίαν νέμονται, κατά τε πρεσβείας παρόντας ἐπὶ συνθέσει καὶ μετακεκλημένους συναγαγὼν ἔλεξεν ὧδε· ὑμᾶς ἡμῖν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες, Ἄτταλος ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑμῶν ἐν διαθήκαις ἀπέλιπε, καὶ εὐθὺς ἀμείνονες ὑμῖν ἦμεν Ἀττάλου· οὓς γὰρ ἐτελεῖτε φόρους Ἀττάλῳ, μεθήκαμεν ὑμῖν, μέχρι δημοκόπων ἀνδρῶν καὶ παρʼ ἡμῖν γενομένων ἐδέησε φόρων. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐδέησεν, οὐ πρὸς τὰ τιμήματα ὑμῖν ἐπεθήκαμεν, ὡς ἂν ἡμεῖς ἀκίνδυνον φόρον ἐκλέγοιμεν, ἀλλὰ μέρη φέρειν τῶν ἑκάστοτε καρπῶν ἐπετάξαμεν, ἵνα καὶ τῶν ἐναντίων κοινωνῶμεν ὑμῖν. τῶν δὲ ταῦτα παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς μισθουμένων ἐνυβριζόντων ὑμῖν καὶ πολὺ πλείονα αἰτούντων, Γάιος Καῖσαρ τῶν μὲν χρημάτων τὰ τρίτα ὑμῖν ἀνῆκεν ὧν ἐκείνοις ἐφέρετε, τὰς δʼ ὕβρεις ἔπαυσεν· ὑμῖν γὰρ τοὺς φόρους ἐπέτρεψεν ἀγείρειν παρὰ τῶν γεωργούντων. καὶ τόνδε τοιόνδε ὄντα οἱ χρηστοὶ τῶν ἡμετέρων πολιτῶν τύραννον ἐκάλουν, καὶ ὑμεῖς αὐτοῖς συνετελεῖτε χρήματα πολλά, σφαγεῦσί τε οὖσι τοῦ ὑμετέρου εὐεργέτου, καὶ καθʼ ἡμῶν τῶν τιμωρούντων ἐκείνῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.1.4

When Antony arrived at Ephesus he offered a splendid sacrifice to the city’s goddess and pardoned those who, after the disaster to Brutus and Cassius, had fled to the temple as suppliants, except Petronius, who had been privy to the murder of Caesar, and Quintus, who had betrayed Dolabella to Cassius at Laodicea. Having assembled the Greeks and other peoples who inhabited the Asiatic country around Pergamos, and who were present on a peace embassy, and others who had been summoned thither, Antony addressed them as follows: Your King Attalus, O Greeks, left you to us in his will, and straightway we proved better to you than Attalus had been, for we released you from the taxes that you had been paying to him, until the action of popular agitators among us made these taxes necessary. When they became necessary we did not impose them upon you according to a fixed valuation so that we could collect an absolutely certain sum, but we required you to contribute a portion of your yearly harvest in order that we might share with you the vicissitudes of the seasons. When the publicans, who made these collections by the authority of the Senate, wronged you by demanding more than was due, Gaius Caesar remitted to you one-third of what you had paid to them and put an end to their outrages; for he even turned over to you the collection of the taxes from the cultivators of the soil. And this was the kind of man that our honorable citizens called a tyrant, and you contributed vast sums of money to the murderers of your benefactor and against us, who were seeking to avenge him.

5.1.5 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.1.5

τῆς δὲ δικαίας τύχης οὐχ, ὡς ἐβούλεσθε, ἀλλʼ, ὡς ἦν ἄξιον, κρινάσης τὸν πόλεμον, εἰ μὲν ὡς συναγωνισταῖς τῶν πολεμίων ἔδει χρῆσθαι, κολάσεως ὑμῖν ἔδει, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἑκόντες πιστεύομεν ὑμᾶς κατὰ ἀνάγκην τάδε πεποιηκέναι, τῶν μὲν μειζόνων ἀφίεμεν, χρημάτων δὲ ἡμῖν δεῖ καὶ γῆς καὶ πόλεων ἐς τὰ νικητήρια τοῦ στρατοῦ, τέλη δέ ἐστιν ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσιν ὁπλιτῶν, ἃ μετὰ τῶν συντασσομένων εἰσὶ μυριάδες ἀνδρῶν ὑπὲρ ἑπτακαίδεκα, καὶ τούτων ἄνευθεν οἱ ἱππέες καὶ ἕτερος ὅμιλος ἑτέρου στρατοῦ. ἐκ μὲν δὴ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὸ πλῆθος τῆς χρείας συνορᾶν δύνασθε. τὴν δὲ γῆν καὶ τὰς πόλεις αὐτοῖς διαδώσων ὁ Καῖσαρ ἄπεισιν ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν, εἰ χρὴ τῷ λόγῳ τὸ ἔργον εἰπεῖν, ἀναστήσων τὴν Ἰταλίαν. ὑμᾶς δʼ, ἵνα μὴ γῆς καὶ πόλσων καὶ οἰκιῶν καὶ ἱερῶν καὶ τάφων ἀνίστησθε, ἐς τὰ χρήματα ἐλογισάμεθα, οὐδὲ ἐς ἅπαντα ʽοὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν δύναισθἐ, ἀλλὰ μέρος αὐτῶν καὶ βραχύτατον, ὃ καὶ πυθομένους ὑμᾶς ἀγαπήσειν οἴομαι. ἃ γὰρ ἔδοτε τοῖς ἡμετέροις ἐχθροῖς ἐν ἔτεσι δύο ʽἔδοτε δὲ φόρους δέκα ἐτῶν̓, ταῦτα λαβεῖν ἀρκέσει μόνα, ἀλλʼ ἑνὶ ἔτει· ἐπείγουσι γὰρ αἱ χρεῖαι. συνεῖσι δὲ τῆς χάριτος ὑμῖν τοσοῦτον ἂν ἐπείποιμι, ὅτι μηδενὸς ἁμαρτήματος ἴσον ἐπιτίμιον ὁρίζεται.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.1.5

Now that a just fortune has decided the war, not as you wished, but as was right, if we were to treat you as allies of our enemies we should be obliged to punish you. But as we are willing to believe that you were constrained to this course by necessity, we will release you from the heavier penalty. We need money and land and cities as rewards for our soldiers. There are twenty-eight legions of infantry which, with the auxiliaries, amount to upwards of 170,000 men, besides cavalry and various other arms of the service. The sum that we need for such a vast number of men you can easily imagine. Octavius has gone to Italy to provide them with land and cities — to expropriate Italy, if we must speak plainly. That we may not be under the necessity of expelling you from your lands, cities, houses, temples, and tombs, we must count upon getting money from you, not all that you have (we could not think of that), but a part, a very small part, which, when you learn it, I think you will cheerfully pay. What you contributed to our enemies in two years (for you gave them the taxes of ten years in that time) will be quite sufficient for us; but it must be paid in one year, because we are pressed by necessity. As you are sensible of our leniency toward you, I will merely add that the penalty imposed is by no means equal to your deserts.

5.1.6 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.1.6

ὁ μὲν οὕτως ἐ͂πεν, ἐς ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι τέλη πεζῶν τὴν χάριν περιφέρων, ὅτι, οἶμαι, τρία καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ἦν αὐτοῖς, ὅτε ἐν Μουτίνῃ συνηλλάσσοντο ἀλλήλοις καὶ τάδε ὑπισχνοῦντο, ὁ δὲ πόλεμος αὐτὰ ἐς τοσοῦτον ὑπενηνόχει· οἱ δὲ Ἕλληνες ἔτι λέγοντος αὐτοῦ ταῦτα ἐρρίπτουν ἑαυτοὺς ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος, ἀνάγκην καὶ βίαν ἐς αὑτοὺς ἐκ Βρούτου καὶ Κασσίου γενομένας ἐπιλέγοντες οὐκ ἐπιτιμίων ἀξίας εἶναι, ἀλλʼ ἐλέου, δόντες δʼ ἂν τοῖς εὐεργέταις ἑκόντες ἀπορεῖν διὰ τοὺς πολεμίους, οἷς οὐ τὰ χρήματα μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ σκεύη καὶ τοὺς κόσμους ἐσενεγκεῖν ἀντὶ τῶν χρημάτων, τοὺς δὲ αὐτὰ παρὰ σφίσιν ἐς νόμισμα χαλκεῦσαι. καὶ τέλος παρακαλοῦντες ἔτυχον ἐννέα ἐτῶν φόρους ἐσενεγκεῖν ἔτεσι δύο. βασιλεῦσι δὲ καὶ δυνάσταις καὶ πόλεσιν ἐλευθέραις ἄλλα ἐς τὴν ἑκάστων δύναμιν ἐπετάχθη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.1.6

Antony spoke thus of providing a donative for twenty-eight legions of infantry, whereas I think that they had forty-three legions when they came to their agreement at Mutina and made these promises, but the war had probably reduced them to this number. The Greeks, while he was still speaking, threw themselves upon the ground, declaring that they had been subjected to force and violence by Brutus and Cassius, and that they were deserving of pity, not of punishment; that they would willingly give to their benefactors, but that they had been stripped by their enemies, to whom they had delivered not only their money, but, in default of money, their plate and their ornaments, and who had coined these things into money in their presence. Finally, they prevailed by their entreaties that the amount should be reduced to nine years’ taxes, payable in two years. It was ordered that the kings, princes, and free cities should make additional contributions according to their means, respectively.

5.1.7 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.1.7

περιιόντι δʼ αὐτῷ τὰ ἔθνη Λεύκιός τε ὁ Κασσίου ἀδελφὸς καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι τῶν δεδιότων ἐπεὶ τῆς ἐν Ἐφέσῳ συγγνώμης ἐπύθοντο, ἱκέται προσῄεσαν. καὶ ἀπέλυε πάντας, πλὴν τοὺς συνεγνωκότας ἐπὶ φόνῳ Καίσαρος· τούτοις γὰρ δὴ μόνοις ἀδιάλλακτος ἦν. παρηγόρει δὲ καὶ τῶν πόλεων τὰς μάλιστα δεινὰ παθούσας, Λυκίους μὲν ἀτελεῖς φόρων ἀφιεὶς καὶ Ξάνθον οἰκίζειν παραινῶν, Ῥοδίοις δὲ διδοὺς Ἄνδρον τε καὶ Τῆνον καὶ Νάξον καὶ Μύνδον, ἃς οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον ἀφῃρέθησαν ὡς σκληρότερον ἄρχοντες. Λαοδικέας δὲ καὶ Ταρσέας ἐλευθέρους ἠφίει καὶ ἀτελεῖς φόρων· καὶ Ταρσέων τοὺς πεπραμένους ἀπέλυε τῆς δουλείας διατάγματι. Ἀθηναίοις δʼ ἐς αὐτὸν ἐλθοῦσι μετὰ Τῆνον Αἴγιναν ἔδωκε καὶ Ἴκον καὶ Κέω καὶ Σκίαθον καὶ Πεπάρηθον. ἐπιπαριὼν δὲ Φρυγίαν τε καὶ Μυσίαν καὶ Γαλάτας τοὺς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ Καππαδοκίαν τε καὶ Κιλικίαν καὶ Συρίαν τὴν κοίλην καὶ Παλαιστίνην καὶ τὴν Ἰτουραίαν καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα γένη Σύρων, ἅπασιν ἐσφορὰς ἐπέβαλλε βαρείας καὶ διῄτα πόλεσι καὶ βασιλεῦσιν, ἐν μὲν Καππαδοκίᾳ Ἀριαράθῃ τε καὶ Σισίνῃ, ὧν τῷ Σισίνῃ συνέπραξεν ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν, καλῆς οἱ φανείσης τῆς μητρὸς τοῦ Σισίνου Γλαφύρας· ἐν δὲ Συρίᾳ τοὺς κατὰ πόλεις ἐξῄρει τυράννους.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.1.7

While Antony was making the circuit of the provinces Lucius Cassius, the brother of Gaius, and some others, who feared for their own safety, when they heard of the pardon of Ephesus, presented themselves to him as suppliants. He released them all except those who had been privy to the murder of Caesar. To these alone he was inexorable. He gave relief to the cities that had suffered most severely. He released the Lycians from taxes altogether, and urged the rebuilding of Xanthus. He gave to the Rhodians Andros, Tenos, Naxos, and Myndus, which were taken from them not long afterward because they ruled them harshly. He made Laodicea and Tarsus free cities and released them from taxes entirely, and those inhabitants of Tarsus who had been sold into slavery he liberated by an order. To the Athenians when they came to see him he gave Aegina in exchange for Tenos, and also Icos, Cea, Sciathos, and Peparethos. Proceeding onward to Phrygia, Mysia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Cœle-Syria, Palestine, Ituraea, and the other provinces of Syria, he imposed heavy contributions on all, and acted as arbiter between kings and cities, — in Cappadocia, for example, between Ariarthes and Sisinna, awarding the kingdom to Sisinna on account of his mother, Glaphyra, who appeared to him to be a beautiful woman. In Syria he delivered the cities from tyrants one after another.

Edition note

Myndus was a town on the coast of Caria. Probably a small island lying in front of it is here referred to.

5.1.8 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.1.8

καὶ ἐν Κιλικίᾳ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθούσης Κλεοπάτρας ἐμέμψατο μὲν ὡς οὐ μετασχούσης τῶν ἐπὶ Καίσαρι πόνων· τῆς δὲ οὐκ ἀπολογουμένης μᾶλλον ἢ καταλογιζομένης αὐτοῖς, ὅτι καὶ τὰ παρὰ οἷ τέσσαρα τέλη πρὸς Δολοβέλλαν αὐτίκα πέμψειε, καὶ στόλον ἄλλον ἕτοιμον ἔχουσα κωλυθείη ὑπό τε ἀνέμου καὶ αὐτοῦ Δολοβέλλα, ταχυτέρας ἥσσης τυχόνφος, Κασσίῳ τε δὶς ἀπειλοῦντι μὴ συμμαχήσειε καὶ σφίσιν ἐκείνοις πολεμοῦσιν ἐς τὸν Ἰόνιον αὐτὴ τὸν στόλον ἔχουσα πλεύσειε μετὰ παρασκευῆς βαρυτάτης, οὔτε δείσασα Κάσσιον οὔτε φυλαξαμένη Μοῦρκον ναυλοχοῦντα, μέχρι χειμὼν τά τε ἄλλα διελυμήνατο καὶ αὐτὴν ἐς νόσον ἐνέβαλεν, ἧς δὴ χάριν οὐδʼ ὕστερον ἐπαναχθῆναι νενικηκότων ἤδη, ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐπὶ τῇ ὄψει τὴν σύνεσιν καταπλαγεὶς εὐθὺς αὐτῆς μειρακιωδῶς ἑαλώκει, καίπερ ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα γεγονώς, λεγόμενος μὲν ὑγρότατος ἐς ταῦτα ἀεὶ φῦναι, λεγόμενος δʼ ἐς ταύτην καὶ πάλαι, παῖδα ἔτι οὖσαν, ἐρέθισμά τι τῆς ὄψεως λαβεῖν, ὅτε ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν Γαβινίῳ στρατεύοντι νέος ἱππαρχῶν εἵπετο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.1.8

Cleopatra came to meet him in Cilicia, and he blamed her for not sharing their labors in avenging Caesar. Instead of apologizing she enumerated to him the things she had done, saying that she had sent the four legions that had been left with her to Dolabella forthwith, and that she had another fleet in readiness, but had been prevented from sending it by adverse winds and by the misfortune of Dolabella, whose defeat came suddenly; that she did not lend assistance to Cassius, who had threatened her twice; that while the war was going on she had set sail for the Adriatic in person with a fleet to assist them, in defiance of Cassius, and disregarding Murcus, who was lying in wait for her; but that a tempest shattered the fleet and prostrated herself with illness, for which reason she was not able to put to sea again till they had already gained their victory. Antony was amazed at her wit as well as her good looks, and became her captive as though he were a young man, although he was forty years of age. It is said that he was always very susceptible in this way, and that he had been enamoured of her long ago when she was still a girl and he was serving as master of horse under Gabinius at Alexandria.

5.1.9 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.1.9

εὐθὺς οὖν Ἀντωνίῳ μὲν ἡ περὶ ἅπαντα τέως ἐπιμέλεια ἀθρόα ἠμβλύνετο, Κλεοπάτρα δʼ ὅ τι προστάξειεν, ἐγίγνετο, οὐ διακριδὸν ἔτι περὶ τῶν ὁσίων ἢ δικαίων, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν αὐτῆς Ἀρσινόην, ἱκέτιν οὖσαν ἐν Μιλήτῳ τῆς Λευκοφρυηνῆς Ἀρτέμιδος, πέμψας ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἀνεῖλε, καὶ Σεραπίωνα, τὸν ἐν Κύπρῳ στρατηγὸν αὐτῆς, συμμαχήσαντα Κασσίῳ, Τυρίων ὄντα ἱκέτην, ἐκέλευσε τοὺς Τυρίους ἐκδοῦναι τῇ Κλεοπάτρᾳ, ἐκδοῦναι δὲ καὶ Ἀραδίους ἕτερον ἱκέτην, ὅν τινα, Πτολεμαίου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας ἀφανοῦς ἐν τῇ πρὸς Καίσαρα κατὰ τὸν Νεῖλον ναυμαχίᾳ γενομένου, οἱ Ἀράδιοι εἶχον λέγοντα Πτολεμαῖον εἶναι. καὶ τὸν ἐν Ἐφέσῳ δὲ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερέα, ὃν Μεγάβυζον ἡγοῦνται, ὑποδεξάμενόν ποτε τὴν Ἀρσινόην ὡς βασιλίδα ἀχθῆναι μὲν ἐκέλευσεν, Ἐφεσίων δʼ αὐτὴν Κλεοπάτραν ἱκετευσάντων μεθῆκεν. οὕτω μὲν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐνήλλακτο ταχέως, καὶ τὸ πάθος αὐτῷ τοῦτο ἀρχὴ καὶ τέλος τῶν ἔπειτα κακῶν ἐγένετο. ἀποπλευσάσης δὲ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα, ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἔπεμπε τοὺς ἱππέας Πάλμυρα πόλιν, οὐ μακρὰν οὖσαν ἀπὸ Εὐφράτου, διαρπάσαι, μικρὰ μὲν ἐπικαλῶν αὐτοῖς, ὅτι Ῥωμαίων καὶ Παρθυαίων ὄντες ἐφόριοι ἐς ἑκατέρους ἐπιδεξίως εἶχον ʽἔμποροι γὰρ ὄντες κομίζουσι μὲν ἐκ Περσῶν τὰ Ἰνδικὰ ἢ Ἀράβια, διατίθενται δʼ ἐν τῇ Ῥωμαίων̓, ἔργῳ δʼ ἐπινοῶν τοὺς ἱππέας περιουσιάσαι. Παλμυρηνῶν δὲ προμαθόντων καὶ τὰ ἀναγκαῖα ἐς τὸ πέραν τοῦ ποταμοῦ μετενεγκάντων τε καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς ὄχθης, εἴ τις ἐπιχειροίη σκευασαμένων τόξοις, πρὸς ἃ πεφύκασιν ἐξαιρέτως, οἱ ἱππέες τὴν πόλιν κενὴν καταλαβόντες ὑπέστρεψαν, οὔτε ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντες οὔτε τι λαβόντες.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.1.9

Straightway Antony’s interest in public affairs began to dwindle. Whatever Cleopatra ordered was done, regardless of laws, human or divine. While her sister Arsinoe was a suppliant in the temple of Artemis Leucophryne at Miletus, Antony sent assassins thither and put her to death. Serapion, Cleopatra’s prefect in Cyprus, who had assisted Cassius and was now a suppliant at Tyre, Antony ordered the Tyrians to deliver to her. He commanded the Aradians to deliver up another suppliant who, when Ptolemy, the brother of Cleopatra, disappeared at the battle with Caesar on the Nile, said that he was Ptolemy, and whom the Aradians now held. He ordered the priest of Artemis at Ephesus, whom they called Megabyzus, and who had once received Arsinoe as queen, to be brought before him, but in response to the supplications of the Ephesians, addressed to Cleopatra herself, released him. So swiftly was Antony transformed, and this passion was the beginning and the end of evils that befell him. When Cleopatra returned home Antony sent a cavalry force to Palmyra, situated not far from the Euphrates, to plunder it, bringing the trifling accusations against its inhabitants, that, being on the frontier between the Romans and the Parthians, they had avoided taking sides between them; for, being merchants, they bring the products of India and Arabia and dispose of them in the Roman territory. In fact, Antony’s intention was to enrich his horsemen, but the Palmyreans were forewarned and they transported their property across the river, and, stationing themselves on the bank, prepared to shoot anybody who should attack them, for they were expert bowmen. The cavalry found nothing in the city. They turned around and came back, having met no foe, and empty-handed.

Edition note

The temple of Artemis Leucophryne was at Magnesia, not Miletus. Strabo (xiv. i. 40) says that, although inferior in size to the temple of Artemis at Ephesus, it far surpassed the latter in beauty of design. Its remains were excavated in 1891-1893 for the German Archaeological Institute. See note on this temple in Frazer’s Pausanias, ii. 328.

Edition note

Strabo (xiv. i. 24) tells us that the generic name of the priests of the temple was Megalobyzi, that they were eunuchs, that they were held in high honor, and that they were obliged to have virgins as their colleagues in the priesthood.

5.1.10 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.1.10

καὶ δοκεῖ τόδε τὸ ἔργον Ἀντωνίῳ τὸν μετʼ οὐ πολὺ Παρθυικὸν πόλεμον ἐξάψαι, πολλῶν ἐκ Συρίας τυράννων ἐς αὐτοὺς συμφυγόντων. ἡ γὰρ Συρία μέχρι μὲν ἐπʼ Ἀντίοχον τὸν Εὐσεβῆ καὶ τὸν τοῦ Εὐσεβοῦς υἱὸν Ἀντίοχον ὑπὸ τοῖς ἐκ Σελεύκου τοῦ Νικάτορος ἐβασιλεύετο, ὥς μοι περὶ Σύρων λέγοντι εἴρηται· Πομπηίου δʼ αὐτὴν Ῥωμαίοις προσλαβόντος καὶ στρατηγὸν αὐτῇ Σκαῦρον ἀποδείξαντος, ἡ βουλὴ μετὰ Σκαῦρον ἔπεμψεν ἑτέρους καὶ Γαβίνιον τὸν Ἀλεξανδρεῦσι πολεμήσαντα, ἐπὶ δὲ Γαβινίῳ Κράσσον τὸν ἐν Παρθυαίοις ἀποθανόντα καὶ Βύβλον ἐπὶ τῷ Κράσσῳ. παρὰ δὲ τὴν Γαΐου Καίσαρος ἄρα τελευτὴν καὶ στάσιν ἐπʼ αὐτῇ κατὰ πόλεις ὑπὸ τυράννων εἴχετο, συλλαμβανόντων τοῖς τυράννοις τῶν Παρθυαίων· ἐσέβαλον γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἐς τὴν Συρίαν οἱ Παρθυαῖοι μετὰ τὴν Κράσσου συμφορὰν καὶ συνέπραξαν τοῖς τυράννοις. οὓς ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐξελαύνων ὑποφεύγοντας ἐς τὴν Παρθυηνὴν καὶ τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἐπιβάλλων ἐσφορὰς βαρυτάτας καὶ ἐς Παλμυρηνοὺς τάδε ἁμαρτών, οὐδʼ ἐπέμεινε συστῆσαι τὴν χώραν θορυβουμένην, ἀλλὰ τὸν στρατὸν ἐς τὰ ἔθνη διελὼν χειμάσοντα αὐτὸς ἐς Αἴγυπτον ᾔει πρὸς Κλεοπάτραν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.1.10

It seems that this course on Antony’s part caused the outbreak of the Parthian war not long afterward, as many of the rulers expelled from Syria had taken refuge with the Parthians. Syria, until the reign of Antiochus Pius and his son, Antiochus, had been ruled by the descendants of Seleucus Nicator, as I have related in my Syrian history. Pompey added it to the Roman sway, and Scaurus was appointed praetor over it. After Scaurus the Senate sent others, including Gabinius, who made war against the Alexandrians, and after Gabinius, Crassus, who lost his life in the Parthian war, and after Crassus, Bibulus. At the time of Caesar’s death and the intestine strife which followed, tyrants got possession of the cities one by one, and they were assisted by the Parthians, who made an irruption into Syria after the disaster to Crassus and coöperated with the tyrants. Antony drove out the latter, who took refuge in Parthia. He then imposed very heavy tribute on the masses and committed the outrage already mentioned against the Palmyreans, and did not wait for the disturbed country to become quiet, but distributed his army in winter quarters in the provinces, and himself went to Egypt to join Cleopatra.

5.1.11 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.1.11

ἡ δὲ αὐτὸν ἐπεδέχετο λαμπρῶς. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐχείμαζεν ἐνταῦθα, ἄνευ σημείων ἡγεμονίας, ἰδιώτου σχῆμα καὶ βίον ἔχων, εἴθʼ ὡς ἐν ἀλλοτρίᾳ τε ἀρχῇ καὶ βασιλευούσῃ πόλει, εἴτε τὴν χειμασίαν ὡς πανήγυριν ἄγων, ἐπεὶ καὶ φροντίδας ἀπετέθειτο καὶ ἡγεμόνων θεραπείαν, καὶ στολὴν εἶχε τετράγωνον Ἑλληνικὴν ἀντὶ τῆς πατρίου, καὶ ὑπόδημα ἦν αὐτῷ λευκὸν Ἀττικόν, ὃ καὶ Ἀθηναίων ἔχουσιν ἱερεῖς καὶ Ἀλεξανδρέων, καὶ καλοῦσι φαικάσιον. ἔξοδοί τε ἦσαν αὐτῷ ἐς ἱερὰ ἢ γυμνάσια ἢ φιλολόγων διατριβὰς μόναι καὶ δίαιτα μεθʼ Ἑλλήνων ὑπὸ Κλεοπάτρᾳ, ᾗ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα τὴν ἐπιδημίαν ἀνετίθει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.1.11

She gave him a magnificent reception, and he spent the winter there without the insignia of his office and with the habit and mode of life of a private person, either because he was in a foreign jurisdiction, in a city under royal sway, or because he regarded his wintering as a festal occasion. He laid aside the cares and duties of a general, and wore the square-cut garment of the Greeks instead of the costume of his own country, and the white Attic shoe of the Athenian and Alexandrian priests, which they call the phaecasium. He went out only to the temples, the schools, and the discussions of the learned, and spent his time with Greeks, out of deference to Cleopatra, to whom his sojourn in Alexandria was wholly devoted. Such was the state of affairs with Antony.

5.2.12 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.2.12

καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ Ἀντώνιον ἦν τοιάδε· Καίσαρι δὲ ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐπανιόντι ἥ τε νόσος αὖθις ἤκμαζεν ἐν Βρεντεσίῳ μάλιστα ἐπικινδύνως, καὶ φήμη διήνεγκεν αὐτὸν καὶ τεθνάναι. ῥαΐσας δʼ ἐσῆλθεν ἐς τὴν πόλιν καὶ τοῖς Ἀντωνίου τὰ γράμματα ἐδείκνυε τὰ Ἀντωνίου. οἱ δὲ Καληνόν τε προσέτασσον ἀποδοῦναι τὰ δύο τέλη τῷ Καίσαρι καὶ ἐς Λιβύην ἐπέστελλον Σεξστίῳ Λιβύης καὶ αὐτὸν Καίσαρι ἀποστῆναι. καὶ οἱ μὲν οὕτως ἐποίουν, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ οὐδὲν ἀνήκεστον ἁμαρτεῖν δόξαντι Λεπίδῳ Λιβύην ἀντὶ τῶν προτέρων ἐθνῶν ἐνήλλασσε καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἐπὶ ταῖς προγραφαῖς δεδημευμένων διεπίπρασκε. καταλέγοντι δʼ αὐτῷ τὸν στρατὸν ἐς τὰς ἀποικίας καὶ τὴν γῆν ἐπινέμοντι δυσεργὲς ἦν. οἵ τε γὰρ στρατιῶται τὰς πόλεις ᾔτουν, αἳ αὐτοῖς ἀριστίνδην ἦσαν ἐπειλεγμέναι πρὸ τοῦ πολέμου, καὶ αἱ πόλεις ἠξίουν τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἅπασαν ἐπινείμασθαι τὸ ἔργον ἢ ἐν ἀλλήλαις διαλαχεῖν τῆς τε γῆς τὴν τιμὴν τοὺς δωρουμένους ᾔτουν, καὶ ἀργύριον οὐκ ἦν, ἀλλὰ συνιόντες ἀνὰ μέρος ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην οἵ τε νέοι καὶ γέροντες ἢ αἱ γυναῖκες ἅμα τοῖς παιδίοις, ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἢ τὰ ἱερά, ἐθρήνουν, οὐδὲν μὲν ἀδικῆσαι λέγοντες, Ἰταλιῶται δὲ ὄντες ἀνίστασθαι γῆς τε καὶ ἑστίας οἷα δορίληπτοι. ἐφʼ οἷς οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι συνήχθοντο καὶ ἐπεδάκρυον, καὶ μάλιστα, ὅτε ἐνθυμηθεῖεν οὐχ ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς καὶ τῇ μεταβολῇ τῆς πολιτείας τόν τε πόλεμον γεγονότα καὶ τὰ ἐπινίκια διδόμενα καὶ τὰς ἀποικίας συνισταμένας τοῦ μηδʼ αὖθις ἀνακῦψαι τὴν δημοκρατίαν, παρῳκισμένων τοῖς ἄρχουσι μισθοφόρων ἑτοίμων, ἐς ὅ τι χρῄζοιεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.2.12

As Octavius was journeying to Rome he became dangerously ill at Brundusium, and a rumor gained currency that he was dead. On his recovery he returned to the city and showed to Antony’s friends the letters Antony had written. The Antonians directed Calenus to give Octavius the two legions, and wrote to Sextius in Africa to turn that province over to him. This was the course of the Antonians while, as it appeared that Lepidus had not been guilty of any serious wrong, Octavius transferred Africa to him in exchange for his former provinces. He also sold the remainder of the property confiscated under the conscriptions. The task of assigning the soldiers to their colonies and dividing the land was one of exceeding difficulty. The soldiers demanded the cities which had been selected for them before the war as prizes for their valor. The cities demanded that the whole of Italy should share the burden, or that the cities should cast lots with the other cities, and that those who gave the land should be paid the value of it; but there was no money. They came to Rome in crowds, young and old, women and children, to the forum and the temples, uttering lamentations, saying that they had done no wrong for which they, Italians, should be driven from their fields and their hearthstones, like people conquered in war. The Romans mourned and wept with them, especially when they reflected that the war had been waged, and the rewards of victory given, not in behalf of the commonwealth, but against themselves and for a change of the form of government; that the colonies were established so that democracy should never again lift its head, — colonies composed of hirelings settled there by the rulers to be in readiness for whatever purpose they might be wanted.

5.2.13 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.2.13

ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐξελογεῖτο τὴν ἀνάγκην, καὶ ἐδόκουν οὐδʼ ὣς ἀρκέσειν. οὐδʼ ἤρκουν, ἀλλὰ ὁ στρατὸς καὶ τοῖς γείτοσιν ἐπέβαινε σὺν ὕβρει, πλέονά τε τῶν διδομένων σφίσι περισπώμενοι καὶ τὸ ἄμεινον ἐκλεγόμενοι. οὐδὲ ἐπιπλήσσοντος αὐτοῖς καὶ δωρουμένου πολλὰ ἄλλα τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐπαύοντο, ἐπεὶ καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων, ὡς δεομένων σφῶν ἐς τὸ ἐγκρατὲς τῆς ἀρχῆς, κατεφρόνουν. καὶ γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἡ πενταετία παρώδευε, καὶ τὸ ἀσφαλὲς ἡ χρεία συνῆγεν ἀμφοτέροις παρʼ ἀλλήλων, τοῖς μὲν ἡγεμόσιν ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν παρὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ, τῷ στρατῷ δὲ ἐς τὴν ἐπικράτησιν ὧν ἔλαβον, ἡ τῶν δεδωκότων ἀρχὴ παραμένουσα. ὡς γὰρ αὐτῶν οὐ βεβαίως ἐπικρατήσοντες, εἰ μὴ βεβαίως ἄρχοιεν οἱ δόντες, ὑπερεμάχουν ἀπʼ εὐνοίας ἀναγκαίου. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα τοῖς ἀπορουμένοις αὐτῶν ἐδωρεῖτο, δανειζόμενος ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν, ὁ Καῖσαρ. ὅθεν τὴν γνώμην ὁ στρατὸς ἐς αὐτὸν ἐπέστρεφε, καὶ πλείων ὑπήντα χάρις ὡς γῆν ἅμα καὶ πόλεις καὶ χρήματα καὶ οἰκήματα δωρουμένῳ καὶ καταβοωμένῳ μὲν ἐπιφθόνως ὑπὸ τῶν ἀφαιρουμένων, φέροντι δὲ τὴν ὕβριν ἐς χάριν τοῦ στρατοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.2.13

Octavius explained to the cities the necessity of the case, but he knew that it would not satisfy them; and it did not. The soldiers encroached upon their neighbors in an insolent manner, seizing more than had been given to them and choosing the best lands; nor did they cease when Octavius rebuked them and made them numerous other presents. They were contemptuous in the knowledge that their rulers needed them to confirm their power, for the five years’ term of the triumvirate was passing away, and army and rulers needed the services of each other for mutual security. The chiefs depended on the soldiers for the continuance of their government, while, for the control of what they had received, the soldiers depended on the permanence of the government of those who had given it. Believing that they could not keep a firm hold unless the givers had a strong government, they fought for them with good-will, necessarily. Octavius made many other gifts to the indigent soldiers, borrowing from the temples for that purpose, for which reason the affections of the army were turned toward him. The greater thanks were bestowed upon him both as the giver of the land, the cities, the money, and the houses, and as the object of denunciation on the part of the despoiled, and as one who bore this contumely for the army’s sake.

Edition note

ὡς γὰρ αὐτῶν οὐ βεβαίως ἄρχοιεν οἱ δόντες. Schweighäuser detected a lacuna after the word βεβαίως, which he was enabled to fill by comparing the passage with a similar one in Book I., Sec. 96 supra, viz.: As they [the soldiers] could not be secure in their own holdings unless all of Sulla’s affairs were on a firm foundation, they were his stoutest champions, etc. He accordingly filled the gap with the words ἐπικρατήσοντες εἰ μὴ βεβαίως.

5.2.14 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.2.14

ταῦτα δὲ ὁρῶν ὅ τε ἀδελφὸς ὁ τοῦ Ἀντωνίου Λεύκιος Ἀντώνιος, ὑπατεύων τότε, καὶ ἡ γυνὴ τοῦ Ἀντωνίου Φουλβία καὶ ὁ τῆς ἀποδημίας ἐπιτροπεύων τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ Μάνιος, ἵνα μὴ Καίσαρος δόξειε τὸ ἔργον ἅπαν εἶναι μηδὲ μόνος αὐτοῦ τὴν χάριν ἀποφέροιτο μηδʼ ἔρημος ὁ Ἀντώνιος εὐνοίας στρατιωτῶν γένοιτο, τὰς κατοικίσεις ἐτέχναζον ἐς τὴν ἐπιδημίαν Ἀντωνίου διατρίβειν. οὐ δυνατοῦ δὲ φαινομένου διὰ τὸν στρατὸν ἐπείγοντα, τοὺς οἰκιστὰς τῶν Ἀντωνίου τελῶν ἠξίουν Καίσαρα παρὰ σφῶν λαβεῖν, τῆς μὲν συνθήκης Ἀντωνίου μόνῳ Καίσαρι διδούσης, ἐπιμεμφόμενοι δὲ ὡς οὐ παρόντι τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ. καὶ ἐς τὸν στρατὸν αὐτοὶ τήν τε Φουλβίαν παράγοντες καὶ τὰ παιδία τὰ Ἀντωνίου, μάλα ἐπιφθόνως ἱκέτευον μὴ περιιδεῖν Ἀντώνιον ἢ δόξης ἢ χάριτος τῆς ἐς αὐτοὺς ὑπηρεσίας ἀφαιρούμενον. ἤκμαζε δὲ ἐν τῷ τότε μάλιστα τὸ κλέος τὸ Ἀντωνίου καὶ παρὰ τῷ στρατῷ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἅλλοις ἅπασι· τὸ γὰρ ἔργον τὸ ἐν Φιλίπποις διὰ τὴν τότε Καίσαρος ἀρρωστίαν ἅπαν ἡγοῦντο Ἀντωνίου γεγονέναι. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ οὐκ ἠγνόει μὲν ἀδικούμενος ἐς τὰ συγκείμενα, εἶξε δὲ ἐς χάριν Ἀντωνίου. καὶ οἱ μὲν τοὺς οἰκιστὰς ἐπὶ τοῖς Ἀντωνίου τέλεσιν ἀπέφαινον, οἱ δὲ οἰκισταὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις, ἵνα τι καὶ δοκοῖεν εὐνούστεροι τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐς αὐτοὺς εἶναι, συνεχώρουν ἔτι πλέον ἀδικεῖν. ἄλλο δὴ πλῆθος ἦν ἑτέρων πόλεων, αἳ ταῖς νενεμημέναις γειτονεύουσαί τε καὶ πολλὰ πρὸς τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀδικούμενοι κατεβόων τοῦ Καίσαρος, ἀδικωτέρας εἶναι τὰς ἀποικίσεις τῶν προγραφῶν· τὰς μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ ἐχθροῖς, τὰς δὲ ἐπὶ μηδὲν ἀδικοῦσι γίγνεσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.2.14

Observing this, Lucius Antonius, the brother of Antony, who was then consul, and Fulvia, the wife of Antony, and Manius, his procurator during his absence, resorted to artifices to delay the settlement of the colonies till Antony should return home, in order that it might not seem to be wholly the work of Octavius, and that he might not reap the thanks alone, and Antony be bereft of the favor of the soldiers. As this could not be done, on account of the haste of the soldiers, they asked that Octavius should take the colony leaders of Antony’s legions from Antony’s own friends, although the agreement with Antony yielded the selection to Octavius exclusively. They made it a matter of complaint that Antony was not present. They brought Fulvia and Antony’s children before the soldiers, and, in envious terms, besought them not to forget Antony or allow him to be deprived of the glory or the gratitude due to his service to them. The fame of Antony was then at its maximum, not only among the soldiers, but among all others. The victory of Philippi was considered wholly due to him, on account of Octavius’ illness. Although Octavius was not ignorant that it was a violation of the agreement, he yielded as a matter of favor to Antony, and appointed friends of the latter as colony leaders for Antony’s legions. These leaders, in order that they might appear more favorable to the soldiers than Octavius was, allowed them to commit still greater outrages. So there was another multitude from other communities, neighbors of the dispossessed ones, suffering many injuries at the hands of the soldiers, and crying out against Octavius, saying that the colonization was worse than the proscription, since the latter was directed against foes, while the former was against inoffensive persons.

Edition note

ἐπιμεμφόμενοι δὲ ὡς οὐ παρόντι τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ The meaning of these words, according to Schweighäuser, is that Antony’s friends complained that Octavius was forestalling Antony in the affections of the soldiers during his absence. In his opinion, words should be inserted after ὡς to express this idea. Suggestions for filling the gap have been made by both Bekker and Mendelssohn, but they did not change the text.

5.2.15 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.2.15

ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ οὐκ ἠγνόει ἀδικουμένους. ἀμήχανα δʼ ἦν αὐτῷ· οὔτε γὰρ ἀργύριον ἦν ἐς τιμὴν τῆς γῆς δίδοσθαι τοῖς γεωργοῖς, οὔτε ἀναβάλλεσθαι τὰ ἐπινίκια διὰ τοὺς ἔτι πολέμους, Πομπηίου μὲν ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ κρατοῦντος καὶ τὴν πόλιν κλείοντος ἐς λιμόν, Ἀηνοβάρβου δὲ καὶ Μούρκου στρατὸν καὶ ναῦς ἄλλας ἀγειρόντων ἀθυμοτέρων δὲ ἐς τὰ ἐσόμενα ὄντων τῶν στρατιωτῶν, εἰ μὴ τὰ πρότερα ἐπινίκια λάβοιεν. πολὺ δʼ ἦν καὶ τὸ παροδεύειν σφίσιν ἤδη τὴν τῆς ἀρχῆς πενταετίαν καὶ χρῄζειν αὖθις εὐνοίας στρατοῦ· διόπερ αὐτῶν καὶ τῆς ὕβρεως ἢ καταφρονήσεως ἐν τῷ τότε ἑκὼν ὑπερεώρα. ἔν γέ τοι τῷ θεάτρῳ, παρόντος αὐτοῦ, στρατιώτης ἀπορῶν οἰκείας ἕδρας παρῆλθεν ἐς τοὺς καλουμένους ἱππέας· καὶ ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἐπεσημήνατο, καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ τὸν στρατιώτην ἀνέστησεν, ὁ δὲ στρατὸς ἠγανάκτησε καὶ περιστάντες αὐτὸν ἀποχωροῦντα τοῦ θεάτρου τὸν στρατιώτην ἀπῄτουν, οὐχ ὁρώμενον ἡγούμενοι διεφθάρθαι. ἐπελθόντα δὲ ἐνόμιζον ἐκ τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου νῦν προαχθῆναι ἀρνούμενόν τε καὶ τὰ γεγονότα διηγούμενον ψεύδεσθαι διδαχθέντα ἔλεγον καὶ ἐλοιδόρουν ὡς τὰ κοινὰ προδιδόντα· καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ γενόμενον τοιόνδε ἦν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.2.15

Octavius knew that these citizens were suffering injustice, but he was without means to prevent it. There was no money to pay the value of the land to the cultivators, nor could the rewards to the soldiers be postponed, on account of the enemies who were still on foot. Pompeius ruled the sea and was reducing the city to famine by cutting off supplies. Ahenobarbus and Murcus were collecting a new fleet and army. The soldiers would be less zealous in the future if they were not paid for their former service. It was a matter of much importance that the five years’ term of office was running out, and that the good-will of the soldiers was needed to renew it, for which reason he was willing to overlook for the time being their insolence and arrogance. Once in the theatre when he was present, a soldier, not finding his own seat, went and took one in the place reserved for the knights. The people pointed him out and Octavius had him removed. The soldiers were angry. They gathered around Octavius as he was going away from the theatre and demanded their comrade, for, as they did not see him, they thought that he had been put to death. When he was produced before them they supposed that he had been brought from prison, but he denied that he had been imprisoned and related what had taken place. They said that he had been instructed to tell a lie and reproached him for betraying their common interests. Such was the example of their insolence in the theatre.

Edition note

Among the dispossessed were the poets, Vergil, Horace, Tibullus, and Propertius. Vergil’s property was seized after the battle of Philippi, but was restored, as he relates in the first Eclogue. It was seized a second time after the siege of Perusia, and this time it was not restored, but he was compensated with land elsewhere. Horace’s paternal estate was seized after, and in consequence of, the battle of Philippi, in which he took part on the republican side (Epistles, ii. 2. 50). It was not restored to him, but he was compensated for the loss in other ways by the influence of Maecenas, to whom he was introduced by Vergil and Varius (Satires, i. 6. 55).

Edition note

Suetonius (Aug. 14) relates this incident in the theatre. He says that Octavius narrowly escaped with his life, and was saved only by the sudden appearance of the man safe and sound.

5.2.16 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.2.16

κεκλημένοι δʼ ἐπὶ νέμησιν τότε γῆς ἐς τὸ πεδίον τὸ Ἄρειον ὑπὸ σπουδῆς ἔτι νυκτὸς ἀφίκοντο, καὶ βραδύτερον αὐτοῖς τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐπιόντος ἠγανάκτουν. Νώνιος δὲ λοχαγὸς ἐπέπλησσεν αὐτοῖς σὺν παρρησίᾳ, τό τε πρέπον τοῖς ἀρχομένοις ἐς τὸν ἄρχοντα προφέρων καὶ τὴν Καίσαρος ἀσθένειαν, οὐχ ὑπεροψίαν. οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἔσκωπτον ὡς κόλακα, πλέονος δὲ ἑκατέρωθεν τοῦ διερεθίσματος γενομένου ἐλοιδόρουν τε καὶ ἔβαλλον καὶ φεύγοντα ἐδίωκον ἔς τε τὸν ποταμὸν ἐξαλόμενον ἐξειρύσαντες ἔκανον καὶ ἔρριψαν, ἔνθα παροδεύσειν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἔμελλεν. οἱ μὲν δὴ φίλοι τῷ Καίσαρι παρῄνουν μηδὲ ἐπελθεῖν ἐς αὐτούς, ἀλλʼ ἐκστῆναι μανιώδει φορᾷ. ὁ δʼ ἐπῄει μέν, ἀναθρέψειν ἔτι μᾶλλον αὐτῶν ἡγούμενος τὸ μανιῶδες, εἰ μὴ ἀφίκοιτο, καὶ τὸν Νώνιον ἰδὼν ἐξέκλινεν, ὡς δὲ ὀλίγων ταῦτα δρασάντων ἐπεμέμφετο καὶ ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἀλλήλων φείδεσθαι παρῄνει καὶ τὴν γῆν διένεμε, καὶ δωρεὰς αἰτεῖν τοῖς ἀξίοις ἐπέτρεπε καὶ τῶν οὐκ ἀξίων ἐνίοις ἐδίδου παρὰ γνώμην, μέχρι τὸ πλῆθος ἐκπλαγὲν αὑτοῦ τῆς βαρύτητος μετενόει καὶ ᾐδεῖτο καὶ κατεγίνωσκον αὑτῶν καὶ τοὺς ἐς τὸν Νώνιον ἁμαρτόντας ἠξίουν ἀνευρόντα κολάσαι. ὁ δὲ καὶ γινώσκειν αὐτοὺς ἔφη καὶ κολάσειν αὐτῷ τῷ συνειδότι σφῶν μόνῳ καὶ τῇ παρʼ ὑμῶν καταγνώσει. οἱ δὲ συγγνώμης τε ὁμοῦ καὶ τιμῆς καὶ δωρεῶν ἀξιωθέντες εὐθὺς αὐτὸν εὐφήμουν ἐκ μεταβολῆς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.2.16

Having been called, about that time, to the Campus Martius for a division of the land, they came in haste while it was still night, and they grew angry because Octavius delayed his coming. Nonius, a centurion, chided them with considerable freedom, urging decent treatment of the commander by the commanded, and saying that the cause of the delay was Octavius’ illness, not his disregard of them. They first jeered at him as a sycophant. Then, as the excitement waxed hot on both sides, they reviled him, threw stones at him, and pursued him when he fled. Finally he plunged into the river and they pulled him out and killed him and threw his body into the road where Octavius was about to pass along. The friends of Octavius advised him not to go among them, but to keep out of the way of their mad career. But he went forward, thinking that their madness would be augmented if he did not come. When he saw the body of Nonius he turned aside. Then, assuming that the crime had been committed by a few, he chided them and advised them to exercise forbearance toward each other hereafter, and proceeded to divide the land. He allowed the meritorious ones to ask for rewards, and he gave to some who were not meritorious, contrary to their expectation. Finally the crowd were confounded. They repented and were ashamed of their importunity. They condemned themselves and asked him to search out and punish the slayers of Nonius. He replied that he knew them and would punish them only with their own guilty consciences and the condemnation of their comrades. The soldiers, thus honored with pardon, rewards, and gifts, changed at once to joyful acclamations.

5.2.17 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.2.17

καὶ δύο μὲν εἰκόνες ἐκ πλεόνων αἵδε ἔστων τῆς τότε δυσαρχίας· αἴτιον δʼ ἦν, ὅτι καὶ οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἀχειροτόνητοι ἦσαν οἱ πλείους ὡς ἐν ἐμφυλίοις καὶ οἱ στρατοὶ αὐτῶν οὐ τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσιν ἐκ καταλόγου συνήγοντο οὐδʼ ἐπὶ χρείᾳ τῆς πατρίδος, οὐδὲ τῷ δημοσίῳ στρατευόμενοι μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς συνάγουσιν αὐτοὺς μόνοις, οὐδὲ τούτοις ὑπὸ ἀνάγκῃ νόμων, ἀλλʼ ὑποσχέσεσιν ἰδίαις, οὐδὲ ἐπὶ πολεμίους κοινούς, ἀλλὰ ἰδίους ἐχθρούς, οὐδὲ ἐπὶ ξένους, ἀλλὰ πολίτας καὶ ὁμοτίμους. τάδε γὰρ πάντα αὐτοῖς τὸν στρατιωτικὸν φόβον ἐξέλυεν, οὔτε στρατεύεσθαι νομίζουσι μᾶλλον ἢ βοηθεῖν οἰκείᾳ χάριτι καὶ γνώμῃ, καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἡγουμένοις ὑπὸ ἀνάγκης αὑτῶν ἐς τὰ ἴδια ἐπιδεῖσθαι. τό τε αὐτομολεῖν, πάλαι Ῥωμαίοις ἀδιάλλακτον ὄν, τότε καὶ δωρεῶν ἠξιοῦτο· καὶ ἔπρασσον αὐτὸ οἵ τε στρατοὶ κατὰ πλῆθος καὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν ἔνιοι, νομίζοντες οὐκ αὐτομολίαν εἶναι τὴν ἐς τὰ ὅμοια μεταβολήν. ὅμοια γὰρ δὴ πάντα ἦν, καὶ οὐδὲ ἕτερα αὐτῶν ἐς ἔχθραν κοινὴν Ῥωμαίοις ἀπεκέκριτο· ἥ τε τῶν στρατηγῶν ὑπόκρισις μία, ὡς ἁπάντων ἐς τὰ συμφέροντα τῇ πατρίδι βοηθούντων, εὐχερεστέρους ἐποίει πρὸς τὴν μεταβολὴν ὡς πανταχοῦ τῇ πατρίδι βοηθοῦντας. ἃ καὶ οἱ στρατηγοὶ συνιέντες ἔφερον, ὡς οὐ νόμῳ μᾶλλον αὐτῶν ἄρχοντες ἢ ταῖς δωρεαῖς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.2.17

Let these two instances serve as examples of the prevailing insubordination. The cause was that the generals, for the most part, as is usually the case in civil wars, were not regularly chosen; that their armies were not drawn from the enrolment according to the custom of the fathers, nor for the benefit of their country; that they did not serve the public so much as they did the individuals who brought them together; and that they served these not by the force of law, but by reason of private promises; not against the common enemy, but against private foes; not against foreigners, but against fellow-citizens, their equals in rank. All these things impaired military discipline, and the soldiers thought that they were not so much serving in the army as lending assistance, by their own favor and judgment, to leaders who needed them for their own personal ends. Desertion, which had formerly been unpardonable, was now rewarded with gifts, and whole armies resorted to it, including some illustrious men, who did not consider it desertion to change to a similar cause, for all parties were alike, since neither of them could be distinguished as battling against the common enemy of the Roman people. The common pretence of the generals that they were all striving for the good of the country made desertion easy in the thought that one could serve his country in any party. Understanding these facts the generals tolerated this behavior, for they knew that their authority over their armies depended on donatives rather than on law. Thus, everything was torn in factions, and the armies indulged in insubordination toward the leaders of the factions.

5.3.18 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.3.18

οὕτω μὲν ἐς στάσεις τότε πάντα, καὶ ἐς δυσαρχίαν τοῖς στασιάρχοις τὰ στρατόπεδα ἐτέτραπτο, τὴν δὲ Ῥώμην λιμὸς ἐπίεζεν, οὔτε τῆς θαλάσσης τι αὐτοῖς φερούσης διὰ Πομπήιον, οὔτε τῆς Ἰταλίας διὰ τοὺς πολέμους γεωργουμένης. ὃ δὲ καὶ γένοιτο, ἐς τοὺς στρατοὺς ἐδαπανᾶτο. ἐκλώπευόν τε οἱ πολλοὶ νυκτὸς ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ κλοπῆς ἔτι βιαιότερον ἠνώχλουν, καὶ ἠνώχλουν ἀδεῶς, καὶ ἡ δόξα ἐς τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐφέρετο. ὁ δὲ λεὼς ἀπέκλειε τὰ ἐργαστήρια καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐξανίστη, ὡς οὔτε ἀρχῶν οὔτε τεχνῶν χρῄζοντες ἐν ἀπορούσῃ καὶ λῃστευομένῃ πόλει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.3.18

Now famine began to afflict Rome, the supplies by sea being cut off by Pompeius, and Italian agriculture ruined by the wars. Whatever food was produced was consumed by the troops. Many robberies were committed by night in the city. There were acts of violence worse than robbery which went unpunished, and which were supposed to have been committed by soldiers. The people closed their shops and drove the magistrates from their places as though there were no need of courts of justice, or of the useful arts in a city oppressed by hunger and infested with brigands.

5.3.19 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.3.19

Λευκίῳ δὲ ὄντι δημοτικῷ καὶ δυσχεραίνοντι τῇ τῶν τριῶν ἀρχῇ, οὐδὲ ἐπὶ τῷ χρόνῳ παύσεσθαι νομιζομένῃ, προσκρούσματα ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα ἐγίγνετο καὶ διαφοραὶ μείζους· τούς τε γεωργούς, ὅσοι τῆς γῆς ἀφῃροῦντο, ἱκέτας γιγνομένους τῶν δυνατῶν ἑκάστου μόνος ὑπεδέχετο καὶ βοηθήσειν ὑπισχνεῖτο, κἀκείνων ὑπισχνουμένων ἀμυνεῖν, ἐς ὃ κελεύοι. ὅθεν αὐτὸν ὁ στρατὸς ὁ Ἀντωνίου κατεμέμφετο καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ὡς ἀντιπράσσοντα Ἀντωνίῳ, καὶ Φουλβία ὡς πολεμοποιοῦντα ἐν ἀκαίρῳ, μέχρι τὴν Φουλβίαν ὁ Μάνιος πανούργως μετεδίδαξεν ὡς εἰρηνευομένης μὲν τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐπιμενεῖν Ἀντώνιον Κλεοπάτρᾳ, πολεμουμένης δʼ ἀφίξεσθαι κατὰ τάχος. τότε γὰρ δὴ γυναικός τι παθοῦσα ἡ Φουλβία τὸν Λεύκιον ἐπέτριβεν ἐς τὴν διαφοράν. ἐξιόντος δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐς τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν κατοικίσεων, ἔπεμπεν ἑψομένους αὐτῷ τοὺς Ἀντωνίου παῖδας ἅμα τῷ Λευκίῳ, ὡς μηδὲν ἐκ τῆς ὄψεως ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐν τῷ στρατῷ πλέον ἔχοι. ἱππέων δὲ Καίσαρος ἐκτρεχόντων ἐπὶ τὴν Βρεττίων ἠιόνα, πορθουμένην ὑπὸ Πομπηίου, δόξας ὁ Λεύκιος ἢ ὑποκρινάμενος ἐφʼ ἑαυτὸν καὶ τοὺς Ἀντωνίου παῖδας τόδε τὸ ἱππικὸν ἀπεστάλθαι, διέδραμεν ἐς τὰς Ἀντωνίου κατοικίας, συλλεγόμενος φρουρὰν τῷ σώματι, καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα τῷ στρατῷ διέβαλλεν ἐς ἀπιστίαν πρὸς Ἀντώνιον. ὁ δὲ ἀντεδίδασκεν αὐτούς, ὅτι αὑτῷ μὲν καὶ Ἀντωνίῳ πάντα εἶναι φίλια καὶ κοινά, Λεύκιον δὲ ὑφʼ ἑτέρας γνώμης αὐτοὺς πολεμοποιεῖν ἐς ἀλλήλους ἀντιπράσσοντα τῇ τῶν τριῶν ἀρχῇ, διʼ ἣν οἱ στρατευόμενοι τὰς ἀποικίας ἔχουσι βεβαίους· καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας εἶναι καὶ νῦν ἐν Βρεττίοις τὰ ἐντεταλμένα φυλάσσοντας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.3.19

Lucius Antonius, who was a republican and ill affected toward the triumvirate, which seemed not likely to come to an end at the appointed time, fell into controversy, and even graver differences, with Octavius. He alone received kindly, and promised aid to, the agriculturists who had been deprived of their lands and who were now the suppliants of every man of importance; and they promised to carry out his orders. Antony’s soldiers, and Octavius also, blamed him for working against Antony’s interests, and Fulvia blamed him for stirring up war at an inopportune time, until Manius maliciously changed her mind by telling her that as long as Italy remained at peace Antony would stay with Cleopatra, but that if war should break out there he would come back speedily. Then Fulvia, moved by a woman’s jealousy, incited Lucius to discord. While Octavius was leading out the last of the colonies she sent the children of Antony, together with Lucius, to follow him, so that he should not acquire too great eclat with the army by being seen alone. A body of Octavius’ cavalry made an expedition to the coast of Bruttium, which Pompeius was ravaging, and Lucius either thought or pretended to think that it had been sent against himself and Antony’s children. Accordingly, he betook himself to the Antonian colonies to collect a body-guard, and accused Octavius to the soldiers as being treacherous to Antony. Octavius replied that everything was on a friendly and harmonius footing between himself and Antony, and that Lucius was trying to stir up a war between them for another reason, in that he was working against the triumvirate, by virtue of which the soldiers had a firm hold upon their colonies, and that the cavalry were now in Bruttium executing the triumvirate’s orders.

5.3.20 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.3.20

ὧν οἱ ἡγεμόνες τοῦ στρατοῦ πυνθανόμενοι διῄτησαν αὐτοῖς ἐν Τεανῷ καὶ συνήλλαξαν ἐπὶ τοῖσδε, τοὺς μὲν ὑπάτους τὰ πάτρια διοικεῖν μὴ κωλυομένους ὑπὸ τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν, μηδενὶ δὲ γῆν ὑπὲρ τοὺς στρατευσαμένους ἐν Φιλίπποις ἐπινέμεσθαι, τά τε χρήματα τῶν δεδημευμένων καὶ τιμὰς τῶν ἔτι πιπρασκομένων καὶ τὸν στρατὸν Ἀντωνίου τὸν περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐπʼ ἴσης διανέμεσθαι καὶ μηδέτερον αὐτῶν ἔτι καταλέγειν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας, στρατεύοντι δὲ ἐπὶ Πομπήιον τῷ Καίσαρι δύο συμμαχεῖν τέλη παρὰ Ἀντωνίου, ἀνεῷχθαι δὲ τὰς Ἄλπεις τοῖς ὑπὸ Καίσαρος πεμπομένοις ἐς τὴν Ἰβηρίαν καὶ μὴ κωλύειν αὐτοὺς ἔτι Ἀσίνιον Πολλίωνα, Λεύκιον δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖσδε συνηλλαγμένον ἀποθέσθαι τὴν φρουρὰν τοῦ σώματος καὶ πολιτεύειν ἀδεῶς. τάδε μὲν ἦν, ἃ συνέθεντο ἀλλήλοις διὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων τοῦ στρατοῦ, ἐπράχθη γε μὴν αὐτῶν δύο μόνα τὰ τελευταῖα· καὶ Σαλουιδιηνὸς ἄκων αὐτῷ συμπεριῆλθε τὰς Ἄλπεις.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.3.20

When the officers of the army learned these facts, they arbitrated between Lucius and Octavius at Teanum and brought them to an agreement on the following terms: That the consuls should exercise their office in the manner of the fathers and not be hindered by the triumvirs; that the land should be assigned only to those who fought at Philippi; that of the money derived from confiscated property, and of the value of that which was still to be sold, Antony’s soldiers in Italy should have an equal share; that neither Antony nor Octavius should draw soldiers from Italy by conscription hereafter; that two of Antony’s legions should serve with Octavius in the campaign against Pompeius; that the passes of the Alps should be opened to the forces sent by Octavius into Spain, and that Asinius Pollio should not further interfere with them; that Lucius should be satisfied with those conditions, should dispense with his body-guard, and administer his office fearlessly. Such was the agreement which they made with each other through the influence of the officers of the army. Of these only the two last were carried into effect, and Salvidienus crossed the Alps unhindered.

Edition note

καὶ Σαλβιδιηνὸς ἄκων αὐτῷ συμπεριῆλθε τὰς Ἄλπεις. The Latin version of Geslen rendered this passage: Salvidienus crossed the Alps in spite of the forces guarding them, which is certainly a forced interpretation. Schweighäuser pointed out that it was contrary to the agreement just made, viz., that the passes of the Alps should be opened to the forces of Octavius. He accordingly considered the passage corrupt and put a lacuna after the word αὐτῳ. Mendelssohn changes the words ἄκων αὐτῷ to ἀκολύτως (unhindered), a correction which removes all difficulties.

5.3.21 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.3.21

οὐ γιγνομένων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἢ βραδυνόντων, ἐς Πραινεστὸν ἀνεχώρει Λεύκιος, δεδιέναι λέγων Καίσαρα διὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν δορυφορούμενον, αὐτὸς ἀφρούρητος ὤν. ἀνεχώρει δὲ καὶ Φουλβία πρὸς Λέπιδον, ἤδη λέγουσα περὶ τοῖς τέκνοις δεδιέναι· τοῦτον γὰρ ἀντὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος προυτίθει. καὶ τάδε μὲν ἐγράφετο παρʼ ἑκατέρων Ἀντωνίῳ, καὶ φίλοι μετὰ τῶν γραμμάτων ἐς αὐτὸν ἐπέμποντο, οἳ διδάξειν ἔμελλον περὶ ἑκάστων. καὶ οὐχ εὗρον ἐρευνώμενος, ὅ τι σαφῶς ἀντεγράφετο αὐτοῖς. οἱ δὲ τῶν στρατῶν ἡγεμόνες συνομόσαντες κρινεῖν τοῖς ἄρχουσιν αὖθις, ὃ δοκοίη δίκαιον εἶναι, καὶ τοὺς ἀπειθοῦντας ἐς αὐτὸ συναναγκάσειν, ἐκάλουν ἐπὶ ταῦτα τοὺς περὶ Λεύκιον. οὐ δεξαμένων δʼ ἐκείνων, ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπιφθόνως αὐτοὺς ἔν τε τοῖς ἡγεμόσι τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς Ῥωμαίων ἀρίστοις ἐπεμέμφετο. οἱ δὲ ἐξέθεον ἐς τὸν Λεύκιον καὶ παρεκάλουν οἰκτεῖραι μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐμφυλίοις τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, δέξασθαι δὲ κοινῷ νόμῳ τὴν κρίσιν ἢ ἐπὶ σφῶν ἢ ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων γενέσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.3.21

As the other conditions were not carried into effect, or were delayed, Lucius departed to Praeneste, saying that he was in fear of Octavius, who, by virtue of his office, had a guard, while he (Lucius) was unprotected. Fulvia went there to meet Lucius, saying now that she had fears for her children on account of Lepidus. She used him for a pretext this time instead of Octavius. Both of them wrote these things to Antony, and friends were sent to him with the letters, who were to give him particulars about each complaint. Although I have searched, I have not been able to find any clear account of what Antony wrote in reply. The officers of the armies bound themselves by an oath to act as umpires again between their magistrates, to decide what was right, and to coerce whichever should refuse to obey the decision; and they summoned Lucius and his friends to attend for this purpose. These refused to come, and Octavius reproached them in invidious terms to the officers of the army and in the presence of the optimates of Rome. The latter hastened to Lucius and implored him to have pity on the city and on Italy, torn by the civil wars, and to accept the arbitration of themselves, or of the officers, whatever the decision might be.

Edition note

According to Dion Cassius (xlviii. 4-10), Fulvia was the life and soul of this uprising. She girded herself with a sword, gave the watchwords to the soldiers, and often harangued them. Velleius (ii. 74) says: Lucius Antonius, a partaker of his brother’s vices, but destitute of the virtues that the latter sometimes showed, by accusing Octavius before the veterans, and by calling to arms those who had lost their fields in the prescribed distribution of the lands and the naming of the colonies, had collected a large army. On the other hand Fulvia, the wife of Antony, who was a woman in nothing but her form, took part in the contest, and threw everything into armed strife and tumult. She had first fixed the seat of war at Praeneste. Plutarch says that when Antony had left Alexandria to make an expedition against the Parthians, and had gone as far as Phœnicia, he received dolorous letters from Fulvia, which caused him to turn about and set sail for Italy with two hundred ships. While making the voyage he learned from friends who were fleeing that Fulvia had been the cause of the war, being by nature restless and headstrong, and hoping to tear Antony away from Cleopatra by stirring up commotion in Italy. (Life of Antony, 30.)

5.3.22 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.3.22

αἰδουμένου δὲ τοῦ Λευκίου τά τε λεγόμενα καὶ τοὺς λέγοντας, ὁ Μάνιος μάλα θρασέως ἔφη τὸν μὲν Ἀντώνιον οὐδὲν ἀλλʼ ἢ χρήματα μόνα ἀγείρειν ἐν ξένοις ἀνδράσι, τὸν δὲ Καίσαρα καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ τὰ ἐπίκαιρα τῆς Ἰταλίας ταῖς θεραπείας προκαταλαμβάνειν· τήν τε γὰρ Κελτικὴν Ἀντωνίῳ πρότερον δεδομένην ἐλευθεροῦν μετʼ ἐξαπάτης Ἀντωνίου, καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν σχεδὸν ἅπασαν ἀντὶ μόνων ὀκτωκαίδεκα πόλεων τοῖς ἐστρατευμένοις καταγράφειν, τέσσαρσί τε καὶ τριάκοντα τέλεσιν ἀντὶ ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι τῶν συμμαχησάντων ἐπινέμειν οὐ γῆν μόνην, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν χρήματα, συλλέγοντα μὲν ὡς ἐπὶ Πομπήιον, ἐφʼ ὃν οὐδέ πω παρατάττεται λιμωττούσης ὧδε τῆς πόλεως, διαιροῦντα δὲ τοῖς στρατοῖς ἐς θεραπείαν κατὰ Ἀντωνίου καὶ τὰ δεδημευμένα οὐ πιπράσκοντα μᾶλλον ἢ δωρούμενον αὐτοῖς. χρῆναι δέ, εἰ τῷ ὄντι εἰρηνεύειν ἐθέλοι, τῶν μὲν ἤδη διῳκημένων ὑποσχεῖν λόγον, ἐς δὲ τὸ μέλλον, ἃ ἂν κοινῇ βουλευομένοις δοκῇ, μόνα πράσσειν. οὕτω μὲν θρασέως ὁ Μάνιος ἠξίου μήτε τὸν Καίσαρά τινος εἶναι κύριον ἔργου μήτε τὴν Ἀντωνίου συνθήκην βέβαιον, ὡρισμένου τῶν ἐγκεχειρισμένων ἑκάτερον αὐτοκράτορα εἶναι καὶ τὸ πρασσόμενον ὑπὸ ἀλλήλων εἶναι κύριον. πανταχόθεν οὖν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἑώρα πολεμησείοντας αὐτούς, καὶ παρεσκευάζοντο αὐτῶν ἑκάτεροι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.3.22

Although Lucius had respect for the speakers and for what they said, Manius boldly declared that while Antony was doing nothing but collecting money from foreigners, Octavius was, by his favors, preoccupying the affections of the army and the desirable places in Italy; that in fraud of Antony he had freed Cisalpine Gaul, which had previously been given to Antony; that he had assigned to the soldiers almost the whole of Italy instead of the eighteen cities; that, instead of the twenty-eight legions that had participated in the battle, he had admitted thirty-four to a share of the lands and also of the money from the temples, which he had collected on the pretext of fighting Pompeius, against whom he had done nothing as yet, although the city was oppressed by famine; that he had distributed this money in order to curry favor with the soldiers, to the prejudice of Antony, and that the property of the proscribed had been not so much sold as given to the soldiers outright; and, finally, that if he really wanted peace he should give his reasons for what he had already done, and for the future do only what should be agreed upon in common. Thus arrogantly did Manius proclaim his views, implying that Octavius could not do anything by his own authority and that his agreement with Antony was of no validity, although it provided that each should have absolute power over the affairs committed to him, and that each should ratify what was done by the other. When Octavius saw that they were everywhere preparing for war, he made similar preparations on his own side.

5.3.23 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.3.23

δύο δὲ στρατοῦ τέλη τὰ ἐς Ἀγκῶνα πόλιν ᾠκισμένα, Καίσαρί τε ὄντα πατρῷα καὶ ἐστρατευμένα Ἀντωνίῳ, τῆς τε ἰδίας παρασκευῆς αὐτῶν πυθόμενοι καὶ τὴν εἰς ἑκάτερον σφῶν οἰκειότητα αἰδούμενοι, πρέσβεις ἔπεμψαν ἐς Ῥώμην, οἳ ἔμελλον ἑκατέρων ἐς διαλύσεις δεήσεσθαι. Καίσαρος δʼ αὐτοῖς εἰπόντος οὐκ Ἀντωνίῳ πολεμεῖν, ἀλλʼ ὑπὸ Λευκίου πολεμεῖσθαι, συμβαλόντες οἱ πρέσβεις τοῖς ἡγεμόσι τοῦδε τοῦ στρατοῦ, κοινῇ πάντες ἐς Λεύκιον ἐπρέσβευον, ἀξιοῦντες αὐτὸν ἐς δίκην Καίσαρι συνελθεῖν· δῆλοί τε ἦσαν, ὃ πράξειν ἔμελλον, εἰ μὴ τὴν κρίσιν ὑποδέχοιτο. δεξαμένων δὲ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Λεύκιον, χωρίον τε ὥριστο τῇ δίκῃ Γάβιοι πόλις ἐν μέσῳ Ῥώμης τε καὶ Πραινεστοῦ, καὶ συνέδριον τοῖς κρίνουσιν ἐγίνετο καὶ βήματα ἐν μέσῳ δύο τοῖς ἐροῦσιν ὡς ἐν δίκῃ. πρότερος δʼ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐλθὼν ἱππέας ἔπεμψεν ἐς τὴν πάροδον τοῦ Λευκίου, ἐρευνησομένους ἄρα, μή τίς ποθεν ὁρῷτο ἐνέδρα. καὶ οἱ ἱππέες οἵδε ἑτέροις ἱππεῦσι τοῦ Λευκίου, προδρόμοις ἄρα ἢ καὶ τοῖσδε κατασκόποις, συμβαλόντες ἔκτεινάν τινας αὐτῶν. καὶ ἀνεχώρησε δείσας ὁ Λεύκιος, ὡς ἔλεγεν, ἐπιβουλήν· καλούμενός τε ὑπὸ τῶν ἡγεμόνων τοῦ στρατοῦ, παραπέμψειν αὐτὸν ὑπισχνουμένων, οὐκέτι ἐπείθετο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.3.23

Two legions of the army which had been colonized at Ancona and which had served under the elder Caesar and under Antony, hearing of their respective preparations for war, and being moved by friendship for each of them, sent ambassadors to Rome to beseech them both to come to an agreement. Octavius replied that he was not making war against Antony, but that Lucius was making war against him. The ambassadors then united with the officers of this army in a common embassy to Lucius asking him to submit his controversy with Octavius to a tribunal; and they made it plain what they would do if he should not accept the decision. Lucius and his friends accepted the proposal, and fixed the place for the trial at Gabii, a city midway between Rome and Praeneste. A council-chamber was prepared for the arbiters, and two platforms for the speakers in the centre, as in a regular trial. Octavius, who arrived first, sent some horsemen along the road by which Lucius was to come, in order to find out whether any stratagem was discoverable. These met certain horsemen of Lucius, either his advance guard or men spying like the others, and as the two parties came into collision some of them were killed. Lucius retreated, saying that he was afraid of being entrapped, and, although recalled by the officers of the army, who promised to escort him, he could not be persuaded to come again.

5.3.24 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.3.24

οὕτω μὲν ἦσαν αἱ διαλύσεις ἄπρακτοι, καὶ πολεμεῖν ἐγνώκεσαν καὶ διαγράμμασιν ἤδη πικροῖς κατʼ ἀλλήλων ἐχρῶντο. στρατὸς δὲ ἦν Λευκίῳ μὲν ὁπλιτῶν ἓξ τέλη, ὅσα αὐτὸς ἐς τὴν ὑπατείαν ἐλθὼν ἐστράτευσε, καὶ τὰ Ἀντωνίου ἕνδεκα ἕτερα, ὧν ἐστρατήγει Καληνός, σύμπαντα ταῦτα ἀνὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν· Καίσαρι δὲ ἐν μὲν Καπύῃ τέσσαρα ἦν τέλη, καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν αἱ στρατηγίδες, ἓξ δὲ ἕτερα Σαλουιδιηνὸς ἦγεν ἐξ Ἰβηρίας. καὶ χρήματα ἦν Λευκίῳ μὲν ἐξ ἐθνῶν τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν Ἀντώνιον οὐ πολεμουμένων, Καίσαρι δέ, ἃ εἰλήχει, πάντα χωρὶς Σαρδοῦς ἐπολεμεῖτο, ὅθεν ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐδανείζετο, σὺν χάριτι ἀποδώσειν ὑπισχνούμενος, ἀπό τε Ῥώμης ἐκ τοῦ Καπιτωλίου καὶ ἀπὸ Ἀντίου καὶ Λανουβίου καὶ Νεμοῦς καὶ Τίβυρος, ἐν αἷς μάλιστα πόλεσι καὶ νῦν εἰσι θησαυροὶ χρημάτων ἱερῶν δαψιλεῖς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.3.24

Thus the negotiations came to nothing, and Octavius and Lucius resolved upon war and issued proclamations full of bitterness against each other. The army of Lucius consisted of six legions of infantry, which he commanded by virtue of his consulship, and eleven others belonging to Antony, which were under the command of Calenus. These were all in Italy. Octavius had four legions at Capua and some praetorian cohorts about his person. Salvidienus was leading six other legions to Spain. Lucius had supplies of money from Antony’s provinces where peace prevailed. War was raging in all the provinces that had fallen to the lot of Octavius except Sardinia, for which reason he borrowed money from the temples, promising to return it with thanks — from the Capitoline temple at Rome, from those of Antium, of Lanuvium, of Nemus, and of Tibur, in which cities there are to-day the most abundant stores of consecrated money.

Edition note

The text says from Spain, but this is obviously a copyist’s error, since we read at the beginning of Sec. 27 that Octavius hastily recalled Salvidienus from his march to Spain.

5.3.25 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.3.25

Τετάρακτο δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἔξω. Πομπήιος γὰρ ἐκ τῶν προγραφῶν καὶ κατοικίσεων τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ τῆσδε τῆς Λευκίου διαφορᾶς ἐπὶ μέγα δόξης καὶ δυνάμεως ἦρτο. οἱ γὰρ περὶ σφῶν δεδιότες ἢ τὰ ὄντα ἀφαιρούμενοι ἢ τὴν πολιτείαν ὅλως ἀποστρεφόμενοι ἐς αὐτὸν ἐχώρουν μάλιστα· καὶ ἡ ἄλλη νεότης ὡρμημένη στρατεύεσθαι διὰ τὰ κέρδη καὶ οὐδὲν ἡγούμενοι διαφέρειν, ὑφʼ ὅτῳ στρατεύσονται, Ῥωμαίοις πανταχοῦ συστρατευόμενοι, μᾶλλον ἐς τὸν Πομπήιον ἐχώρουν ὡς δικαιότερα αἱρούμενον. γεγένητό τε πλούσιος ἐκ τῆς θαλασσίου λείας καὶ ναῦς εἶχε πολλὰς καὶ πληρώματα ἐντελῆ. Μοῦρκός τε ἀφῖκτο αὐτῷ δύο ἄγων στρατοῦ τέλη καὶ τοξότας πεντακοσίους καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ καὶ ναῦς ὀγσοήκοντα· καὶ τὸν ἄλλον στρατὸν ἐκ Κεφαληνίας μετεπέμπετο. ὅθεν τισὶ δοκεῖ τότε ὁ Πομπήιος ἐπελθὼν εὐμαρῶς ἂν τῆς Ἰταλίας κρατῆσαι, ὑπό τε λιμοῦ καὶ στάσεως διεφθαρμένης καὶ ἐς αὐτὸν ἀφορώσης.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.3.25

The affairs of Octavius were in disorder outside of Italy also. Pompeius, by reason of the proscription, the colonizing of the soldiers, and the dissensions with Lucius, had gained much in reputation and power. Those who feared for their safety, or had been despoiled of their property, or who utterly abhorred the form of government, mostly went and joined him. Young men, also, eager for military service for the sake of gain, and who thought that it made no difference under whom they served, since all service was Roman service, rather preferred to join Pompeius as representing the better cause. He had become rich by sea-robbery and had a numerous fleet and a full complement of men. Murcus joined him with two legions of soldiers, 500 archers, a large sum of money, and eighty ships. He also sent after the other army from Cephalenia. Accordingly, some persons think that if Pompeius had then invaded Italy, which was afflicted with famine and civil strife, and was looking for him, he might have mastered it. But Pompeius lacked wisdom. His idea was not to invade, but only to defend, and this he did till he failed of that also.

Edition note

The remains of the army of Brutus and Cassius.

5.3.26 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.3.26

ἀλλὰ Πομπηίῳ μὲν ὑπὸ ἀφροσύνης οὐκ ἐπιχειρεῖν, ἀλλὰ ἀμύνεσθαι μόνον ἐδόκει, μέχρι καὶ τοῦδε ἥσσων ἐγένετο· ἐν δὲ Λιβύῃ Σέξστιος, ὕπαρχος Ἀντωνίου, παρεδεδώκει μὲν ἄρτι τὸν στρατόν, ὑπὸ Λευκίου κεκελευσμένος, Φάγγωνι τῷ Καίσαρος, ἐπισταλὲν αὖθις ἀναλαμβάνειν αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀποδιδόντι τῷ Φάγγωνι ἐπολέμει, συναγαγών τινας τῶν ἀπεστρατευμένων καὶ Λιβύων πλῆθος ἄλλο καὶ ἑτέρους παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων. ἡττηθέντων δὲ τῶν κερῶν ἑκατέρων καὶ ληφθέντων τῶν στρατοπέδων, ὁ Φάγγων ἡγούμενος ἐκ προδοσίας τάδε παθεῖν αὑτὸν διεχρήσατο. καὶ Λιβύης μὲν αὖθις ὁ Σέξστιος ἑκατέρας ἐκράτει· Βόκχον δὲ τὸν Μαυρουσίων βασιλέα Λεύκιος ἔπεισε πολεμεῖν Καρρίνα τῷ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν ἐπιτροπεύοντι τῷ Καίσαρι. Ἀηνόβαρβός τε ἑβδομήκοντα ναυσὶ καὶ στρατοῦ δύο τέλεσι καὶ τοξόταις καὶ σφενδονήταις τισὶ καὶ ψιλοῖς καὶ μονομάχοις περιπλέων τὸν Ἰόνιον ἐπόρθει τὰ τοῖς τρισὶν ἀνδράσιν ὑπήκοα, ἔς τε τὸ Βρεντέσιον ἐπιπλεύσας τῶν Καίσαρος τριήρων τὰς μὲν εἷλε, τὰς δὲ ἐνέπρησε, καὶ τοὺς Βρεντεσίους ἐς τὰ τείχη κατέκλεισε καὶ τὴν χώραν προυνόμευεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.3.26

In Africa Sextius, Antony’s lieutenant, had just delivered his army, in pursuance of an order from Lucius, to Fango, a lieutenant of Octavius. He was ordered to resume the command, and as Fango would not relinquish it he collected a force composed of retired veterans, a miscellaneous crowd of Africans, and auxiliaries of the native princes, and made war on him. Fango, having been defeated on both wings and having lost his camp, thought that he had been betrayed, and committed suicide; and Sextius again became master of the two African provinces. Bocchus, king of Mauritania, at the instance of Lucius, made war on Carinas, who was Octavius’ procurator in Spain. Ahenobarbus, who was patrolling the Adriatic with seventy ships, two legions of soldiers, and a force of archers and slingers, light-armed troops and gladiators, devastated the regions subject to the triumvirs. He sailed against Brundusium, captured some of the triremes of Octavius, burned others, shut the inhabitants up in their walls, and plundered their territory.

5.3.27 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.3.27

ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον στρατιωτῶν τέλος ἔπεμπε καὶ Σαλουιδιηνὸν κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐκ τῆς ἐς Ἰβηρίαν ὁδοῦ μετεκάλει. τούς τε στρατολογήσοντας σφίσιν ἀνὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ὁ Καῖσαρ καὶ ὁ Λεύκιος περιέπεμπον· πεῖραί τε τούτων τῶν ξεναγῶν ἦσαν ἐς ἀλλήλους βραχύτεραι καὶ μείζους καὶ ἐνέδραι πολλάκις. ἡ δὲ εὔνοια τῶν Ἰταλῶν ἐς τὸν Λεύκιον παρὰ πολὺ ἐποίει, ὡς ὑπὲρ σφῶν τοῖς κληρουχουμένοις πολεμοῦντα. καὶ οὐχ αἱ καταγραφόμεναι τῷ στρατῷ πόλεις ἔτι μόναι, ἀλλʼ ἡ Ἰταλία σχεδὸν ἅπασα ἀνίστατο, φοβουμένη τὰ ὅμοια· τούς τε τῷ Καίσαρι κιχραμένους ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων ἐκβάλλοντες ἐκ τῶν πόλεων ἢ ἀναιροῦντες, τὰ τείχη σφῶν διὰ χειρὸς εἶχον καὶ πρὸς τὸν Λεύκιον ἐχώρουν. ἐχώρουν δὲ καὶ οἱ κατοικιζόμενοι τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα, ὡς ἐς οἰκεῖον ἤδη πόλεμον ὑπὲρ σφῶν ἑκάτεροι διαρούμενοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.3.27

Octavius sent a legion of soldiers to Brundusium and hastily recalled Salvidienus from his march to Spain. Both Octavius and Lucius sent recruiting officers through-out Italy, who had skirmishes with each other of more or less importance, and frequent ambuscades. The good-will of the Italians was of great service to Lucius, as they believed that he was fighting for them against the new colonies. Not only the cities that had been designated for the army, but almost the whole of Italy, rose, fearing like treatment. They drove out of the towns, or killed, those who were borrowing money from the temples for Octavius, manned their walls, and joined Lucius. On the other hand, the colonized soldiers joined Octavius. Each one in both parties took sides as though this were his own war.

5.3.28 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.3.28

καὶ τῶνδε γιγνομένων ὁ Καῖσαρ ὅμως ἔτι τήν τε βουλὴν καὶ τοὺς καλουμένους ἱππέας συναγαγὼν ἔλεγεν ὧδε· καταγινώσκομαι μέν, εὖ οἶδα, ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ Λεύκιον, οὐκ ἀμυνόμενος αὐτούς, εἰς ἀσθένειαν ἢ ἀτολμίαν, ἃ καὶ νῦν μου καταγνώσονται διὰ τήνδε τὴν σύνοδον ὑμῶν· ἐμοὶ δὲ ἔρρωται μὲν ὁ στρατός, ὅσος τέ μοι συναδικεῖται τὴν κληρουχίαν ἀφαιρούμενος ὑπὸ Λευκίου καὶ ὁ ἄλλος, ὃν ἔχω, ἔρρωται δὲ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πλὴν τῆς γνώμης μόνης. οὐ γὰρ ἡδύ μοι πολεμεῖν ἐμφυλίους πολέμους χωρὶς ἀνάγκης βαρείας, οὐδὲ καταχρῆσθαι τῶν πολιτῶν τοῖς ἔτι λοιποῖς κατʼ ἀλλήλων, καὶ μάλιστα τοῦδε τοῦ ἐμφυλίου οὐκ ἐκ Μακεδονίας ὑμῖν ἢ Θράκης ἀκουσθησομένου, ἀλλʼ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ γενησομένου, ἣν πόσα χρὴ χωρὶς τῶν ἀπολλυμένων ἀνδρῶν κακοπαθῆσαι, γιγνομένην στάδιον ἡμῖν. ἐγὼ μὲν δὴ διὰ τάδε ὀκνῶ καὶ νῦν ἔτι μαρτύρομαι μηδὲν ἀδικεῖν Ἀντώνιον μηδὲ ἀδικεῖσθαι πρὸς Ἀντωνίου· ὑμᾶς δὲ ἐλέγξαι τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Λεύκιον τάδε διʼ ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ συναλλάξαι μοι παρακαλῶ. καὶ εἰ μὴ πείθοιντο μηδὲ νῦν, ἐκείνοις μὲν αὐτίκα δείξω τὰ μέχρι νῦν εὐβουλίαν, οὐ δειλίαν οὖσαν, ὑμᾶς δὲ καὶ παρʼ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς καὶ πρὸς Ἀντώνιον ἀξιῶ μάρτυρας εἶναί μοι καὶ συνίστασθαι διὰ τὴν ὑπεροψίαν Λευκίου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.3.28

Though these events were taking place, Octavius, nevertheless, convoked the Senate and the equestrian order and addressed them as follows: I know very well that I am accused by Lucius and his friends of weakness and want of courage because I do not fight them, and that I shall be still further accused on account of my calling you together. I have strong forces who have suffered wrong in common with me, both those who have been dispossessed of their colonies by Lucius and the others whom I have in hand. I am strong in all respects except only in the purpose to fight. I am not fond of fighting in civil wars except under dire necessity, or of wasting the remainder of our citizens in conflicts with each other; least of all in this civil war, whose horrors will be announced to us not from Macedonia or Thrace, but will take place in Italy itself, which, if it becomes the field of battle, must suffer countless evils in addition to the loss of life. For these reasons I hesitate. And now I protest that I have done Antony no wrong. Nor have I suffered any wrong from him. I beseech you to reason with Lucius and his friends on your own account, and to bring them to a reconciliation with me. If you cannot now persuade them, I shall presently show them that I have hitherto been moved by good-will, not by cowardice. I ask you to be witnesses for me not only among yourselves, but also to Antony, and to sustain me on account of the arrogance of Lucius.

5.3.29 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.3.29

ταῦτʼ εἶπεν ὁ Καῖσαρ. καὶ τούτων οἱ μὲν δὴ πἅλιν ἐς τὸ Πραινεστὸν ἐξέτρεχον· καὶ ὁ Λεύκιος τοσόνδε εἶπεν, ὅτι καὶ τῶν ἔργων ἤδη προειλήφασιν ἀμφότεροι καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ὑποκρίνεται, τέλος ἄρτι πέμψας ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον κωλύειν Ἀντώνιον ἐπανιόντα. ὁ δὲ Μάνιος καὶ ἐπιστολὴν ἐδείκνυε τοῦ Ἀντωνίου, εἴτε πλασάμενος εἴτε ἀληθῆ, πολεμεῖν, ἐάν τις αὑτοῦ τὴν ἀξίωσιν καθαιρῇ. ἐρομένων δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς, εἰ καθαιροῖτό τι τῆς ἀξιώσεως Ἀντωνίου, καὶ προκαλουμένων ἐς δίκην περὶ τοῦδε, ἕτερα αὖ πολλὰ ἐσοφίζετο ὁ Μάνιος, ἕως οἱ μὲν ἀπῆλθον ἄπρακτοι, καὶ οὐ συνῆλθον ἐς τὴν ἀπόκρισιν τῷ Καίσαρι, εἴτε καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἀπαγγείλας ἕκαστος εἴτε διʼ ἑτέραν γνώμην εἴτε ὑπὸ αἰδοῦς· ὁ δὲ πόλεμος ἀνέῳκτο, καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἐξῄει, φύλακα τῆς Ῥώμης Λέπιδον σὺν δύο τέλεσι καταλιπών. οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν τότε μάλιστα ἐπεδείκνυον οὐκ ἀρέσκεσθαι τῇ τῶν τριῶν ἀρχῇ· ἐς γὰρ τὸν Λεύκιον ἐχώρουν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.3.29

So spake Octavius. Thereupon some of his hearers went again to Praeneste. Lucius said to them merely, that both sides had already begun hostilities, that Octavius was practising deception; for he had lately sent a legion to Brundusium to prevent Antony from coming home. Manius showed a letter of Antony’s, either true or fictitious, saying that they should fight if anybody assailed his dignity. When the senators asked if anybody had assailed Antony’s dignity, and urged Manius to submit that question to trial, he indulged in many other quibbles till they went away without transacting their business. Nor did they collectively bring any answer to Octavius, either because they had communicated it each for himself, or because they were ashamed, or for some other reason. The war broke out and Octavius set forth to take part in it, leaving Lepidus with two legions to guard Rome. Most of the optimates then showed, by joining Lucius, that they were not pleased with the rule of the triumvirs.

5.4.30 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.4.30

καὶ ἦν τὰ κεφαλαια τοῦ πολέμου τοιάδε. Λευκίου μὲν δὴ δύο τέλη περὶ Ἄλβην ἐστασίασε καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐκβαλόντα ἐς ἀπόστασιν ἐχώρει· ἐπειγομένων δὲ ἐς αὐτὰ Καίσαρός τε καὶ Λευκίου, φθάσας τὸν Καίσαρα ὁ Λεύκιος ἀνεσώσατο αὐτὰ χρήμασί τε πολλοῖς καὶ ὑποσχέσεσι μεγάλαις. Φουρνίου δʼ ἄλλον στρατὸν ἄγοντος τῷ Λευκίῳ, ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐξήπτετο τῆς οὐραγίας· ἐς δὲ λόφον ἀναδραμόντι τῷ Φουρνίῳ καὶ νυκτὸς ἐς ὁμογνώμονα πόλιν ἐπειγομένῳ Σεντίαν, νυκτὸς μὲν οὐχ ἕσπετο ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐνέδραν ὑποπτεύων, ἡμέρας δὲ τήν τε Σεντίαν ὁμοῦ καὶ τὸ τοῦ Φουρνίου στρατόπεδον ἐπολιόρκει. Λεύκιος δὲ ἐς Ῥώμην ἐπειγόμενος τρεῖς μὲν τάξεις προύπεμψεν, αἳ νυκτὸς ἔλαθον ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσδραμοῦσαι, αὐτὸς δὲ σὺν πολλῷ στρατῷ καὶ ἱππεῦσι καὶ μονομάχοις εἵπετο. καὶ αὐτὸν Νωνίου τοῦ φύλακος τῶν πυλῶν δεξαμένου τε καὶ τὸν ὑφʼ αὑτῷ στρατὸν ἐγχειρίσαντος, ὁ μὲν Λέπιδος ἐς Καίσαρα ἔφευγεν, ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος Ῥωμαίοις ἐδημηγόρει, Καίσαρα μὲν καὶ Λέπιδον αὐτίκα δώσειν δίκην ἀρχῆς βιαίου, τὸν δὲ ἀδελφὸν αὐτὴν ἑκόντα ἀποθήσεσθαι καὶ ὑπατείαν ἀλλάξεσθαι, νομιμωτέραν ἀρχὴν παρανόμου καὶ πάτριον ἀντὶ τῆς τυραννικῆς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.4.30

The following were the principal events of the war. A sedition broke out in two of Lucius’ legions at Alba, which expelled their commanding officers and started to revolt. Both Octavius and Lucius hastened to them. Lucius arrived there first and kept them by a large donative and great promises. While Furnius was bringing a reënforcement to Lucius, Octavius fell upon his rear guard. Furnius took refuge on a hill and withdrew by night to Sentia, a city of his own faction. Octavius did not dare to follow by night, suspecting an ambush, but the next day he laid siege to Sentia and Furnius’ camp together. Lucius, who was hastening toward Rome, sent forward three cohorts, which effected an entrance into the city clandestinely by night. He followed with his main army and some cavalry and gladiators. Nonius, who had charge of the gates, admitted him, and handed over to him the forces under his own command. Lepidus fled to Octavius. Lucius made a speech to the citizens, saying that he should visit punishment upon Octavius and Lepidus for their lawless rule, and that his brother would voluntarily resign his share of it and accept the consulship, exchanging an unlawful magistracy for a lawful one, and establishing the government of their fathers in place of a tyranny.

5.4.31 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.4.31

καὶ ὁ μὲν τάδε εἰπών, ἡδομένων ἁπάντων καὶ ἡγουμένων ἤδη λελύσθαι τὴν τῶν τριῶν ἀρχήν, αὐτοκράτωρ ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου προσαγορευθεὶς ἐπὶ τὸν Καίσαρα ἐχώρει καὶ στρατὸν ἤθροιζεν ἄλλον ἐκ τῶν ἀποικίδων Ἀντωνίου πόλεων καὶ αὐτὰς ἐκρατύνατο. αἱ δὲ διʼ εὐνοίας μὲν ἦσαν Ἀντωνίῳ, Βαρβάτιος δὲ ὁ Ἀντωνίου ταμίας, Ἀντωνίῳ τι προσκρούσας καὶ διὰ ταῦτʼ ἐπανιών, ἔλεγε πυνθανομένοις τὸν Ἀντώνιον χαλεπαίνειν τοῖς πολεμοῦσι τῷ Καίσαρι κατὰ τῆς κοινῆς σφῶν δυναστείας. καὶ οἱ μέν, ὅσοι μὴ τῆς ἐξαπάτης ᾔσθοντο τῆς Βαρβατίου, ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα ἀπὸ τοῦ Λευκίου μετετίθεντο· ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος ὑπήντα Σαλουιδιηνῷ μετὰ στρατοὺ πολλοῦ πρὸς Καίσαρα ἐκ Κελτῶν ἐπανιόντι. καὶ εἵποντο τῷ Σαλουιδιηνῷ Ἀσίνιός τε καὶ Οὐεντίδιος, Ἀντωνίου στρατηγοὶ καὶ οἵδε, κωλύοντες αὐτὸν ἐς τὸ πρόσθεν ἰέναι. Ἀγρίππας δέ, φίλτατος Καίσαρι, δείσας ἐπὶ τῷ Σαλουιδιηνῷ μὴ κυκλωθείη, Σούτριον κατέλαβε, χωρίον τι χρήσιμον τῷ Λευκίῳ, νομίσας τὸν Λεύκιον ἀπὸ τοῦ Σαλουιδιηνοῦ περισπάσειν ἐφʼ ἑαυτὸν καὶ οἷ τὸν Σαλουιδιηνὸν βοηθήσειν, κατόπιν τοῦ Λευκίου γενόμενον. καὶ τάδε μέν, ὡς προσεδόκησεν ὁ Ἀγρίππας, ἐγίγνετο ἅπαντα· ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος ἀποτυχὼν ὧν ἐπενόει, πρὸς Ἀσίνιον καὶ Οὐεντίδιον ᾔει, ἐνοχλούντων αὐτὸν ἑκατέρωθεν Σαλουιδιηνοῦ τε καὶ Ἀγρίππου καὶ φυλασσόντων, ὅτε μάλιστα περιλάβοιεν ἐν τοῖς στενοῖς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.4.31

All were delighted with this speech, and thought that the government of the triumvirs was already ended. Lucius was saluted as imperator by the people. He marched against Octavius, and collected a fresh army from the cities colonized by Antony’s soldiers, and strengthened their fortifications. These colonies were well affected toward Antony. Barbatius, a quaestor of Antony, who had had some difficulty with him and was returning home for that reason, said, in answer to inquiries, that Antony was displeased with those who were making war on Octavius to the prejudice of their common sway; whereupon some, who were not aware of the deception practised by Barbatius, changed sides from Lucius to Octavius. Lucius put himself in the way of Salvidienus, who was returning to Octavius with a large army from Gaul. Asinius and Ventidius, Antony’s generals, were following Salvidienus to prevent him from advancing. Agrippa, who was the closest friend of Octavius, fearing lest Salvidienus should be surrounded, seized Sutrium, a stronghold very useful to Lucius, expecting that Lucius would turn from Salvidienus against himself, and that Salvidienus, who would then be in the rear of Lucius, would assist him (Agrippa). It all turned out as Agrippa had anticipated. So Lucius, having failed of his undertaking, marched to join Asinius and Ventidius. Salvidienus and Agrippa harassed him on both sides, watching especially for an opportunity to catch him in the defiles.

5.4.32 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.4.32

ἐκφανείσης δὲ παρʼ αὐτὰ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ὁ Λεύκιος οὐ θαρρῶν ἀμφοτέροις ἑκατέρωθεν οὖσιν ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι ἐς Περνσίαν παρῆλθεν, ἐχυρὰν πόλιν, καὶ παρʼ αὐτὴν ἐστρατοπέδευσε, τοὺς περὶ τὸν Οὐεντίδιον περιμένων. ὁμοῦ δʼ αὐτόν τε καὶ τὴν Περυσίαν ὁ Ἀγρίππας καὶ ὁ Σαλουιδιηνὸς καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπελθὼν τρισὶ στρατοπέδοις ἐκυκλώσαντο· καὶ τὸν ἄλλον στρατὸν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐκάλει πανταχόθεν κατὰ σπουδὴν ὡς ἐπὶ τοῦτο δὴ κεφάλαιον τοῦ πολέμου, ἐν ᾧ Λεύκιον εἶχε περιειλημμένον. προύπεμπε δὲ καὶ ἑτέρους, ἐμποδὼν εἶναι τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Οὐεντίδιον ἐπιοῦσιν. οἱ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ διὰ σφῶν ὤκνουν ἐπείγεσθαι, τόν τε πόλεμον ἀποδοκιμάζοντες ὅλως καὶ τὴν Ἀντωνίου γνώμην οὐκ ἐπιστάμενοι καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῆς στρατιᾶς οὐ παριέντες ἀλλήλοις κατʼ ἀξίωσιν οὐδέτερος. ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος οὔτʼ ἐς μάχην ᾔει τοῖς περικαθημένοις, ἀμείνοσι καὶ πλέοσιν οὖσι καὶ γεγυμνασμένοις, νεοστράτευτον ἔχων τὸ πλέον, οὔτε ἐς ὁδοιπορίαν, ἐνοχλησόντων αὐτὸν ὁμοῦ τοσῶνδε. Μάνιον δὲ ἐς τὸν Οὐεντίδιον καὶ Ἀσίνιον ἔπεμπεν, ἐπείγειν αὐτοὺς βοηθεῖν πολιορκουμένῳ Λευκίῳ, καὶ Τισιηνὸν μετὰ τετρακισχιλίων ἱππέων, λεηλατεῖν τὰ Καίσαρος, ἵνα ἀνασταίη. αὐτὸς δὲ παρῆλθεν ἐς τὴν Περυσίαν ὡς ἐν ὀχυρᾷ πόλει χειμάσων, εἰ δέοι, μέχρι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Οὐεντίδιον ἀφικέσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.4.32

When Lucius perceived their design he did not dare to come to an engagement with both of them closing in upon him. So he turned aside to Perusia, a strongly fortified city, and encamped near it, to wait there for Ventidius. Agrippa, Salvidienus, and Octavius advanced against him and against Perusia and enclosed them with three armies, and Octavius summoned reënforcements in haste from all directions, as against the vital point of the war, where he had Lucius surrounded. He sent others forward to hold in check the forces of Ventidius, who were approaching. The latter, however, hesitated on their own account to advance, as they did not altogether approve of the war and did not know what Antony thought about it, and on account of mutual rivalry were unwilling to yield to each other the military chieftainship. Lucius did not go out to battle with the forces surrounding him, because they were better and more numerous and well drilled, while his were for the most part new levies; nor did he resume his march, for so many enemies were on his flanks. He sent Manius to Ventidius and Asinius to hasten them to the aid of the besieged, and he sent Tisienus with 4000 horse to pillage the enemy’s supplies, in order to force him to raise the siege. Lucius entered within the walls of Perusia so that he might winter in a strong place, if necessary, until Ventidius and Asinius should arrive.

Edition note

The modern Perugia.

5.4.33 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.4.33

καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτίκα μετὰ σπουδῆς ἅπαντι τῷ στρατῷ τὴν Περυσίαν ἀπετείχιζε χάρακι καὶ τάφρῳ, πεντήκοντα καὶ ἓξ σταδίους περιιὼν διὰ τὸ τῆς πόλεως λοφῶδες καὶ σκέλη μακρὰ ἐπὶ τὸν Τίβεριν ἐκτείνων, ἵνα τι ἐς τὴν Περυσίαν μὴ ἐσφέροιτο. ἀντεπονεῖτό γε μὴν καὶ ὁ Λεύκιος, ἑτέροις ὁμοίοις χαρακώμασι καὶ τάφροις τὴν πέζαν ὀχυρούμενος τοῦ λόφου. καὶ Φουλβία Οὐεντίδιον καὶ Ἀσίνιον καὶ Ἀτήιον καὶ Καληνὸν ἐκ τῆς Κελτικὴς ἤπειγε βοηθεῖν Λευκίῳ καὶ στρατὸν ἄλλον ἀγείρασα Πλάγκον ἔπεμπεν ἄγειν Λευκίῳ. Πλάγκος μὲν δὴ τέλος τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐς Ῥώμην ὁδεῦον διέφθειρεν· Ἀσινίου δὲ καὶ Οὐεντιδίου σὺν μὲν ὄκνῳ καὶ διχονοίᾳ τῆς Ἀντωνίου γνώμης, διὰ δὲ Φουλβίαν ὅμως καὶ διὰ Μάνιον ἐς τὸν Λεύκιον ἰόντων καὶ τοὺς ἀποκλείοντας βιαζομένων, ὁ Καῖσαρ ὑπήντα σὺν Ἀγρίππᾳ, φυλακὴν τῆς Περυσίας καταλιπών. οἱ δὲ οὔτε τω συμβαλόντες ἀλλήλοις οὔτε σὺν προθυμίᾳ χωροῦντες, ὁ μὲν αὐτῶν ἐς Ῥάβενναν, ὁ δʼ ἐς Ἀρίμινον, ὁ δὲ Πλάγκος ἐς Σπωλήτιον συνέφυγον. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτῶν ἑκάστῳ στρατὸν ἐπιστήσας, ἵνα μὴ πρὸς ἀλλήλους συνέλθοιεν, ἐς τὴν Περυσίαν ἐπανῆλθε καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς τὰς τάφρους προσεσταύρου καὶ ἐδιπλασίαζε τὸ βάθος καὶ πλάτος ὡς τριάκοντα πόδας ἀμφότερα εἶναι, τό τε περιτείχισμα ὕψου καὶ πύργους ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ ξυλίνους διʼ ἑξήκοντα ποδῶν ἵστη χιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους· καὶ ἐπάλξεις τε ἦσαν αὐτῷ πυκναὶ καὶ ἡ ἄλλη παρασκευὴ πᾶσα διμέτωπος, ἔς τε τοὺς πολιορκουμένους καὶ εἴ τις ἔξωθεν ἐπίοι. ἐγίγνετο δὲ ταῦτα σὺν πείραις πολλαῖς καὶ μάχαις, ἀκοντισαι μὲν ἀμεινόνων ὄντων τῶν Καίσαρος, συμπλέκεσθαι δὲ τῶν Λευκίου μονομάχων· καὶ πολλοὺς ἔκτεινον συμπλεκόμενοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.4.33

Octavius, with all haste and with his whole army, drew a line of circumvallation around Perusia fifty-six stades in circuit, on account of the hill on which it was situated; he extended long arms to the Tiber, so that nothing could be introduced into the place. Lucius built a similar line of countervallation, thus fortifying the foot of the hill. Fulvia urged Ventidius, Asinius, Ateius, and Calenus to hasten from Gaul to the assistance of Lucius, and collected reënforcements, which she sent to Lucius under the lead of Plancus. Plancus destroyed one of Octavius’ legions, which was on the march to Rome. While Asinius and Ventidius were proceeding, at the instance of Fulvia and Manius, to the relief of Lucius (but with hesitation and doubt as to Antony’s preference), in order to raise the blockade, Octavius and Agrippa, leaving a guard at Perusia, threw themselves in the way. The former, who had not yet formed a junction with each other and were not proceeding with much alacrity, retreated, — Asinius to Ravenna and Ventidius to Ariminum. Plancus took refuge in Spoletium. Octavius stationed a force in front of each, to prevent them from forming a junction, and returned to Perusia, where he speedily strengthened his investment of the place and doubled the depth and width of his ditch to the dimensions of thirty feet each way. He increased the height of his wall and built 1500 wooden towers on it, sixty feet apart. He had also strong redoubts and every other kind of intrenchment, with double front, to besiege those within and to repel assaults from without. While these works were under construction there were frequent sorties and fights, in which the forces of Octavius had the advantage in the use of missiles, and the gladiators of Lucius were better at hand-to-hand fighting. So these killed many at close quarters.

5.4.34 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.4.34

ὡς δὲ ἐξείργαστο πάντα τῷ Καίσαρι, λιμὸς ἥπτετο τοῦ Λευκίου, καὶ τὸ κακὸν ἤκμαζεν ἀγρίως ἅτε μηδὲν αὐτοῦ μηδὲ τῆς πόλεως προπαρεσκευασμένης. ὧν ὁ Καῖσαρ αἰσθόμενος ἀκριβεστέρας τὰς φυλακὰς ἐποίει. νουμηνίας δὲ ἔτους ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν οὔσης, φυλάξας ὁ Λεύκιος τὴν ἑορτὴν ὡς ἀμελείας τοῖς πολεμίοις αἰτίαν ἐξέθορε νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας αὐτῶν ὡς διεκπαίσων αὐτοὺς καὶ στρατιὰν ἐπαξόμενος ἑτέραν· πολλὴ γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ πολλαχοῦ. ταχὺ δὲ τοῦ πλησίον ἐφεδρεύοντος τέλους καὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος αὐτοῦ σὺν ταῖς στρατηγίσι σπείραις ἐπιδραμόντων, ὁ Λεύκιος μάλα προθύμως ἀγωνιζόμενος ἀνεώσθη. τῶν δʼ αὐτῶν ἡμερῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ, τοῦ σίτου τοῖς στρατευομένοις φυλασσομένου, τὸ πλῆθος τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ τῇ νίκῃ φανερῶς ἐπηρῶντο καὶ ἐς τὰς οἰκίας ἐστρέχοντες ἐπὶ ἐρεύνῃ σίτου, ὅσα εὕροιεν, ἥρπαζον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.4.34

When the work of Octavius was finished famine fastened upon Lucius, and the evil grew more pressing, since neither he nor the city had made preparations before-hand. Knowing this fact Octavius kept the most vigilant watch. On the day preceding the Calends of January, Lucius thought to avail himself of the holiday, under the belief that the enemy would be off their guard, to make a sally by night against their gates, hoping to break through them and bring in his other forces, of which he had abundance in many places. But the legion that was lying in wait near by, and Octavius himself with some praetorian cohorts, attacked him, and Lucius, although he fought valiantly, was driven back. About the same time the mass of the people in Rome openly denounced the war and the victory, because the grain was kept under guard for the soldiers. They broke into houses in search of food, and carried off whatever they could find.

Edition note

Dion Cassius (xlviii. 14) says that the place had been sufficiently provisioned.

Edition note

Y.R. 714

5.4.35 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.4.35

οἱ δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Οὐεντίδιον αἰδούμενοι λιμῷ κάμνοντα Λεύκιον περιορᾶν, ἐχώρουν ἐς αὐτὸν ἅπαντες, βιαζόμενοι τοὺς Καίσαρος πανταχόθεν αὐτοὺς περικειμένους καὶ ἐνοχλοῦντας. ὑπαντώντων δʼ αὐτοῖς Ἀγρίππου τε καὶ Σαλουιδιηνοῦ μετὰ δυνάμεως ἔτι πλείονος, ἔδεισαν, μὴ κυκλωθεῖεν, καὶ ἐς Φουλκίνιόν τι χωρίον ἐξέκλιναν, ἑξήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίους τῆς Περυσίας διεστηκός· ἔνθα αὐτοὺς τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἀγρίππαν περικαθημένων πυρὰ πολλὰ ἤγειραν, σύμβολα τῷ Λευκίῳ. καὶ γνώμην ἐποιοῦντο Οὐεντίδιος μὲν καὶ Ἀσίνιος βαδίζειν καὶ ὣς μαχούμενοι, Πλάγκος δὲ ἔσεσθαι μέσους Καίσαρός τε καὶ Ἀγρίππου, χρῆναι δʼ ἔτι καραδοκεῖν τὰ γιγνόμενα· καὶ ἐκράτει λέγων ὁ Πλάγκος. οἱ δʼ ἐν τῇ Περυσίᾳ τὰ μὲν πυρὰ ἰδόντες ἥδοντο, τῶν δʼ ἀνδρῶν βραδυνόντων εἴκασαν καὶ τούσδε ἐνοχλεῖσθαι καὶ παυσαμένου τοῦ πυρὸς διεφθάρθαι. ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος τοῦ λιμοῦ πιέζοντος ἐνυκτομάχησεν αὖθις ἐκ πρώτης φυλακῆς ἐς ἕω περὶ ἅπαν τὸ περιτείχισμα· καὶ οὐ δυνηθεὶς ἀνέθορεν αὖθις ἐς τὴν Περυσίαν καὶ τὰς ὑπολοίπους συλλογισάμενος τροφὰς ἀπεῖπε δίδοσθαι τοῖς θεράπουσι καὶ ἐφύλασσεν αὐτοὺς μηδʼ ἐκφυγεῖν, ἵνα μὴ γνωριμώτερον γένοιτο τοῖς πολεμίοις τὸ δεινόν. ἠλῶντο οὖν οἱ θεράποντες κατὰ πλῆθος καὶ κατέπιπτον ἔν τε αὐτῇ τῇ πόλει καὶ μέχρι τοῦ σφετέρου διατειχίσματος, πόαν εἴ τινα εὕροιεν ἢ φυλλάδα χλωράν, νεμόμενοι. καὶ τοὺς ἀποψύχοντας ὁ Λεύκιος ἐς τάφρους ἐπιμήκεις κατώρυσσεν, ἵνα μήτε καιομένων ἐπίδηλον τοῖς ἐχθροῖς γένοιτο, μήτε σηπομένων ἀτμὸς καὶ νόσος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.4.35

Ventidius and his friends, ashamed to look on while Lucius was perishing of hunger, all moved to his support, intending to overpower the forces surrounding and besieging him. Agrippa and Salvidienus went to meet them with still larger forces. Fearing lest they should be surrounded, they diverged to the stronghold of Fulginium, distant 160 stades from Perusia. There Agrippa besieged them, and they lighted fires as signals to Lucius. Ventidius and Asinius were of the opinion that they should go forward and fight, but Plancus said that, as they were between Octavius and Agrippa, they had best await events. The opinion of Plancus prevailed. Those in Perusia were rejoiced when they saw the fires, but when Ventidius delayed his coming they conjectured that he, too, was in difficulties, and when the fires ceased they thought that he had been destroyed. Lucius, oppressed by hunger, again fought a night battle, extending from the first watch till daylight, around the whole circumvallation; but he failed and was driven back into Perusia. There he took an account of the remaining provisions, and forbade the giving of any to the slaves, and prohibited them from escaping, lest the enemy should gain better knowledge of his desperate situation. The slaves wandered about in crowds, threw themselves upon the ground in the city, and between the city and their forts, and ate grass or green leaves wherever they could find them. Those who died Lucius buried in long trenches, lest, if he burned them, the enemy should discover what was taking place, and, if they were unburied, disease should result from the poisonous exhalations.

Edition note

The modern Foligno.

Edition note

B.C. 40

5.4.36 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.4.36

ἐπεὶ δὲ οὔτε τοῦ λιμοῦ τι τέλος ἦν οὔτε τῶν θανάτων, ἀχθόμενοι τοῖς γιγνομένοις οἱ ὁπλῖται παρεκάλουν τὸν Λεύκιον αὖθις ἀποπειρᾶσαι τῶν τειχῶν, ὡς διακόψοντες αὐτὰ πάντως. ὁ δὲ τὴν ὁρμὴν ἀποδεξάμενος, οὐκ ἀξίως, ἔφη, πρῴην τῆς παρούσης ἀνάγκης ἠγωνισάμεθα, καὶ νῦν ἢ παραδιδόναι σφᾶς ἢ τοῦτο χεῖρον ἡγουμένους θανάτου μάχεσθαι μέχρι θανάτου. δεξαμένων δὲ προθύμως ἁπάντων καὶ, ἵνα μή τις ὡς ἐν νυκτὶ πρόφασις γένοιτο, κατὰ φῶς ἄγειν σφᾶς κελευόντων, ὁ Λεύκιος ἦγε πρὸ ἡμέρας. σίδηρόν τε τειχομάχον εἶχον τολὺν καὶ κλίμακας ἐς εἴδη πάντα διεσκευασμένας. ἐφέρετο δὲ καὶ τάφρων ἐγχωστήρια ὄργανα καὶ πύργοι πτυκτοί, σανίδας ἐς τὰ τείχη μεθιέντες, καὶ βέλη παντοῖα καὶ λίθοι, καὶ γέρρα τοῖς σκόλοψιν ἐπιρριπτεῖσθαι. προσπεσόντες δὲ μεθʼ ὁρμῆς βιαίου τὴν τάφρον ἐνέχωσαν καὶ τοὺς σταυροὺς ὑπερέβησαν καὶ τοῖς τείχεσι προσελθόντες οἱ μὲν ὑπώρυσσον, οἱ δὲ τὰς κλίμακας ἐπῆγον, οἱ δὲ τοὺς πύργους· ἐνεχείρουν τε ὁμοῦ καὶ ἠμύνοντο λίθοις καὶ τοξεύμασι καὶ μολυβδαίναις σὺν πολλῇ θανάτου καταφρονήσει. καὶ τάδε ἐγίγνετο κατὰ μέρη πολλά· ἐπειδὴ δέ τινας […: gap in edition] ἐς πολλὰ διαιρουμένοις τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀσθενέστερα πάντα ἦν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.4.36

As no end of the famine, or of the deaths, could be discerned, the soldiers became restive under the condition of affairs, and implored Lucius to make another attempt upon the enemy’s works, believing that they could break through them completely. He approved of their ardor, saying, In our recent battle we did not fight in a way corresponding to our present necessity. Now we must either surrender, or, if that seems worse than death, we must fight to the death. All assented eagerly, and, in order that no one should have the night for an excuse, they demanded to be led out by daylight. Lucius marched out at dawn. He took an abundance of iron tools, for wall fighting, and ladders of every form. He carried machines for filling the ditches, and folding towers from which planks could be thrown to the walls; also all kinds of missiles and stones and wickerwork to be thrown upon the palisades. They made a violent assault, filled up the ditch, scaled the palisades, and advanced to the walls, which some of them undermined, while others applied the ladders, and others simultaneously moved up the towers and defended themselves with stones, arrows, and leaden balls, with absolute contempt of death. This was done at many different places, and the enemy being drawn in many different directions made a more feeble resistance.

Edition note

The text here is hopelessly corrupt.

5.4.37 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.4.37

Ἐκταθεισῶν δέ που τῶν σανίδων ἐς τὸ τεῖχος, βία τότε μάλιστα ἐπικίνδυνος ἦν τῶν Λευκιανῶν ἐπὶ ταῖς σανίσι μαχομένων, καὶ βέλη πλάγια πάντοθεν ἦν ἐς αὐτοὺς καὶ ἀκόντια. ἐβιάσαντο δὲ ὅμως καὶ ἐς τὸ τεῖχος ἐξήλαντο ὀλίγοι, καὶ αὐτοῖς εἵποντο ἕτεροι· καὶ τάχα ἄν τι ἐξείργαστο αὐτοῖς μετὰ ἀπονοίας, εἰ μή, γνωσθέντος οὐ πολλὰ εἶναι τὰ τοιαῦτα μηχανήματα, οἱ ἄριστοι τῶν Καίσαρος ἐφεδρειῶν ἀκμῆτες ἐπήγοντο κεκμηκόσι. τότε γὰρ δὴ τῶν τειχῶν αὐτοὺς κατήρειψαν καὶ τὰ μηχανήματα συνέτριψαν καὶ ἔβαλλον ἄνωθεν ἤδη σὺν καταφρονήσει. τοῖς δὲ τὰ μὲν ὅπλα καὶ τὰ σώματα ὅλα συνεκέκοπτο, καὶ βοὴ σφᾶς ἐπελελοίπει, παρέμενον δʼ ὅμως τῇ προθυμίᾳ. ὡς δὲ καὶ τὰ νεκρὰ τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους ἀνῃρημένων ἐσκυλευμένα κάτω διερριπτεῖτο, τὴν ὕβριν οὐκ ἔφερον, ἀλλὰ ἀνετρέποντο ὑπὸ τῆς ὄψεως, καὶ μικρὸν ἔστησαν ἀποροῦντες ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς γυμνικοῖς ἀγῶσιν οἱ διαναπαυόμενοι. ὧδε δὲ αὐτοὺς ἔχοντας ἐλεῶν ὁ Λεύκιος ἐκάλει τῇ σάλπιγγι ἀναχωρεῖν. ἡσθέντων δὲ τῶν Καίσαρος ἐπὶ τῷδε καὶ τὰ ὅπλα παταγησάντων οἷον ἐπὶ νίκῃ, ἐρεθισθέντες οἱ τοῦ Λευκίου τὰς κλίμακας αὖθις ἁρπάσαντες ʽοὐ γὰρ ἔτι πύργους εἶχον’ ἔφερον ἐς τὰ τείχη μετὰ ἀπονοίας, οὐδὲν ἔτι βλάπτοντες· οὐ γὰρ ἐδύναντο. περιθέων δʼ αὐτοὺς ὁ Λεύκιος ἐδεῖτο μὴ ψυχομαχεῖν ἔτι καὶ οἰμῴζοντας ἀπῆγεν ἄκοντας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.4.37

The planks having been thrown upon the walls at some places, the struggle became very hazardous, for the forces of Lucius fighting on bridges were exposed to missiles and javelins on every side. They forced their way, nevertheless, and a few leaped over the wall. Others followed, and they would speedily have accomplished something important in their desperation had not the fact become known to Octavius that they had not many such machines, and had not the best of his reserves been brought to the assistance of the tired men. These fresh troops flung the assailants down from the walls, broke their machines in pieces, and hurled missiles upon them contemptuously from above. Their enemy, although their shields and bodies were pierced and even their voices had failed, held their ground bravely. When the corpses of those who had been killed on the wall were stripped and thrown down among them, they could not bear the indignity, but turned away from the spectacle and stood for a moment undecided, like athletes taking a breathing-spell in the gymnastic games. Lucius had pity on them in this condition and sounded a retreat. Then the troops of Octavius joyfully clashed their arms as for a victory, whereupon those of Lucius were roused to anger and again seized their ladders (although they had no more towers), and carried them to the walls with desperation. Yet they did not do any harm to the enemy, for they could not. Lucius ran among them and besought them to sacrifice their lives no longer, and led them back groaning and reluctant.

5.4.38 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.4.38

τὸ μὲν δὴ τέλος τῆσδε τῆς τειχομαχίας, ἐκθυμοτάτης γενομένης, ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ, ἵνα μὴ αὖθις ἐπιτολμήσειαν οἱ πολέμιοι τοῖς τείχεσι, τὴν στρατιάν, ὅση τοῖς γιγνομένοις ἐφήδρευε, παρʼ αὐτὸ τὸ τεῖχος ἵδρυσε καὶ ἐδίδαξεν ἀναπηδᾶν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος ἄλλους ἀλλαχοῦ κατὰ σύνθημα σάλπιγγος· συνεχῶς τε ἀπεπήδων οὐδενὸς ἐπείγοντος, ἵνα διδαχή τε σφίσι καὶ φόβος εἴη τοῖς πολεμίοις. ἀθυμία δὲ ἐπεῖχε τοὺς τοῦ Λευκίου, καί, ὅπερ ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις εἴωθε γίγνεσθαι, τῆς φυλακῆς οἱ φύλακες ἠμέλουν· ἐκ δὲ τῆς ἀμελείας αὐτομολίαι πολλῶν ἐγίγνοντο, καὶ οὐχ οἱ ἀφανέστεροι τοῦτο μόνοι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἡγεμονικῶν τινες ἔδρων. ἐνεδίδου τε ὁ Λεύκιος ἤδη πρὸς διαλύσεις ἐλέῳ τοσοῦδε πλήθους ἀπολλυμένου, ἐχθρῶν δέ τινων Καίσαρος περὶ σφῶν δεδιότων ἔτι ἐπεῖχεν. ὡς δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ ὤφθη τοὺς αὐτομόλους φιλανθρώπως ἐκδεχόμενος καὶ πλείων ὁρμὴ πᾶσιν ἐς τὰς διαλύσεις ἐγίγνετο, δέος ἥπτετο τοῦ Λευκίου, μὴ ἀντιλέγων ἐκδοθείη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.4.38

This was the end of this hotly contested siege. In order that the enemy might not make another attempt on his works, Octavius stationed a part of his army, that was held in reserve, alongside the fortifications, and instructed others in other places to leap upon the wall at the sound of the trumpet. Although no one urged them on, they went through this exercise continually, in order to become familiar with it, and to inspire the enemy with fear. The troops of Lucius began to grow down-hearted, and, as usually happens in such cases, the guards relaxed their vigilance, and thus desertion became more frequent, not only of the common soldiers, but, in some cases, of the higher officers also. And now Lucius inclined toward peace, out of pity for the perishing multitude, but the fears of some of the enemies of Octavius for their own safety still restrained him. But as Octavius was observed to treat the deserters kindly, and the desire for peace increased among all, Lucius began to fear lest, if he refused, he should be delivered up.

5.5.39 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.5.39

γενομένης οὖν τινος ες τοῦτο πείρας καὶ ἐλπίδος οὐκ ἀηδοῦς, τὸν στρατὸν συναγαγὼν ἔλεξεν ὧδε· γνώμη μὲν ἦν μοι τὴν πάτριον ὑμῖν ἀποδοῦναι πολιτείαν, ὦ συστρατιῶται, τυρραννίδα τὴν τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀρχὴν καὶ οὐδʼ, ἐφʼ ᾗ συνέστη προφάσει, Κασσίου καὶ Βρούτου τεθνεώτων διαλυθεῖσαν. Λεπίδου γὰρ τὸ μέρος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀφῃρημένου καὶ Ἀντωνίου πορρωτάτω χρήματα συλλέγοντος, εἷς οὗτος ἅπαντα πρὸς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γνώμην διῴκει, τὰ δὲ πάτρια Ῥωμαίοις πρόσχημα μόνον ἦν καὶ γέλως. ἅπερ ἐγὼ μεταβάλλειν ἐς τὴν ἄνωθεν ἐλευθερίαν τε καὶ δημοκρατίαν ἐπινοῶν ἠξίουν τῶν ἐπινικίων διαδοθέντων ἐκλυθῆναι τὴν μοναρχίαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐκ ἔπειθον, ἐπειρώμην ἐπὶ τῆς ἐμῆς ἀρχῆς καταναγκάσαι. ὁ δέ με τῷ στρατῷ διέβαλλε, κωλύειν τὰς κληρουχίας ἐλέῳ τῶν γεωργῶν· καὶ τὴν διαβολὴν ἐγὼ τήνδε ἠγνόησα ἐπὶ πλεῖστον. ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ ἐπιγνοὺς ἐπίστευσά τινα πιστεύσειν, ὁρῶντα τοὺς οἰκιστὰς καὶ παρʼ ἐμοῦ δεδομένους, οἳ μεριεῖν ἔμελλον ὑμῖν τὰς κληρουχίας. ἀλλὰ ἐδημαγώγησε γάρ τινας ἡ διαβολή, καὶ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ᾤχοντο πολεμήσοντες ὑμῖν, ὡς νομίζουσι, σὺν χρόνῳ δʼ εἴσονται στρατευσάμενοι καθʼ αὑτῶν. ὑμῖν δʼ ἐγὼ μαρτυρῶ μὲν ἑλομένοις τὰ ἀμείνονα καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν κακοπαθήσασιν, ἡττήμεθα δὲ οὐχ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ τοῦ λιμοῦ, ᾧ δὴ καὶ πρὸς τῶν ἡμετέρων στρατηγῶν ἐγκαταλελείμμεθα. ἐμοὶ μὲν δὴ καλῶς εἶχεν ἀγωνίσασθαι μέχρι τοῦ τελευταίου δαίμονος ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος· καλὸν γάρ μοι τὸν ἔπαινον ἐπὶ τῇ γνώμῃ καὶ τὸ τέλος ἐποίει· οὐχ ὑφίσταμαι δὲ διʼ ὑμᾶς, οὓς τῆς ἐμῆς προτίθημι εὐκλείας. πέμψω δὴ πρὸς τὸν κεκρατηκότα καὶ δεήσομαι ἐμοὶ μὲν ἀντὶ πάντων ὑμῶν εἰς ὃ θέλει καταχρήσασθαι μόνῳ, ὑμῖν δὲ ἀντʼ ἐμοῦ ἀμνηστίαν δοῦναι, πολίταις τε οὖσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ στρατιώταις ποτὲ γενομένοις καὶ οὐδὲ νῦν ἀδικοῦσιν οὐδὲ πολεμήσασιν ἄνευ καλῆς αἰτίας οὐδὲ ἡσσημένοις πολέμῳ μᾶλλον ἢ λιμῷ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.5.39

Accordingly, having made a sort of test which gave him encouragement, Lucius called his army together and spoke as follows: It was my intention, fellow-soldiers, to restore the republic to you when I saw that the government of the triumvirs was a tyranny, which was established, indeed, on the pretext of combating Brutus and Cassius, but was not relaxed after their death. Lepidus had been deprived of his share of the government, Antony was far away collecting money, and this one man was managing everything according to his own will, and the ancient system of Roman government was only a pretence and a laughing-stock. With the intention of reverting to the freedom and democratic government of our ancestors, I asked that after the rewards of victory had been distributed the monarchy should be dissolved. When my request was not granted, I sought to enforce it by virtue of my office. Octavius falsely accused me, before the army, of obstructing the colonies out of pity for the landowners. I was ignorant of this slander for a long time, and even when I learned of it I did not suppose that anybody could believe it, when one saw that the colony officers were men assigned by my very self to divide the lands among you. But the calumny misled some people, who joined Octavius in order to make war against us as they think. But eventually they will find that they have been warring against their own interests. I affirm that you have chosen the better cause, and that you have suffered for it beyond your strength. We are vanquished, not by our enemies, but by hunger, to which we have been left a prey by our own generals. It would be becoming in me to fight to the last extremity for my country. Such an end would make my fame glorious after my high purposes. To that destiny I do not submit, for the sake of you, whom I prefer to my own fame. I will send to the conqueror and beg that he will inflict such punishment as he chooses upon me alone, in place of all of you; that he will grant amnesty, not to me, but to you, his fellow-citizens and formerly his soldiers, who are not now in the wrong, who are not fighting without good cause, and are vanquished, not by war, but by hunger.

Edition note

Ventidius, Asinius, and Plancus.

5.5.40 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.5.40

ὁ μὲν οὕτως εἶπε καὶ εὐθὺς ἔπεμπε τρεῖς ἐπιλεξάμενος ἐκ τῶν ἀρίστων· ἡ δὲ πληθὺς ἀνῴμωζον, οἱ μὲν ἑαυτῶν χάριν, οἱ δὲ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ, γνώμῃ μὲν ὁμοῦ σφισιν ἀρίστου καὶ δημοκρατικοῦ φανέντος, ὑπὸ δʼ ἐσχάτης ἀνάγκης ἡττημένου. οἱ δὲ τρεῖς ἐντυχόντες τῷ Καίσαρι ἀνεμίμνῃσκον τοῦ γένους τῶν στρατῶν ἑνὸς ἑκατέροις ὄντος καὶ στρατειῶν ὁμοῦ γενομένων καὶ φιλίας τῶν ἐπιφανῶν καὶ ἀρετῆς προγόνων οὐκ ἐς ἀνήκεστον τὰς διαφορὰς προαγαγόντων· ὅσα τε εἰκὸς ἦν ἄλλα ἐπαγωγά, τούτοις ὅμοια, ἔλεγον. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ εἰδὼς τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς μὲν ἀπειροπολέμους ἔτι, τοὺς δὲ κληρούχους γεγυμνασμένους ἔφη τεχνάζων τοῖς ὑπʼ Ἀντωνίῳ στρατευσαμένοις διδόναι τὴν ἀμνηστίαν, ὡς χάριν ἐκείνῳ φέρων, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους ἐπιτρέπειν σφᾶς ἑαυτῷ προσέτασσεν. ταῦτα μὲν εἶπεν ἅπασιν ἰδία δὲ ἕνα τῶν τριῶν ἀπολαβών, Φούρνιον, ἐς μείζονα φιλανθρωπίαν ἐπήλπισε τοὺς περὶ Λεύκιον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους χωρὶς τῶν ἰδίων ἐχθρῶν ἑαυτοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.5.40

After speaking thus he at once selected three men from the optimates for this mission. The multitude wept, some on their own account, some on account of their general, who appeared to them to have been actuated by the most excellent and democratic purpose, and who now yielded to extreme necessity. The three envoys, when admitted to the presence of Octavius, reminded him that the soldiers on both sides were all of one race, and that they had made campaigns together. They called to mind the friendship of the nobility on either side and also the virtue of their ancestors, who did not allow their differences to become irreconcilable. They advanced other like arguments which were calculated to prevail with him. Octavius, knowing that some of the enemy were still raw recruits, while others were colonized veterans, replied artfully that he would grant amnesty to Antony’s soldiers out of regard for him, but that the others must surrender at discretion. This he said in the presence of all, but, taking aside Furnius, one of the three, he led him to expect mild treatment for Lucius and the rest, except his own personal enemies.

5.5.41 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.5.41

οἵδε οὖν οἱ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐχθροί, τὴν ἰδίᾳ γενομένην ἔντευξιν τοῦ Φουρνίου ὑπονοοῦντες ἐπὶ σφίσι γενέσθαι, αὐτόν τε τὸν Φούρνιον ἐλοιδόρουν ἐπανελθόντα καὶ τὸν Λεύκιον ἠξίουν ἢ σπονδὰς αὖθις αἰτεῖν ὁμοίας ἅπασιν ἢ πολεμεῖν μέχρι θανάτου· οὐ γὰρ ἴδιόν τινι τὸν πόλεμον, ἀλλὰ κοινὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος γεγονέναι. καὶ ὁ Λεύκιος ἐπῄνει μὲν ἐλεῶν ἄνδρας ὁμοτίμους καὶ πέμψειν ἔλεγεν ἑτέρους, οὐδένα δὲ εἰπὼν ἀμείνονα ἔχειν ἑαυτοῦ, εὐθὺς ἄνευ κήρυκος ᾔει, προθεόντων αὐτοῦ δρόμῳ τῶν ἀπαγγελούντων Καίσαρι κατιέναι Λεύκιον. ὁ δὲ αὐτίκα ὑπήντα. ἑωρῶντο οὖν ἀλλήλοις ἤδη μετὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ περιφανεῖς ἦσαν ἀπὸ τῶν σημείων καὶ τῆς στολῆς οὔσης ἑκατέρῳ στρατηγικῆς. καὶ ὁ Λεύκιος ἀποθέμενος τοὺς φίλους ᾔει σὺν δύο ῥαβδούχοις μόνοις, ἐπιδεικνὺς ἅμα τὴν γνώμην ἀπὸ τοῦ σχήματος· καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ συνεὶς ἀντεμιμεῖτο ἐς δεῖγμα καὶ ὅδε τῆς εἰς τὸν Λεύκιον εὐνοίας ἐσομένης· ὡς δὲ καὶ σπεύδοντα εἶδε τὸν Λεύκιον παρελθεῖν ἐς τὸ Καίσαρος χαράκωμα, ἵνα καὶ τῷδε φαίνοιτο ἑαυτὸν ἐπιτρέπων ἤδη, προλαβὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐξῆλθε τοῦ χαρακώμακος, ἵνα ἐλεύθερον εἴη τῷ Λευκίῳ βουλεύεσθαί τε καὶ κρίνειν ἔτι περὶ αὑτοῦ. τοιάδε ἀλλήλοις προσιόντες ἀπό τε τῆς στολῆς καὶ τῶν σχημάτων προαπεδείκνυντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.5.41

These personal enemies of Octavius, having learned of Furnius’ private interview and suspecting that it related to themselves, reproached him when he came back, and demanded of Lucius either that he should ask a new treaty, which should include all alike, or fight to the death, saying that this had not been a private war for any individual, but a public one in behalf of the country. Lucius in pity commended them as men of the same rank as himself, and said that he would send another embassy. Then he added that no one was better fitted for this task than himself, and went immediately without a herald, merely preceded by some persons who went in advance to announce to Octavius his coming. The latter at once advanced to meet him. There they saw each other surrounded by their friends and distinguished by the standards and military equipment of generals on either side. Then Lucius, dismissing his friends, went forward with two lictors only, showing his state of mind by his outward appearance. Octavius understood and imitated his example, showing his intended good-will toward Lucius. When he saw the latter hastening to pass inside his fortification, indicating thereby that he had already surrendered, Octavius anticipated him and went outside the fortification in order that Lucius might still be free to consult and decide concerning his own interests. Thus as they moved forward they foreshadowed their intentions to each other in advance, by their retinue and their outward appearance.

5.5.42 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.5.42

ὡς δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν τάφρον ἀφίκοντο, προσηγόρευσάν τε ἀλλήλους καὶ ὁ Λεύκιος ἔφη· εἰ μὲν ξένος ὢν ἐπολέμησα, ὦ Καῖσαρ, αἰσχρὰν ἂν τὴν τοιαύτην ἧσσαν ἡγούμην καὶ αἰσχίονα ἔτι τὴν παράδοσιν· καὶ τῆσδε τῆς αἰσχύνης εἶχον ἀπαλλαγὴν εὔκολον παρʼ ἐμαυτοῦ. ἐπεὶ δὲ πολίτῃ διηνέχθην καὶ ὁμοτίμῳ καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος, οὐκ αἰσχρὸν ἡγοῦμαι μετὰ τοιᾶσδε προφάσεως ὑπὸ τοιοῦδε ἡσσῆσθαι. καὶ τάδε λέγω οὐ παραιτούμενος παθεῖν, ὅ τι θέλοις ʽδιὰ γάρ σοι τοῦτο ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ σὸν ἄνευ σπονδῶν ἱέμην̓, ἀλλʼ ἵνα τοῖς ἄλλοις αἰτήσω συγγνώμην δικαίαν τε καὶ τοῖς σοῖς πράγμασι συμφέρουσαν. δεῖ δέ με τοῦτο ἐπιδεικνύντα διελεῖν τὸν λόγον ὑπὲρ τε ἐκείνων καὶ ὑπὲρ ἐμαυτοῦ, ἵνα μόνον ἐμὲ τῶν γεγονότων αἴτιον ἐπιγνοὺς εἰς ἐμὲ τὴν ὀργὴν συναγάγῃς. μὴ νομίσῃς δὲ ἐλεγχθήσεσθαι μετὰ παρρησίας ʽἄκαιρον γάῤ, ἀλλὰ μετὰ ἀληθείας, ἧς οὐκ ἔνι μοι χωρὶς εἰπεῖν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.5.42

When they came to the ditch they saluted each other, and Lucius said: If I were a foreigner waging war against you, Octavius, I should consider it disgraceful to be vanquished in this way and still more disgraceful to surrender, and I should have for myself an easy means of deliverance from such humiliation. Since I have been contending with a countryman, my equal in rank, in a matter appertaining to our common country, I do not consider it disgraceful to be beaten in such a cause by such a man. This I say not to deprecate any suffering that you may choose to inflict upon me (for you see that I have come to your camp without any guarantee), but to ask for others such pardon as may be just, and conducive to your own interests. That I may make this clear to you it is necessary to separate their cause from mine, so that, when you know that I am the only one to blame, you may visit your wrath upon me, and not think that I have come here to bandy words (that would be inopportune), but to tell the truth, for it is not in my power to speak otherwise.

5.5.43 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.5.43

ἐγὼ τὸν πρὸς σὲ πόλεμον ἠράμην, οὐχ ἵνα σε καθελὼν διαδέξωμαι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, ἀλλʼ ἵνα τὴν ἀριστοκρατίαν ἀναλάβω τῇ πατρίδι, λελυμένην ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν τριῶν ἀρχῆς, ὡς οὐδʼ ἂν αὐτὸς ἀι τείποις· καὶ γὰρ ὅτε συνίστασθε αὐτήν, ὁμολογοῦντες εἶναι παράνομον, ὡς ἀναγκαίαν καὶ πρόσκαιρον ἐτίθεσθε, Κασσίου καὶ Βρούτου περιόντων ἔτι καὶ ὑμῶν ἐκείνοις οὐ δυναμένων συναλλαγῆναι. ἀποθανόντων δὲ ἐκείνων, οἳ τὸ τῆς στάσεως κεφάλαιον ἦσαν, καὶ τῶν ὑπολοίπων εἴ τινα λείψανα ἔστιν, οὐ τῇ πολιτείᾳ πολεμούντων, ἀλλὰ ὑμᾶς δεδιότων, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ καὶ τῆς πενταετίας παριούσης, ἀνακῦψαι τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐπὶ τὰ πάτρια ἠξίουν, οὐ προτιμῶν οὐδὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τῆς πατρίδος, ἀλλʼ ἐλπίζων μὲν ἐπανελθόντα πείσειν ἑκόντα, ἐπειγόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ἐμῆς ἀρχῆς γενέσθαι. καὶ εἰ κατῆρξας σύ, μόνος ἂν καὶ τὴν δόξαν εἶχες. ἐπεὶ δὲ δή σε οὐκ ἔπειθον, ᾤμην ἐλθὼν ἐπὶ Ῥώμην καὶ ἀναγκάσαι, πολίτης τε ὢν καὶ γνώριμος καὶ ὕπατος. αἱ μὲν αἰτίαι, διʼ ἃς ἐπολέμησα, αὗται μόναι, καὶ οὔτε ὁ ἀδελφὸς οὔτε Μάνιος οὔτε Φουλβία, οὔτε ἡ κληρουχία τῶν ἐν Φιλίπποις πεπολεμηκότων οὔτε ἔλεος τῶν γεωργῶν τὰ κλήματα ἀφαιρουμένων, ἐπεὶ κἀγὼ τοῖς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τέλεσιν οἰκιστὰς ἔδωκα, οἱ τὰ τῶν γεωργῶν ἀφαιρούμενοι τοῖς στρατευσαμένοις διένεμον. ἀλλά με σὺ τήνδε τὴν διαβολὴν αὐτοῖς διέβαλλες, τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ πολέμου μεταφέρων ἐπὶ τὴν κληρουχίαν ἀπὸ σαυτοῦ, καὶ τῷδε μάλιστα αὐτοὺς ἑλὼν ἐμοῦ κεκράτηκας· ἀνεπείσθησαν γὰρ πολεμεῖσθαί τε ὑπʼ ἐμοῦ καὶ ἀμύνεσθαί με ἀδικοῦντα. τεχνάζειν μὲν δή σε ἔδει πολεμοῦντα· νικήσαντα δέ, εἰ μὲν ἐχθρὸς εἶ τῆς πατρίδος, κἀμὲ ἡγεῖσθαι πολέμιον, ἃ ἔδοξα συνοίσειν αὐτῇ, βουληθέντα μέν, οὐ δυνηθέντα δὲ διὰ λιμόν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.5.43

I undertook this war against you, not in order to succeed to the leadership by destroying you, but to restore to the country the patrician government which had been subverted by the triumvirate, as not even yourself will deny. For when you created the triumvirate you acknowledged that it was not in accordance with law, but you established it as something necessary and temporary because Cassius and Brutus were still alive and you could not be reconciled to them. When they, who had been the head of the faction, were dead, and the remainder, if there were any left, were bearing arms, not against the state, but because they feared you, and moreover the five years’ term was running out, I demanded that the magistracies should be revived in accordance with the customs of our fathers, not even preferring my brother to my country, but hoping to persuade him to assent upon his return and hastening to bring this about during my own term of office. If you had begun this reform you alone would have reaped the glory. Since I was not able to persuade you, I thought to march against the city and to use force, being a citizen, a nobleman, and a consul. These are the causes of the war I waged and these alone; not my brother, nor Manius, nor Fulvia, nor the colonization of those who fought at Philippi, nor pity for the cultivators who were deprived of their holdings, since I myself appointed the leaders of colonies to my brother’s legions who deprived the cultivators of their possessions and divided them among the soldiers. Yet you brought this charge against me before the soldiers, shifting the cause of the war from yourself to the land distribution, and in this way chiefly you drew them to your side and overcame me, for they were persuaded that I was warring against them, and that they were defending themselves against my wrong-doing. You certainly needed to use artifice in the war you were waging. Now that you have conquered, if you are the enemy of the country you must consider me your enemy also, since I wished what I thought was for her advantage, but was prevented by famine from accomplishing it.

5.5.44 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.5.44

λέγω δὲ ταῦτα ἐγὼ ἐγχειρίζων μὲν ἐμαυτόν σοι, καθάπερ εἶπον, εἰς ὅ τι θέλοις, ὑποδεικνὺς δέ, οἷα καὶ πρότερον καὶ νῦν ἐφρόνησα περὶ σοῦ καὶ φρονῶν ἔτι μόνος ἀφικόμην. καὶ περὶ μὲν ἐμοῦ τοσαῦτα· περὶ δὲ τῶν φίλων καὶ τοῦ στρατοῦ παντός, εἰ μὲν οὐχ ὑποπτεύσεισʼ με λέγοντα, συμβουλεύσω τὰ σοὶ μάλιστα ὠφελιμώτατα, μηδὲν δεινὸν αὐτοὺς ἐργάσασθαι διὰ τὴν ἐμὴν καὶ σὴν φιλονικίαν, μηδὲ ἄνθρωπον ὄντα καὶ τύχῃ χρώμενον, οὐ βεβαίῳ πράγματι, κωλῦσαι τοὺς κινδυνεύειν ἐν τύχαις ἢ χρείαις ἐθελήσοντάς ποτε ὑπὲρ σοῦ, μαθόντας ἐκ τοῦδε τοῦ σοῦ νόμου δυσέλπιστον σῴζεσθαι μὴ κατορθοῦσιν. εἰ δὲ ὕποπτος ἢ ἄπιστος ἐχθροῦ πᾶσα συμβουλή, οὐκ ὀκνῶ καὶ παρακαλεῖν σε μὴ τοὺς φιλοὺς τίνυσθαι τῆς ἐμῆς ἁμαρτίας καὶ τύχης, ἀλλʼ εἰς ἐμὲ συναγαγεῖν πάντα, τὸν πάντων αἴτιον. ἀφʼ ἧς δὴ γνώμης αὐτοὺς ὑπελιπόμην, ἵνα μὴ δόξαιμι, σοὶ τάδε λέγων ἐκείνων ἀκουόντων, ὑπὲρ ἐμαυτοῦ τεχνάζων εἰπεῖν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.5.44

While I say these things I surrender myself to you, as I have already declared, to do with me whatever you wish. I came here alone merely to show what I have thought of you heretofore and what I still think. So much for myself. Concerning my friends and my whole army, if you will not discredit my words, I will give you some advice for your own best interests, and that is, that you inflict no severity upon them on account of the quarrel between you and me. As you are a mortal and in the hands of fortune, which is always fickle, do not deter those who might be willing to incur danger for you in hazardous or trying times hereafter, by teaching them that under your rules there is no hope of safety except for the victors. Even if all advice from an enemy is suspected or untrustworthy, I would not hesitate to implore you not to punish my friends for my fault and my ill fortune, but to put the whole punishment on me, who am alone to blame. I purposely left my friends behind so that I might not seem, by using these words in their presence, to be securing favor for myself in an underhand way.

5.5.45 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.5.45

τοιαῦτα δὲ εἰπόντος τοῦ Λευκίου καὶ σιωπήσαντος ὁ Καῖσαρ ἔλεξεν· ἄσπονδον μέν σε κατιόντα πρὸς ἐμὲ ὁρῶν, ὦ Λεύκιε, ὑπήντησα τῶν ἐμῶν ἐρυμάτων ἔτι ἐκτὸς ὄντι κατὰ σπουδήν, ἵνα ἔτι κύριος ὢν σεαυτοῦ βουλεύοιο καὶ λέγοις καὶ πράττοις, ἃ νομίζεις σοι συνοίσειν. ἐπεὶ δʼ, ὅπερ ἐστὶ τῶν ἀδικεῖν ὁμολογούντων, σαυτὸν ἡμῖν ἐπιτρέπεις, οὐδὲν ἔτι δέομαι διελέγχειν, ὅσα σὺν τέχνῃ μου κατεψεύσω. ἐξ ἀρχῆς δέ με βλάψειν ἑλόμενος καὶ νῦν ἔβλαψας. σπονδὰς γάρ μοι τιθέμενος ἔτυχες ἂν ἠδικημένου καὶ νενικηκότος· ἄσπονδον δὲ σαυτόν τε καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἐπιτρεπων ἡμῖν καὶ τὸν στρατόν, ἀφαιρῇ μὲν πᾶσαν ὀργήν, ἀφαιρῇ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ἣν σπενδόμενος ἂν ἔδωκας ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης. συμπέπλεκται γὰρ οἷς ἄξιον ὑμᾶς παθεῖν, τὸ προσῆκον ὧν ἐμὲ δίκαιόν ἐστι ποιεῖν· ὃ δὴ προτιμήσω διά τε τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ διʼ ἐμαυτὸν καὶ διὰ σέ, ὦ Λεύκιε, καὶ οὐ ψεύσω σε τῆς προσδοκίας, ἣν ἔχων περὶ ἐμαυτοῦ κατελήλυθας. ταῦτα μὲν ἔλεξαν ἀλλήλοις, ὡκ ἐκ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων ἦν ἐς τὸ δυνατὸν τῆσδε τῆς φωνῆς μεταβαλεῖν τεκμαιρομένῳ τῆς γνώμης τῶν λελεγμένων. καὶ διεκρίθησαν, ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ ἐν ἐπαίνῳ καὶ θαύματι τὸν Λεύκιον ἔχων, οὐδὲν ὡς ἐν συμφοραῖς ἀγεννὲς οὐδʼ ἀσύνετον εἰπόντα, ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος τὸν Καίσαρα τοῦ τε ἤθους καὶ βραχυλογίας. οἱ λοιποὶ δʼ ἐτεκμαίροντο τῶν εἰρημένων ἐκ τῆς ὄψεως ἑκατέρων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.5.45

After Lucius had thus spoken he relapsed into silence, and Octavius said: When I saw you, Lucius, approaching without any guarantee I hastened to meet you while you were still outside my intrenchments, so that you might even now be master of your own counsels and be able to say or do whatever you should think best for your own interests. Since you deliver yourself to me (as is customary to those who acknowledge that they are in the wrong), it is not necessary that I should discuss the false accusations that you have brought against me with so much art. You began by injuring me and you continue to do so. If you were here negotiating a treaty, you would be dealing with a victor whom you had wronged. Now that you surrender yourself and your friends and your army without conditions, you take away not only all resentment, but also the power which, under negotiations for a treaty, you would necessarily have given me. There is involved in this question not only what you and your friends ought to suffer, but what it is becoming in me, as a just man, to do. I shall make the latter my chief consideration on account of the gods, on my own account, and on yours, Lucius, and I shall not disappoint the expectation with which you came to me. These things they said to each other, as nearly as it is possible to gather the meaning of the speakers from the Memoirs and translate it into our language. They then separated, and Octavius eulogized and admired Lucius because he had said nothing impolite or inconsiderate (as is usual in adversity), and Lucius praised Octavius for his mildness and brevity of speech. The others gathered the meaning of what had been said from the countenances of the speakers.

Edition note

Probably the Memoirs here mentioned are those of Octavius himself, to which reference is made in Illyr. 14, and in B. C. iv. 110.

5.5.46 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.5.46

καὶ ὁ Λεύκιος ἔπεμπε τοὺς χιλάρχους τὸ σύνθημα τῷ στρατῷ ληψομένους παρὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος· οἱ δὲ ἔφερον αὐτῷ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τοῦ στρατοῦ, καθὰ καὶ νῦν ἔθος ἐστὶ τὸν αἰτοῦντα τὸ σύνθημα χιλίαρχον ἐπιδιδόναι τῷ βασιλεῖ βιβλίον ἐφήμερον τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ τοῦ παρόντος. οἱ μὲν δὴ τὸ σύνθημα λαβόντες τὰς φυλακὰς ἔτι διὰ χειρὸς εἶχον, οὕτω κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος, νυκτοφυλακεῖν ἑκατέρους τὰ ἴδια· ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ ἔθυεν, ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος αὐτῷ τὸν στρατὸν ἔπεμπε, τὰ μὲν ὅπλα φέροντα, ἐσκευα σμένον δʼ ὡς ἐν ὁδοιπορίᾳ. οἱ δὲ τὸν Καίσαρα πόρρωθεν ὡς αὐτοκράτορα ἠσπάσαντο καὶ ἔστησαν ἐν μέρει κατὰ τέλος, οὗ προσέταξεν ὁ Καῖσαρ, ἐφʼ ἑαυτῶν, οἵ τε κληροῦχοι καὶ οἱ νεοστράτευτοι κεχωρισμένοι. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐκτελεσθείσης τῆς θυσίας στεψάμενος δάφνῃ, συμβόλῳ νίκης, προυκάθητο ἐπὶ βήματος καὶ προσέταξε μὲν ἅπασι θέσθαι τὰ ὅπλα, ἔνθα εἱστήκεσαν, θεμένων δὲ τοὺς κληρούχους, ἐκέλευσεν ἐγγυτέρω προσελθεῖν, διεγνωκὼς ἄρα ὀνειδίσαι τῆς ἀχαριστίας καὶ φοβῆσαι. προέγνωστο δὲ μέλλων ὧδε ποιήσειν, καὶ ὁ στρατὸς ὁ τοῦ Καίσαρος, εἴτε ἐξεπίτηδες, οἷα προδιδάσκονται πολλάκις, εἴτε ὑπὸ πάθους ὡς πρὸς οἰκείους ἄνδρας, ἀκρατεῖς τῆς δεδομένης σφίσι τάξεως γενόμενοι, προσιοῦσι τοῖς Λευκιανοῖς οἷα συνεστρατευμένοις ποτὲ περιχυθέντες ἠσπάζοντο καὶ συνέκλαιον καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν παρεκάλουν καὶ οὔτε βοῶντες ἔτι ἐπαύοντο οὔτε συμπλεκόμενοι, κοινωνούντων ἑκατέροις τοῦ πάθους ἤδη καὶ τῶν νεοστρατεύτων· οὐδὲ ἦν τι διακεκριμένον ἔτι οὐδʼ εὔκριτον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.5.46

Lucius sent tribunes to receive the watchword for the army from Octavius. They took the army roll to him, as it is still customary for the tribune who asks for the watchword to deliver to the commander the daily register of the number of troops present. After they had received the watchword they still kept their outposts on duty, for Octavius himself ordered that each army should keep its own guard that night. The next morning Octavius offered sacrifice, and Lucius sent his soldiers to him bearing their arms, but prepared for marching. They saluted Octavius as imperator while still at some distance, and each legion took its separate position as Octavius had directed, the colonized veterans being apart from the new levies. When Octavius had finished the sacrifice he took his seat in front of the tribunal, crowned with laurel, the symbol of victory, and ordered them all to lay down their arms where they stood. When they had done so he ordered the veterans to draw nearer, intending to reproach them for their ingratitude and to strike terror into them. It was known beforehand what he was about to do, and his own army, either purposely (as soldiers are often advised beforehand), or moved by sympathy as for their own relatives, broke from the formation in which they had been placed, crowded around Lucius’ men as they approached their former fellow-soldiers, embraced them, wept with them, and implored Octavius in their behalf, and ceased not crying out and embracing them, the new levies sharing in the outburst of feeling, so that it was impossible to distinguish or discriminate between them.

5.5.47 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.5.47

ὅθεν οὐδὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἔτι τῆς γνώμης ἐκράτει, ἀλλὰ μόλις τὴν βοὴν καταπαύσας εἶπε τοῖς ἰδίοις. ὑμεῖς μέν, ὦ συστρατιῶται, οὕτως ἀεί μοι προσενήνεχθε ὡς μηδενὸς ἀτυχῆσαι παρʼ ἐμοῦ δύνασθαι· ἐγὼ δὲ τοὺς μὲν νεοστρατεύτους ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης ἐστρατεῦσθαι Λευκίῳ νομίζω, τουτωνὶ δὲ τῶν συνεστρατευμένων τε πολλάκις ὑμῖν καὶ νῦν ὑφʼ ὑμῶν σῳζομένων ἐπενόουν πυθέσθαι, τί παθόντες ἐξ ἡμῶν ἢ τίνος χάριτος οὐκ ἀξιωθέντες ἢ τί μεῖζον παρʼ ἑτέρου προσδοκῶντες ἐναντία ὅπλα ἤραντο καὶ ἐμοὶ καὶ ὑμῖν καὶ ἑαυτοῖς; ἃ γὰρ ἔκαμνον ἐγώ, πάντα ἦν ὑπὲρ τῆς κληρουχίας, ἧς τοῦ μέρους καὶ τούτοις μετῆν. καὶ εἰ συγχωρεῖτέ μοι, καὶ νῦν πεύσομαι. οὐκ ἐπιτρεπόντων δέ, ἀλλὰ ἀπαύστως παρακαλούντων, συγχωρῶ ὑμῖν, ὅσα βούλεσθε, ἔφη, καὶ ἀφείσθωσαν ἀπαθεῖς τῶν ἡμαρτημένων, ἂν ἐς τὸ μέλλον ὑμῖν ὅμοια φρονῶσιν. ὑπισχνουμένων δʼ ἑκατέρων βοαί τε καὶ χάριτες ἦσαν ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα· καί τισιν αὐτῶν ἐπέτρεψέ τινας καὶ ὑποδέξασθαι, τὸ δὲ πλῆθος ἐκέλευε σκηνοῦν, ἔνθα περ εἱστήκεσαν, ἄπωθεν, ἕως ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτοῖς πόλεις τε ἐς χειμασίαν καὶ τοὺς ἀπάξοντας ἐς τὰς πόλεις δοίη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.5.47

For this reason Octavius did not persist in his intention, but, after appeasing the tumult with difficulty, addressed his own men as follows: You have always behaved in such a way to me, fellow-soldiers, that you can ask nothing from me in vain. I think that the new levies served Lucius under compulsion. I intended to ask the old soldiers, who have often served with us and who are now saved from punishment by you, what they have suffered at our hands, or what favor they have asked in vain, or what greater favors they expected from anybody else, that they have taken up arms against me, against you, against them-selves. All the trouble I have met with has grown out of the division of the lands, in which they had their share. And now if you will permit me I will ask them these questions. They would not allow him to do so, but continued their beseeching. I grant what you wish, he said. They are dismissed without punishment for their wrongdoing, provided they will hereafter be like-minded with you. They promised on both sides with acclamations and thanks to Octavius, who allowed some of his own men to entertain some of their men as guests. He ordered the remainder to pitch their tents where they had been stationed, at a certain distance from the others, until he should assign them towns for winter quarters and appoint persons to lead them thither.

5.5.48 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.5.48

καθεζόμενος δʼ ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἐκάλει τὸν Λεύκιον ἐκ τῆς Περυσίας μετὰ τῶν ἐν τέλει Ῥωμαίων. καὶ κατῄεσαν πολλοὶ μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς, πολλοὶ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν καλουμένων ἱππέων, ἐν ὄψει πάντες οἰκτρᾷ καὶ ὀξείᾳ μεταβολῇ. ἅμα δὲ ἐξῄεσαν οὗτοι τῆς Περυσίας, καὶ φρουρὰ τὴν πόλιν περιέστη. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀφίκοντο, Λεύκιον μὲν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἑαυτῷ παρεστήσατο, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων τοὺς μὲν οἱ φίλοι Καίσαρος, τοὺς δὲ οἱ λοχαγοὶ διέλαβον, προδεδιδαγμένοι πάντες ἐς τιμὴν ἀπάγειν ἅμα καὶ φυλακὴν ἄσημον. τοὺς δὲ Περυσίους ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους παρακαλοῦντας ἐκέλευσεν ἥκειν, ἄνευ τῆς βουλῆς μόνης· καὶ ἐλθοῦσι συνέγνω. οἱ δὲ βουλευταὶ τότε μὲν φύλαξι παρεδόθησαν, μετʼ οὐ πολὺ δὲ ἀνῃρέθησαν, χωρὶς Αἰμιλίου Λευκίου, ὃς ἐν Ῥώμῃ δικάζων ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ Γαΐου Καίσαρος τὴν καταδικάζουσαν ἤνεγκε φανερῶς καὶ πάντας φέρειν ἐκέλευεν ὡς ἐκλυομένους μύσος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.5.48

Then, seated on his tribunal, Octavius summoned from Perusia Lucius and the Romans of responsibility who were with him. Many of the senators and knights came down, all presenting a pitiful appearance by reason of their sudden change of fortune. As soon as they passed out of Perusia a guard was stationed around it. When they reached the tribunal Octavius placed Lucius by his own side. Of the rest, some were taken in charge by the friends of Octavius, others by centurions, all of whom had been instructed beforehand to show them honor and to keep watch upon them unobserved. He commanded those Perusians to come forward who had stretched out their hands to him from the walls, all except their town council, and as they presented themselves he pardoned them. The councillors were thrown into prison and soon afterward put to death, except Lucius Aemilius, who had sat as a judge at Rome in the trial of the murderers of Caesar, who had voted openly for condemnation, and had advised all the others to do the same in order to expiate the guilt.

5.5.49 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.5.49

τὴν δὲ Περυσίαν αὐτὴν ἐγνώκει μὲν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐς διαρπαγὴν ἐπιτρέψαι τῷ στρατῷ, Κέστιος δέ τις αὐτῶν ὑπομαργότερος, ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ πεπολεμηκὼς καὶ ἐκ τοῦδε Μακεδονικὸν αὑτὸν ὀνομάζων, ἐνέπρησε τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ ἑαυτὸν ἐς τὸ πῦρ ἐνέβαλε, καὶ ἄνεμοι τὴν φλόγα ὑπολαβόντες περιήνεγκαν ἐκ ὅλην Περυσίαν, καὶ ἐνεπρήσθη χωρὶς τοῦ Ἡφαιστείου μόνου. τόδε μὲν δὴ τῇ Περυσίᾳ τέλος ἦν, δόξαν ἀρχαιότητος ἐχούσῃ καὶ ἀξιώσεως· ὑπὸ γὰρ Τυρρηνῶν πάλαι φασὶν αὐτὴν ἐν ταῖς πρώταις δυώδεκα πόλεσιν ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ γενέθαι. διὸ καὶ τὴν Ἥραν ἔσεβον, οἷα Τυρρηνοί· τότε δὲ ὅσοι τὰ λείψανα τῆς πόλεως διέλαχον, τὸν Ἥφαιστον σφίσιν ἔθεντο θεὸν εἶναι πάτριον ἀντὶ τῆς Ἥρας. τῆς δʼ ἐπιούσης ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ ἐσπένδετο ἅπασιν, ὁ δὲ στρατὸς οὐκ ἐπαύετο ἐπί τισι θορυβῶν, ἕως ἀνῃρέθησαν· καὶ ἦσαν οἱ μάλιστα Καίσαρος ἐχθροί, Καννούτιός τε καὶ Γάιος Φλάυιος καὶ Κλώδιος ὁ Βιθυνικὸς καὶ ἕτεροι. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τέλος ἦν τῆς ἐν Περυσίᾳ Λευκίου πολιορκίας, καὶ ὁ πόλεμος ὧδε ἐξελέλυτο, χαλεπώτατός τε καὶ χρόνιος ἐλπισθεὶς ἔσεσθαι τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.5.49

Octavius intended to turn Perusia itself over to the soldiers for plunder, but Cestius, one of the citizens, who was somewhat out of his mind, who had fought in Macedonia and for that reason called himself the Macedonian, set fire to his house and plunged into the flames. A strong wind fanned the conflagration and drove it over the whole of Perusia, which was entirely consumed, except the temple of Vulcan. Such was the end of Perusia, a city renowned for its antiquity and importance. It is said that it was one of the first twelve cities built by the Etruscans in Italy in the olden time. For this reason the worship of Juno prevailed there, as among the Etruscans generally. But thereafter those who shared among themselves the remains of the city took Vulcan for their tutelary deity instead of Juno. On the following day Octavius made peace with all of them, but the soldiers did not desist from tumults against some of them until the latter were killed. These were chiefly the personal enemies of Octavius, namely, Canutius, Gaius Flavius, Clodius Bithynicus, and others. Such was the conclusion of the siege of Lucius in Perusia, and thus came to an end a war which had promised to be long-continued and most grievous to Italy.

Edition note

Some writers say that 300 persons of the two orders, chosen from those who had surrendered [at Perusia], were slaughtered as sacrificial victims on the Ides of March before an altar erected to Caesar.’ (Suetonius, Aug. 15.) Velleius (ii. 75) and Dion Cassius (xlviii. 15) relate a circumstance of a more romantic nature. The former says that the leader of the outbreak in Campania was Tiberius Claudius Nero. When the revolt was subdued, he fled with his wife Livia, who carried in her bosom their son, then two years of age, and all escaped to Sicily. Livia afterwards became the wife of Octavius, and this infant became the Emperor Tiberius. Who. exclaims the historian, can sufficiently wonder at the changes of fortune and at the mutability of human affairs? Tiberius Nero had been a suitor for the hand of Cicero’s daughter Tullia at the time when Dolabella obtained it. (Ad Att. vi. 6.)

5.6.50 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.6.50

καὶ γὰρ Ἀσίνιος αὐτίκα καὶ Πλάγκος καὶ Οὐεντίδιος καὶ Κράσσος καὶ Ἀτήιος καὶ ὅσοι τῆσδε τῆς γνώμης ὄντες ἕτεροι στρατὸν εἶχον οὐκ εὐκαταφρόνητον, ἀλλʼ εἰς τρισκαίδεκα τέλη γεγυμνασμένα καὶ ἱππέας ἑξακισχιλίους ἐπὶ πεντακοσίοις, ἡγούμενοι τὸ κεφάλαιον τοῦ πολέμου Λεύκιον γενονέναι ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ᾔεσαν, ἕτερος ἑτέρας ὁδούς, οἱ μὲν ἐς Βρεντέσιον, οἱ δʼ ἐπὶ Ῥαβέννης, οἱ δʼ ἐς Τάραντα καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐς Μοῦρκον ἢ Ἀηνόβαρβον, οἱ δὲ ἐς Ἀντώνιον, διωκόντων αὐτοὺς τῶν Καίσαρος φίλων καὶ σπονδὰς προτεινόντων καὶ οὐκ ἐθέλουσιν ἐνοχλούντων τὰ πεζὰ μάλιστα· ὧν δὴ καὶ μόνων Ἀγρίππας ἔπεισε μεταθέσθαι δύο τέλη Πλάγκου, ἀποληφθέντα ἐν Καμερίᾳ. ἔφευγε δὲ καὶ Φουλβία μετὰ τῶν τέκνων ἐς Δικαιάρχειαν καὶ ἀπὸ Δικαιαρχείας ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον, μετὰ τρισχιλίων ἱππέων οἳ αὐτῇ παρὰ τῶν στρατηγῶν πομποὶ ἀπεστάλησαν. ἐν δὲ τῷ Βρεντεσίῳ νεῶν πέντε μακρῶν ἐκ Μακεδονίας οἱ μεταπέμπτων γενομένων ἐπιβᾶσα ἀνήγετο· καὶ αὐτῇ Πλάγκος συνέπλει, τὸν ἔτι λοιπὸν αὑτοῦ στρατὸν ἐκλιπὼν ὑπὸ δειλίας. οἱ δὲ Οὐεντίδιον σφῶν εἵλοντο ἄρχειν. Ἀσίνιος δὲ Ἀηνοβάρβῳ συνετίθετο φιλίαν εἶναι πρὸς Ἀντώνιον· καὶ ἐπέστελλον ἄμφω τάδε τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ καὶ ἀποβάσεις αὐτῷ καὶ ἀγορὰν ὡς αὐτίκα ἥξοντι εὐτρέπιζον ἀνὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.6.50

Now Asinius, Plancus, Ventidius, Crassus, Ateius, and the others of that party, who had forces not to be despised, numbering about thirteen legions of disciplined troops and upward of 6500 horse, considering Lucius the chief actor in the war, retired to the sea-coast by various routes, some to Brundusium, some to Ravenna, some to Tarentum, some to Murcus and Ahenobarbus, and still others to Antony. The friends of Octavius followed them, offering terms of peace, and harassing those who refused, especially the infantry. From among them only two legions, belonging to Plancus, who were intercepted at Cameria, were persuaded by Agrippa to desert to him. Fulvia fled with her children to Dicaearchia, and thence to Brundusium, with 3000 horse, who were sent with her by the generals as an escort. At Brundusium there were five war-ships which had been sent for from Macedonia, and she embarked and put to sea, accompanied by Plancus, who abandoned the remains of his army through cowardice. These soldiers chose Ventidius as their commander. Asinius drew over Ahenobarbus to the side of Antony. Both Asinius and Ventidius wrote these facts to Antony, and they prepared landing-places, in expectation of his early arrival, and stores of provisions throughout Italy.

Edition note

The Greek name of the modern Pozzuoli. It was called Puteoli by the Romans. (Strabo, V. iv. 6.)

5.6.51 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.6.51

ἄλλῳ δʼ Ἀντωνίου στρατῷ πολλῷ περὶ Ἄλπεις, οὗ Φούφιος Καληνὸς ἡγεῖτο, ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπεβούλευεν, ἤδη μὲν τὸν Ἀντώνιον ὑπονοῶν, ἐλπίζων δὲ ἢ φίλῳ ἔτι ὄντι φυλάξειν ἢ πολεμοῦντος μεγάλην ἰσχὺν προσλήψεσθαι. διαμέλλοντος δὲ ὅμως ἔτι αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ εὐπρεπὲς περιορωμένου, ὁ Καληνὸς ἐτελεύτησε· καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ, ὡς ἐς ἀμφότερα πρόφασιν εὑρών, ᾔει καὶ παρελάμβανε τόν τε στρατὸν καὶ τὴν Κελτικὴν ἐπʼ αὐτῷ καὶ Ἰβηρίαν, καὶ τάσδε οὔσας ὑπὸ Ἀντωνίῳ, Φουφίου τοῦ παιδὸς Καληνοῦ καταπλαγέντος τε αὐτὸν καὶ παραδόντος ἅπαντα ἀμαχεί.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.6.51

Octavius was planning to get possession of another considerable army belonging to Antony, that was under the command of Fufius Calenus near the Alps. He already had suspicions of Antony, and he hoped, if the latter remained friendly, to preserve these forces for him, or, if war should break out, to add this large force to his own strength. While he was still delaying and looking around for a fair-seeming occasion, Calenus died. Octavius, believing that he had found a good excuse for both transactions, went and took possession of the army and of Gaul and Spain besides, which were Antony’s provinces. Fufius, the son of Calenus, was terrified, and delivered everything over to him without a fight. Octavius, having acquired eleven legions of soldiers and these large provinces by one stroke, dismissed the chief officers from their commands, substituted his own, and returned to Rome.

Edition note

There is some confusion here. Spain was not one of Antony’s provinces. It had been assigned to Lepidus in the original division (iv. 2 supra). It had been taken from him by Antony and Octavius (v. 3), and the latter administered it by proxy (v. 26). Lepidus had received Africa in exchange (v. 12). How the discrepancy is to be explained is not clear. Mendelssohn suggests a lapse of memory on the part of the author.

5.6.52 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.6.52

ὁ μὲν δὴ Καῖσαρ ἑνὶ τῷδε ἔργῳ ἕνδεκα τέλη στρατοῦ καὶ χώρας τοσάσδε λαβὼν τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αὐτῶν παρέλυε τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ ἰδίους ἐπιστήσας ἐς Ῥώμην ἀνέστρεφεν· ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος χειμῶνος μὲν ἔτι τοὺς πρέσβεις κατεῖχε τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν κληρουχιῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθόντας, ἔτι ἐπικρύπτων, ἃ ἐφρόνει, ἦρι δʼ ἐκ μὲν Ἀλεξανδρείας ἐς Τύρον ὥδευεν, ἐκ δὲ Τύρου διαπλέων ἐπὶ Κύπρου καὶ Ῥόδου καὶ Ἀσίας ᾔσθετο τῶν ἐν τῇ Περυσίᾳ γεγονότων καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐμέμφετο καὶ Φουλβίαν καὶ μάλιστα πάντων Μάνιον. Φουλβίαν μὲν οὖν εὗρεν ἐν Ἀθήναις, ἐκ Βρεντεσίου φυγοῦσαν· Ἰουλίαν δʼ αὐτῷ τὴν μητέρα Πομπήιος, ἐς αὐτὸν διαφυγοῦσαν, ἔπεμπεν ἐκ Σικελίας ἐπὶ νεῶν μακρῶν, καὶ παρέπεμπον αὐτὴν οἱ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Πομπήιον ἄριστοι, Λεύκιός τε Λίβων, ὁ κηδεστὴς τοῦ Πομπηίου, καὶ Σατουρνῖνος καὶ ἕτεροι, ὅσοι χρῄζοντες τῆς Ἀντωνίου μεγαλοπραγίας ἠξίουν αὐτὸν συναλλαγέντα Πομπηίῳ σύμμαχον ἐπὶ Καίσαρι λαβεῖν Πομπήιον. ὁ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀπεκρίνατο χάριν μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ μητρὶ γιγνώσκειν Πομπηίῳ καὶ ἀποτίσειν ἐν χρόνῳ, αὐτὸς δέ, εἰ μὲν πολεμοίη Καίσαρι, χρήσεσθαι Πομπηίῳ συμμάχῳ, εἰ δʼ ἐμμένοι τοῖς πρὸς αὑτὸν ὡμολογημένοις ὁ Καῖσαρ, πειράσεσθαι καὶ Πομπηίον Καίσαρι συναλλάξαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.6.52

As it was still winter, Antony retained the deputies of the colonized veterans, who had been sent to him, and concealed his intentions. In the spring he set out from Alexandria and proceeded by land to Tyre, and thence by sea, touching at Cyprus and Rhodes, to the province of Asia. There he learned of the doings at Perusia and he blamed his brother and Fulvia, and, most of all, Manius. He found Fulvia at Athens, whither she had fled from Brundusium. His mother, Julia, who had fled to Pompeius, had been sent thither by him from Sicily with warships, and escorted by some of the optimates of his party, by Lucius Libo, his father-in-law, by Saturninus and others, who, being attracted by Antony’s capacity for great deeds, sought to bring him into friendly relations with Pompeius and to form an alliance between them against Octavius. Antony replied that he thanked Pompeius for sending his mother and that he would requite him for the service in due time; that if there should be a war with Octavius he would ally himself with Pompeius, but that if Octavius should adhere to their agreements he would endeavor to reconcile him with Pompeius. Such was his answer.

5.6.53 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.6.53

ὁ μὲν ὧδε ἀπεκρίνατο, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐς Ῥώμην ἀπὸ Κελτῶν ἐπανιὼν ᾔσθετο μὲν τῶν ἐς Ἀθήνας διαπεπλευκότων, τὸ δὲ τῆς ἀποκρίσεως ἀκριβὲς ἄρα οὐκ εἰδὼς ἐξώτρυνε τοὺς κληρούχους ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ὡς κατάγοντα μετὰ τῶν γεωργῶν Πομπήιον, ὧν αὐτοὶ τὰ χωρία ἔχουσιν· ἐς γὰρ δὴ Πομπήιον οἱ πλέονες τῶν γεωργῶν ἐπεφεύγεσαν. καὶ πιθανοῦ τοῦ διερεθίσματος ὄντος, οὐδʼ ὣς οἱ κληροῦχοι προθύμως ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐστράτευον· οὕτως ἡ δόξα τῶν ἐν Φιλίπποις γεγονότων ἐδημαγώγει τὸν Ἀντώνιον. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ Ἀντωνίου μὲν καὶ Πομπηίου καὶ Ἀηνοβάρβου κατὰ πλῆθος ὁπλιτῶν ὑπεροίσειν ἐνόμιζεν ʽἦρχε γὰρ τελῶν ἐς τότε τεσσαράκοντα πλεόνων̓, ναῦν δὲ οὐδεμίαν ἔχων οὐδὲ καιρὸν ἐς ναυπηγίαν ὠρρώδει, ναῦς ἐκείνων ἐχόντων πεντακοσίας, μὴ τὴν Ἰταλίαν περιπλέοντες ἐς λιμὸν περιενέγκαιεν. ὧν ἐνθυμούμενος ʽἐλέλεκτο δὲ αὐτῷ περὶ πολλῶν παρθένων ἐς γάμον’ ἐπέστελλε Μαικήνᾳ συνθέσθαι Σκριβωνίᾳ, τῇ Λίβωνος ἀδελφῇ, τοῦ κηδεύοντος Πομπηίῳ, ἵνʼ ἔχοι καὶ τήνδε ἀφορμὴν ἐς διαλύσεις, εἰ δεήσειεν. καὶ πυθόμενος ὁ Λίβων ἐπέστελλε τοῖς οἰκείοις ἐγγυᾶν αὐτὴν τῷ Καίσαρι προθύμως. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ τῶν Ἀντωνίου φίλων καὶ στρατῶν ὅσους ὑπώπτευε, διέπεμπεν ἐπὶ προφάσεων ἄλλους ἀλλαχοῦ καὶ Λέπιδον ἐς τὴν ἐψηφισμένην αὐτῷ Λιβύην, ἄγοντα τῶν Ἀντωνίου τελῶν τὰ ὑποπτότατα ἕξ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.6.53

When Octavius returned from Gaul to Rome he heard about those who had set sail for Athens. Not knowing exactly what answer Antony had given them, he began to excite the colonized soldiers against the latter, representing that Antony intended to bring back Pompeius with the owners of the lands which the soldiers now held, for most of the owners had taken refuge with Pompeius. Although this cause of irritation was plausible, the soldiers would not even then take up arms against Antony with any zeal, the reputation he had gained at Philippi having made him popular. Octavius considered himself far superior to Antony, to Pompeius, and to Ahenobarbus in the number of troops, as he now had more than forty legions, but as he had no ships and no time to make any, while they had 500, he feared lest they should bring famine upon Italy by patrolling the coast. While meditating on those things, and while he had the choice of many virgins in marriage, he wrote to Maecenas to make an engagement for him with Scribonia, the sister of Libo, the father-in-law of Pompeius, so that he might have the means of coming to an arrangement with the latter if need be. When Libo heard of this he wrote to his family that they should betroth her to Octavius without delay. Then Octavius, on various pretexts, sent away, to this place and that, such of Antony’s friends and soldiers as he could not trust, and he sent Lepidus to Africa, the province assigned to him, and with him the six of Antony’s legions who were under suspicion.

Edition note

Suetonius says that Scribonia had already been married twice to men of consular rank, and had been a mother by one of them. (Aug. 62.)

5.6.54 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.6.54

Λεύκιον δὲ καλέσας ἐπῄνει μὲν ἐς φιλαδελφίαν, εἰ τῇ Ἀντωνίου γνώμῃ ὑπομεμενηκὼς ἴδιον τὸ ἁμάρτημα ποιοῖτο, ὠνείδιζε δὲ ἐς ἀχαριστίαν, εἰ τοιούτου τυχὼν αὑτοῦ μηδὲ νῦν ὁμολογοίη περὶ Ἀντωνίου, σαφῶς ἤδη καὶ Πομπηίῳ συνθέσθαι λεγομένου. ἐγὼ δέ σοι πιστεύων, ἔφη, Καληνοῦ τελευτήσαντος τά τε ἔθνη τὰ ὑπʼ αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν στρατόν, ἵνα μὴ ἄναρχος εἴη, διὰ τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ φίλων διῴκουν Ἀντωνίῳ. ἀλλὰ νῦν ἐκφανείσης τῆς ἐνέδρας ἐκεῖνά τε ἐμαυτοῦ πάντα ποιοῦμαι καὶ σοὶ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀπιέναι θέλοντι συγχωρῶ μετὰ ἀδείας. ὁ μὲν οὕτως εἶπεν, εἴτε πειρώμενος τοῦ Λευκίου, εἴτε τὸ λεχθὲν ἐκπεσεῖν ἐθέλων ἐς τὸν Ἀντώνιον· ὁ δὲ οἷα καὶ πρότερον εἶπε· Φουλβίας μὲν ᾐσθόμην οὔσης μοναρχικῆς, ἐγὼ δὲ συνεχρώμην τοῖς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ στρατοῖς ἐς τὴν ἁπάντων ὑμῶν καθαίρεσιν. καὶ νῦν, εἰ μὲν ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῆς μοναρχίας ἔρχοιτο ὁ ἀδελφός, καὶ φανερῶς καὶ λαθὼν οἰχήσομαι πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀγωνιούμενος αὖθις ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος πρὸς σέ, καίπερ ἤδη μοι γενόμενον εὐεργέτην. εἰ δʼ ἐπιλέγοιτο κἀκεῖνος καὶ διακρίνοι τοὺς συμμοναρχήσοντας αὑτῷ, πολεμήσω σὺν σοὶ πρὸς αὐτόν, ἕως ἂν ἡγῶμαι μηδὲ σὲ μοναρχίαν καθίστασθαι· τὸ γὰρ τῆς πατρίδος αἰεὶ προθήσω καὶ χάριτος καὶ γένους. ὧδε μὲν ὁ Λεύκιος εἶπεν, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ αὐτὸν καὶ τέως ἐν θαύματι ἄγων οὐκ ἔφη μὲν οὐδὲ βουλόμενον ἐπάξεσθαι κατὰ ἀδελφοῦ, πιστεύσειν δὲ ὡς τοιῷδε ἀνδρὶ πᾶσαν Ἰβηρίαν καὶ τὸν ἐν αὐτῇ στρατόν, ὑποστρατηγούντων αὐτῷ τῶν νῦν ἡγουμένων αὐτῆς Πεδουκαίου τε καὶ Λευκίου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.6.54

Then he summoned Lucius to his presence and praised him for his attachment to his brother, because he had taken the blame upon himself while carrying out Antony’s wishes, but reproached him with ingratitude if, after meeting such a favor from himself, he should now refuse to confess concerning the aims of Antony, who was said to have formed an alliance openly with Pompeius. Having confidence in you, he said, when Calenus died I took charge of his provinces and army through my friends for Antony, so that they might not be without a head, but now that the plot is unveiled I shall keep them all for myself, and if you wish to go to your brother I will allow you to do so fearlessly. He spoke thus, either to test Lucius or in order that what he said might reach Antony. Lucius replied in the same spirit as before, saying, I knew that Fulvia was in favor of the monarchy, but I joined with her and made use of my brother’s soldiers to overthrow all of you. And now if my brother should come to dissolve the monarchy I would go to join him, either openly or secretly, and would fight you again in behalf of the country, although you have been a benefactor to me. If he seeks allies to assist him in maintaining the tyranny, I will fight on your side against him as long as I think that you are not trying to establish a monarchy. I shall always set my country above gratitude and above family. So spake Lucius. Octavius, holding him in the same admiration as recently [at Perusia], said that he did not wish to incite him against his brother, but that he would intrust to Lucius, because he was what he was, the whole of Spain, and the army in it, which were now under the command of his lieutenants, Peducaeus and Lucius. So Octavius dismissed Lucius with honor, but kept a secret watch upon him by means of his lieutenants.

Edition note

Section 26 tells us that Spain was under the command of Carinas as the lieutenant of Octavius. This fact led Freinshem to conjecture that his name was Lucius Carinas, and that the latter part of the name had in some way dropped out. Schweighäuser did not fully accept this explanation, but in his Latin version put Carinas in a parenthesis after Lucius. Probably an absent-minded copyist, who, from frequent writing of the word Lucius, had got it fixed in his thoughts, wrote it here where he should have written Carinas.

5.6.55 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.6.55

οὕτω μὲν δὴ καὶ Λεύκιον ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀπέπεμπε σὺν τιμῇ καὶ διὰ τῶν ὑποστρατήγων ἐφύλασσεν ἀφανῶς· Ἀντώνιος δὲ Φουλβίαν μὲν ἐν Σικυῶνι νοσηλευομένην ἀπέλιπεν, ἀπὸ δὲ Κερκύρας ἐς τὸν Ἰόνιον ἔπλει, στρατῷ μὲν οὐ πολλῷ ναυσὶ δὲ διακοσίαις, ἃς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ πεποίητο. πυθόμενος δὲ Ἀηνόβαρβον ἀπαντᾶν αὑτῷ ναυσὶ καὶ στρατῷ πολλῷ, οὐ δοκοῦντά τισιν οὐδʼ ἐπὶ ταῖς διαπεμφθείσαις σπονδαῖς εἶναι βέβαιον ʽἦν γὰρ Ἀηνόβαρβος τῶν κατεγνωσμένων τε ἐκ δίκης ἐπὶ Γαΐῳ Καίσαρι φόνου καὶ προγεγραμμένων ἐπὶ τῇ καταδίκῃ καὶ ἐν Φιλίπποις Ἀντωνίῳ καὶ Καίσαρι πεπολεμηκότων̓, ὅμως ἔπλει, πέντε ναυσὶν ἐπιβὰς ταῖς ἀρίσταις, ἵνα φαίνοιτο πιστεύων, καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς ἐκ διαστήματος ἕπεσθαι κελεύσας. καθορωμένου δὲ ἤδη τοῦ Ἀηνοβάρβου παντί τε τῷ στρατῷ καὶ παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ μετʼ ὀξείας εἰρεσίας προσπλέοντος, ἔδεισεν ὁ Πλάγκος Ἀντωνίῳ παρεστὼς καὶ ἐπισχεῖν αὐτὸν ἠξίου τὸν πλοῦν καὶ προπέμψαι τινὰς ἐς πεῖραν ὡς πρὸς ἀμφίβολον ἄνδρα. ὁ δὲ εἰπὼν αἱρεῖσθαι παρασπονδούμενος ἀποθανεῖν μᾶλλον ἢ σῴζεσθαι δειλὸς ὀφθείς, ἔπλει. πλησίον τε ἦσαν ἀλλήλων ἤδη, καὶ αἱ ναυαρχίδες ἐκ τῶν σημείων ἐφαίνοντο καὶ ἀλλήλαις προσέπλεον· καὶ τῶν ῥαβδούχων ὁ ἡγούμενος Ἀντωνίῳ, κατὰ τὴν πρῷραν, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστίν, ἑστώς, εἴτʼ ἐκλαθόμενος, ὅτι ἀμφίβολος ἀνὴρ καὶ στρατοῦ κἀκεῖνος ἡγούμενος ἰδίου προσπλέοι, εἴτε ἀπὸ εὐγενεστέρου φρονήματος, ὡς ὑπηκόοις ἢ ἐλάσσοσιν ἀνδράσιν ὑπαντῶσι, προσέταξε καθελεῖν τὸ σημεῖον. οἱ δὲ καθῄρουν τε καὶ τὴν ναῦν ἐς τὰ πλάγια τῆς Ἀντωνίου νεὼς περιέστρεφον. ὡς δὲ καὶ συνιδόντες ἀλλήλους ἠσπάσαντο καὶ ὁ στρατὸς ὁ τοῦ Ἀηνοβάρβου τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἡγεμόνα προσεῖπεν, ὁ μὲν Πλάγκος ἀνεθάρρει μόλις, ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος ἐς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ναῦν τὸν Ἀηνόβαρβον ἀναδεξάμενος ἐς Παλόεντα κατέπλευσεν, ἔνθα ἦν Ἀηνοβάρβῳ καὶ τὸ πεζόν. καὶ ὁ Ἀηνόβαρβος τῆς σκηνῆς ἐξίστατο Ἀντωνίῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.6.55

Antony left Fulvia ill at Sicyon, and set sail from Corcyra into the Adriatic with an inconsiderable army and 200 ships that he had built in Asia. Antony learned that Ahenobarbus was coming to meet him with a fleet and a large number of soldiers. Then some of Antony’s friends thought that it was not safe to trust to the agreement exchanged between them, since Ahenobarbus had been condemned at the trial of Caesar’s murderers, and had been placed on the list of the proscribed, and had fought against Antony and Octavius at the time of the battle of Philippi. Nevertheless, Antony advanced with five of his best ships in order to seem to have confidence in Ahenobarbus, and he ordered the others to follow at a certain distance. When Ahenobarbus was observed coming forward, rowing swiftly, with his whole army and fleet, Plancus, who was standing by the side of Antony, was alarmed and advised him to check his course and send a few men forward to make a test, as to a man whose intentions were doubtful. Antony replied that he would rather die by a breach of the treaty than to be saved by an appearance of cowardice, and continued his course. Now they were drawing near, and the vessels which bore the chiefs were distinguishable by their ensigns and approached each other. Antony’s first lictor, who stood on the prow as was customary, either forgetful that Ahenobarbus was a man of doubtful purpose, and that he was leading his own forces, or moved by a lofty spirit as though he were meeting subject or inferior men, ordered them to lower their flag. They did so, and laid their ship alongside of Antony’s. When the two commanders saw each other they exchanged greetings, and the army of Ahenobarbus saluted Antony as imperator. Plancus recovered his courage with difficulty. Antony received Ahenobarbus in his own ship and sailed to Palœis, where Ahenobarbus had his infantry, and here he yielded his tent to Antony.

Edition note

Sicyon was the chief town of the small district of Sicyonia in the northeast of the Peloponnesus. Corcyra was the name of the modern Corfu.

Edition note

ἐν Φιλίπποις: literally, at Philippi. Combes-Dounous renders it At the time of the battle of Philippi, and this is necessary unless we expunge a considerable part of Book IV., which narrates the movements of Murcus and Ahenobarbus with their fleet. Section 115 says that they fought a naval battle in the Adriatic against Domitius Calvinus on the very day of the first battle at Philippi.

Edition note

The best authorities consider this the town of Valetium, or Baletium, on the coast of Calabria, not far from Brundusium.

5.6.56 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.6.56

ἐντεῦθεν ἐπὶ Βρεντεσίου διέπλεον, φυλασσομένου πρὸς πέντε Καίσαρος τάξεων, καὶ οἱ Βρεντέσιοι τὰς πύλας ἀπέκλειον, Ἀηνοβάρβῳ μὲν ὡς ἐκ πολλοῦ πολεμίῳ, Ἀντωνίῳ δὲ ὡς πολέμιον ἐπάγοντι. ὁ δὲ ἀγανακτῶν καὶ ἡγούμενος εἶναι τάδε καλλωπίσματα, τὸ δʼ ἀληθὲς ἀποκλείεσθαι πρὸς τῶν Καίσαρος φρουρῶν γνώμῃ Καίσαρος, διετάφρευε τῆς πόλεως τὸν ἰσθμὸν καὶ ἀπετείχιζεν. ἔστι δʼ ἡ πόλις χερρόνησος ἐν μηνοειδεῖ λιμένι, καὶ οὐκ ἦν ἔτι τοῖς ἐξ ἠπείρου προσελθεῖν ἀνάντει λόφῳ, διατετμημένῳ τε καὶ διατετειχισμένῳ. ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος καὶ τὸν λιμένα μέγαν ὄντα φρουρίοις πυκνοῖς περιεφράξατο καὶ τὰς νήσους τὰς ἐν αὐτῷ. ἔς τε τὰ παράλια τῆς Ἰταλίας περιέπεμπεν, οἷς εἴρητο τὰ εὔκαιρα καταλαμβάνειν. ἐκέλευε δὲ καὶ Πομπήιον ἐπιπλεῖν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ δρᾶν, ὅ τι δύναιτο. ὁ δὲ ἄσμενος αὐτίκα Μηνόδωρον σὺν ναυσὶ πολλαῖς καὶ στρατοῦ τέσσαρσι τέλεσιν ἐκπέμψας Σαρδὼ Καίσαρος οὖσαν καὶ τὰ ἐν αὐτῇ δύο τέλη περιέσπασε τὴν συμφροσύνην Ἀντωνίου καταπλαγέντας. τῆς δὲ Ἰταλίας Σιποῦντα μὲν τῆς Αὐσονίας οἱ τοῦ Ἀντωνίου κατέλαβον, Θουρίους δὲ καὶ Κωνσεντίαν Πομπήιος ἐπολιόρκει καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐπενέμετο τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.6.56

From thence they sailed to Brundusium, which was garrisoned by five cohorts of Octavius’ troops. The citizens closed their gates against Ahenobarbus, as an old enemy, and against Antony, as one introducing an enemy. Antony was indignant. Considering this a pretence, and that he was in fact shut out by Octavius’ garrison at the latter’s instance, he drew a ditch and palisade across the isthmus that connects the town with the mainland. The city is situated on a peninsula which fronts a crescent-shaped harbor. Now the people coming from the mainland could no longer reach the rising ground on which the city stands, as it had been cut off and walled in. Antony also surrounded the harbor, which is large, and the islands in it, with towers planted closely together. He sent forces along the coasts of Italy, whom he ordered to seize the advantageous positions. He called upon Pompeius to move against Italy with his fleet and to do whatever he could. Pompeius, with alacrity, despatched Menodorus with a numerous fleet and four legions of soldiers, who seized Sardinia, which belonged to Octavius, and two legions in it, who were panic-stricken at this agreement between Pompeius and Antony. In Italy Antony’s men captured the town of Sipuntum of Ausonia. Pompeius besieged Thurii and Consentia and ravaged their territory with his cavalry.

Edition note

Sipuntum was in Apulia. The word Ausonia was an old Greek designation applied vaguely to southern Italy.

5.6.57 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.6.57

ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ, ὀξείας καὶ πανταχοῦ τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως γενομένης, ἐς μὲν τὴν Αὐσονίδα ἔπεμπεν Ἀγρίππαν ἐπικουρεῖν τοῖς πονουμένοις. καὶ ὁ Ἀγρίππας τοὺς ἐν ὁδῷ κληρούχους ἦγεν, ἐκ διαστήματος ἑπομένους ὡς ἐπὶ Πομπήιον ἰόντας· μαθόντες δὲ Ἀντωνίου γνώμῃ τὰ γιγνόμενα εἶναι, ἀνέστρεφον αὐτίκα διαλανθάνοντες. καὶ τοῦτο μάλιστα κατέπληξε τὸν Καίσαρα. ὁδεύων δʼ ὅμως ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον αὐτὸς μεθʼ ἑτέρου στρατοῦ, τοῖς κληρούχοις αὖθις ἐνετύγχανε καὶ μετεδίδασκε καὶ τοὺς ὑφʼ ἑαυτοῦ συνῳκισμένους ἦγεν, αἰδουμένους καὶ γνώμην ἐν ἀπορρήτῳ ποιουμένους Ἀντώνιον καὶ Καίσαρα συναλλάσσειν, εἰ δʼ ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἀπειθῶν πολεμοίη, Καίσαρι ἀμύνειν. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐν μὲν Κανυσίῳ τινὰς ἡμέρας ἐνοσηλεύετο, παντὶ δὲ ὢν ἔτι κρείσσων Ἀντωνίου κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος, εὗρε τὸ Βρεντέσιον ἀποτετειχισμένον καὶ οὐδὲν ἄλλʼ ἢ παρεστρατοπέδευε καὶ τοῖς γιγνόμενοις ἐφήδρευεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.6.57

Octavius, attacked so suddenly and in so many places, sent Agrippa into Ausonia to succor the distressed inhabitants. Agrippa called out the colonized veterans along the road, and they followed at a certain interval, supposing that they were moving against Pompeius, but when they learned that what had happened had been done at Antony’s instance, they turned around and went back secretly. Octavius was greatly alarmed by this. Nevertheless, while marching to Brundusium with another army he again fell in with the colonized veterans, and interceded with them, and prevailed upon those who had been colonized by himself to follow him. They were ashamed to refuse, but they had the secret intention to bring Antony and Octavius into harmony with each other, and if Antony should refuse and should go to war, then to defend Octavius. The latter was detained some days at Canusium by sickness. Although his forces considerably outnumbered those of Antony, he found Brundusium walled in, and he could do nothing but encamp alongside of it and await events.

5.6.58 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.6.58

ὁ δʼ Ἀντώνιος ἐκράτει μὲν τοῖς ὀχυρώμασιν ὡς πολὺ μείονας ἔχων ἀσφαλῶς ἀπομάχεσθαι, ἐκάλει δὲ τὸν στρατὸν ἐκ Μακεδονίας κατὰ σπουδὴν καὶ ἐτέχναζεν ἑσπέρας ἀφανῶς ἀνάγεσθαι ναῦς μακράς τε καὶ στρογγύλας ἰδιωτικοῦ πλήθους, οἳ μεθʼ ἡμέραν ἄλλοι μετʼ ἄλλους κατέπλεον ὡπλισμένοι καθάπερ ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἐπιόντες, ἐφορῶντος αὐτῶν τὸν ἐπίπλουν τοῦ Καίσαρος. ἤδη δʼ αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ μηχανήματα γεγένητο, καὶ ἐπιχειρήσειν ἔμελλε τοῖς Βρεντεσίοις, ἀχθομένου τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὅτι μὴ εἶχεν ἐπαμύνειν. περὶ δὲ ἑσπέραν ἑκατέροις ἀγγέλλεται Σιποῦντα μὲν Ἀγρίππας ἀναλαβών, Πομπήιος δὲ Θουρίων μὲν ἀπεωσμένος, Κωνσεντίαν δʼ ἔτι περικαθήμενος, ἐφʼ οἷς ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐδυσχέραινεν. ὡς δὲ καὶ Σερουίλιος ἀπηγγέλθη προσιὼν τῷ Καίσαρι μετὰ χιλίων καὶ πεντακοσίων ἱππέων, οὐ κατασχὼν τῆς ὁρμῆς ὁ Ἀντώνιος εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ δείπνου, μεθʼ ὧν εὗρεν ἑτοίμων φίλων καὶ ἱππέων τετρακοσίων, μάλα θρασέως ἐπειχθεὶς ἐπέπεσε τοῖς χιλίοις καὶ πεντακοσίοις εὐναζομένοις ἔτι περὶ πόλιν Ὑρίαν καὶ ἐκπλήξας ἀμαχεὶ παρέλαβέ τε καὶ αὐτῆς ἡμέρας ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον ἐπανήγαγεν. οὕτω τὸν Ἀντώνιον ὡς ἄμαχον ἐκ τῆς ἐν Φιλίπποις δόξης ἔτι κατεπεπλήγεσαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.6.58

Antony was enabled by means of his intrenchments to defend himself easily, although he was much inferior in numbers. He summoned his army from Macedonia in haste, and in the meantime he resorted to the stratagem of sending war-ships and merchant vessels to sea by night secretly with a multitude of private citizens on board, which returned, one after another, the next day, in sight of Octavius, bearing armed men, as though they had just come from Macedonia. Antony had his machines already prepared and was about to attack the Brundusians, to the great chagrin of Octavius, since he was not able to defend them. Toward evening the news reached both armies that Agrippa had captured Sipuntum and that Pompeius had been repulsed from Thurii, but was still besieging Consentia. Antony was disturbed by this news. When it was announced that Servilius was coming to the assistance of Octavius with 1500 horse, Antony could not restrain his rage, but sprang up from supper, and, with such friends as he could find ready and with 400 horse, he pressed forward with the utmost intrepidity, and fell upon the 1500, who were still asleep near the town of Uria, threw them into a panic, captured them without a fight, and returned to Brundusium the same day. Thus did the reputation that Antony had gained at Philippi as an invincible man still inspire terror.

5.6.59 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.6.59

αἵ τε στρατηγίδες αὐτοῦ τάξεις, ὑπὸ τῆσδε τῆς δόξης ἐπαιρόμεναι, προσεπέλαζον τῷ χάρακι τῷ Καίσαρος κατὰ μέρη καὶ τοὺς συνεστρατευμένους σφίσιν ὠνείδιζον, εἰ πολεμήσοντες ἥκοιεν Ἀντωνίῳ τῷ πάντας αὐτοὺς περισώσαντι ἐν Φιλίπποις. τῶν δὲ ἀντεπικαλούντων, ὅτι αὐτοὶ σφίσιν ἥκουσι πολεμήσοντες, λόγοι συνισταμένων ἐγίγνοντο, καὶ τὰ ἐγκλήματα ἀλλήλοις προύφερον, οἱ μὲν τὴν ἀπόκλεισιν τοῦ Βρεντεσίου καὶ τὴν ἀφαίρεσιν τοῦ Καληνοῦ στρατοῦ, οἱ δὲ τὴν ἀποτείχισιν τοῦ Βρεντεσίου καὶ πολιορκίαν καὶ τὴν τῆς Αὐσονίδος καταδρομὴν καὶ τὸ συνθέσθαι μὲν Ἀηνοβάρβῳ σφαγεῖ Γαΐου Καίσαρος, συνθέσθαι δὲ Πομπηίῳ κοινῷ πολεμίῳ. καὶ τέλος οἱ τοῦ Καίσαρος τὴν γνώμην σφῶν τοῖς ἑτέροις ἀνεκάλυπτον, ὅτι Καίσαρι συνέλθοιεν οὐκ ἀμνημονοῦντες Ἀντωνίου τῆς ἀρετῆς, ἀλλὰ διαλλαγὰς ἐπινοοῦντες ἀμφοτέροις ἢ Ἀντώνιον ἀπειθοῦντα καὶ πολεμοῦντα ἀμυνούμενοι. καὶ τάδε καὶ αὐτοὶ προσπελάζοντες τοῖς Ἀντωνίου χαρακώμασι προύλεγον. γιγνομένων δὲ τούτων ἀγγέλλεται Φουλβία τεθνεῶσα, λεγομένη μὲν ἐπὶ ταῖς Ἀντωνίου μέμψεσιν ἀθυμῆσαι καὶ ἐς τὴν νόσον ἐμπεσεῖν, νομιζομένη δὲ καὶ τὴν νόσον ἑκοῦσα ἐπιτρῖψαι διὰ τὴν ὀργὴν Ἀντωνίου· νοσοῦσάν τε γὰρ αὐτὴν ἀπολελοίπει καὶ οὐδὲ ἀπολείπων ἑωράκει. ἐδόκει δʼ ἀμφοτέροις ἐς πολλὰ συνοίσειν ὁ θάνατος, γυναίου φιλοπράγμονος ἀπηλλαγμένοις, ἣ διὰ τὸν Κλεοπάτρας ζῆλον ἐξερρίπισε τοσόνδε πόλεμον. τό γε μὴν πάθος ἀσθενῶς ἤνεγκεν ὁ Ἀντώνιος, ἡγούμενός τι καὶ αἴτιος γεγονέναι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.6.59

Antony’s praetorian cohorts, proud of his prestige, approached the camp of Octavius in groups and reproached their former comrades for coming hither to fight Antony, to whom they all owed their safety at Philippi. When the latter replied that the others had come making war against themselves, they fell to arguing and brought charges against each other. Antony’s men said that Brundusium had been closed against him and that Calenus’ troops had been taken from him. The others spoke of the investment and siege of Brundusium, the invasion of Southern Italy, the agreement with Ahenobarbus, one of Caesar’s murderers, and the treaty with Pompeius, their common enemy. Finally Octavius’ men revealed their purpose to the others, saying that they had come with Octavius, not because they were forgetful of Antony’s merits, but with the intention of bringing them to an agreement, or, if Antony refused and continued the war, of defending Octavius against him. These things they openly said also when they approached Antony’s works. While these events were in progress the news came that Fulvia was dead. It was said that she was dispirited by Antony’s reproaches and fell sick; and it was thought that she had become a willing victim of disease on account of the anger of Antony, who had left her while she was sick and had not visited her even when he was going away. The death of this turbulent woman, who had stirred up so disastrous a war on account of her jealousy of Cleopatra, seemed extremely fortunate to both of the parties who were rid of her. Nevertheless, Antony was much saddened by this event because he considered himself in some sense the cause of it.

5.7.60 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.7.60

Λεύκιος δὲ ἦν Κοκκήιος ἑκατέρῳ φίλος καὶ ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἐς Φοινίκην τοῦ προτέρου θέρους πρὸς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀπέσταλτο μετὰ Καικίνα, ἐπανιόντος δὲ τοῦ Καικίνα παρὰ Ἀντωνίῳ κατέμενεν. οὗτος τότε ὁ Κοκκήιος, τὸν καιρὸν οὐ μεθείς, ὑπεκρίνατο μεταπεμφθῆναι πρὸς Καίσαρος ἀσπασόμενος αὐτόν. συγχωροῦντος δʼ ἀπιέναι τοῦ Ἀντωνίου πειρώμενος ἤρετο, εἴ τι καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐπιστέλλει τῷ Καίσαρι, κεκομισμένος διʼ αὐτοῦ Κοκκηίου γράμματα. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος νῦν μέν, ἔφη, τί ἂν ἀλλήλοις γράφοιμεν, ὄντες ἐχθροί, εἰ μὴ κακῶς ἀγορεύοιμεν ἀλλήλους; ἀντέγραψα δὲ τοῖς πάλαι διὰ Καικίνα· καὶ εἰ βούλει, λάβε τὰ ἀντίγραφα. ὁ μὲν οὕτως ἐπεχλεύασεν, ὁ δὲ Κοκκήιος οὐκ εἴα τω τὸν Καίσαρα καλεῖν ἐχθρόν, ἔς τε Λεύκιον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Ἀντωνίου φίλους τοιόνδε γεγενημένον. ὁ δέ ἐκ Βρεντεσίου με, φησίν, ἀποκλείων καὶ τὰ ἐμὰ ἔθνη καὶ τὸν Καληνοῦ στρατὸν ἀφαιρούμενος ἔτι τοῖς φίλοις ἐστὶν εὔνους μόνοις· οὐδὲ τοὺς φίλους ἐμοὶ περισῴζειν ἔοικεν, ἀλλὰ ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις ἐχθροποιεῖν. καὶ ὁ Κοκκήιος, ἃ μὲν ἐπεμέμφετο μαθών, οὐδὲν δὲ ἔτι ὀξυτέραν φύσιν ἐπερεθίσας, ᾤχετο πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.7.60

There was a certain Lucius Cocceius, a friend of both, who had been sent, in company with Caecina, by Octavius, the previous summer, to Antony in Phœnicia, and had remained with Antony after Caecina returned. This Cocceius, seizing his opportunity, pretended that he had been sent for by Octavius for the purpose of a friendly greeting. When Antony allowed him to go he asked, by way of testing his disposition, whether Antony would like to write any letter to Octavius which he could convey. Antony replied: What can we write to each other, now that we are enemies, except mutual recrimination? I wrote letters in reply to his of some time ago, which I sent by the hand of Caecina. Take copies of those if you like. This he said by way of jest, but Cocceius would not yet allow him to call Octavius an enemy after his generous behavior toward Lucius and Antony’s other friends. But Antony replied: He has shut me out of Brundusium and taken my provinces and the army of Calenus from me. He is kind only to my friends, and evidently not to keep them friendly, but to make them enemies to me by his benefactions. Cocceius, after hearing these complaints, did not care to irritate further a naturally passionate disposition, but proceeded to make his visit to Octavius.

5.7.61 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.7.61

ὁ δὲ αὐτὸν ἰδὼν ἐν θαύματι ἐποιεῖτο, ὅτι μὴ θᾶσσον ἔλθοι· οὐ γάρ, ἔφη, καὶ τὸν σὸν ἀδελφόν, ἵνʼ ἐχθρὸς ᾖς μοι, περιέσωσα. ὁ δέ πῶς, ἔφη, τοὺς μὲν ἐχθροὺς φίλους ποιῇ, τοὺς δὲ φίλους ἐχθροὺς ἀποκαλεῖς τε καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἀφαιρῇ καὶ τὰ ἔθνη; καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐ γάρ, ἔφη, Καληνοῦ τελευτήσαντος ἐχρῆν ἐπὶ μειρακίῳ τῷ Καληνοῦ παιδὶ γενέσθαι τοσαύτας ἀφορμάς, ἀπόντος ἔτι Ἀντωνίου· αἷς καὶ Λεύκιος ἐπαρθεὶς ἐμάνη, καὶ Ἀσίνιος καὶ Ἀηνόβαρβος γειτονεύοντες ἐχρῶντο καθʼ ἡμῶν. ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰ Πλάγκου τέλη κατὰ σπουδὴν κατέλαβον, ἵνα μὴ οἴχοιτο πρὸς Πομπήιον· οἱ γοῦν ἱππέες αὐτῶν διέπλευσαν ἐς Σικελίαν. καὶ ὁ Κοκκήιος ἑτέρως, ἔφη, τάδε λογοποιούμενα οὐδὲ Ἀντώνιος ἐπίστευεν, ἕως ἀπεκλείσθη τοῦ Βρεντεσίου καθάπερ πολέμιος. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐδὲν μὲν αὐτὸς ἔφη περὶ τοῦδε προστάξαι ʽοὐδὲ γὰρ προμαθεῖν προσπλέοντα οὐδʼ ἀφικέσθαι μετὰ πολεμίων προσδοκῆσαἰ, Βρεντεσίους δὲ αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸν ὑπολελειμμένον αὐτοῖς διὰ τὰς Ἀηνοβάρβου καταδρομὰς ταξίαρχον αὐτοκελεύστους ἀποκλεῖσαι τὸν Ἀντώνιον, συνθέμενον μὲν ἐχθρῷ κοινῷ Πομπηίῳ, ἐπαγαγόντα δὲ Ἀηνόβαρβον φονέα τοῦ ἐμοῦ πατρός, ψήφῳ καὶ κρίσει καὶ προγραφῇ κατεγνωσμένον καὶ πολιορκήσαντα μὲν τὸ Βρεντέσιον μετὰ Φιλίππους, πολιορκοῦντα δὲ ἔτι τὸν Ἰόνιον ἐν κύκλῳ, ἐμπρήσαντα δὲ τὰς ἐμὰς ναῦς καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν λεηλατήσαντα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.7.61

When Octavius saw him he expressed astonishment that he had not come sooner. I did not save your brother, he exclaimed, in order that you should be my enemy. Cocceius replied, How is it that you, who make friends out of enemies, call your friends enemies and take from them their armies and provinces? It was not fitting, replied Octavius, that after the death of Calenus such large resources should be left in the hands of such a stripling as Calenus’ son while Antony was still far distant. Lucius was excited to frenzy by them and Asinius and Ahenobarbus, who were near by, were about to use them against us. So, too, I took sudden possession of the legions of Plancus, in order that they might not join the Pompeians. His cavalry have actually gone to Sicily. These matters have been told differently, said Cocceius; but Antony did not credit the statements made to him until he was shut out of Brundusium as an enemy. I gave no order on that subject, replied Octavius, nor did I know beforehand that he was coming, nor did I anticipate that he would come here with enemies. The Brundusians themselves and the praefect, who had been left with them on account of the raids of Ahenobarbus, of their own motion excluded Antony, who was in league with the common enemy, Pompeius, and was bringing in Ahenobarbus, one of my father’s murderers, who has been condemned by vote of the Senate, by judgment of the court, and by the proscription, who besieged Brundusium after the battle of Philippi, and is still blockading the Adriatic coast, who has burned my ships and plundered Italy.

Edition note

Schweighäuser understood the words your brother to refer to Lucius Antonius as though Octavius were addressing Cocceius as Antony’s legate. Mendelssohn shows by a reference to Borghesi that the person referred to was M. Cocceius Nerva, Antony’s proquaestor.

5.7.62 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.7.62

ὁ δέ σπένδεσθαι μέν, ἔφη, συνεχωρήσατε ἀλλήλοις, πρὸς οὓς ἂν ἐθέλητε· καὶ οὐδενὶ τῶν ἀνδροφόνων Ἀντώνιος ἐσπείσατο, οὐδὲν ἔλασσον ἢ αὐτὸς σὺ τὸν σὸν πατέρα τιμῶν. Ἀηνόβαρβος δὲ οὐκ ἔστι τῶν ἀνδροφόνων, ἡ δὲ ψῆφος αὐτῷ κατʼ ὀργὴν ἐπῆκται· οὐδὲ γὰρ τῆς βουλῆς πω τότε μετεῖχεν. εἰ δʼ ὡς φίλῳ Βρούτου μὴ συγγνῶναι νομίζοιμεν, οὐκ ἂν φθάνοιμεν ὀλίγου δεῖν ἅπασι χαλεπαίνοντες; Πομπηίῳ δὲ οὐ συνέθετο μὲν συμμαχήσειν ὁ Ἀντώνιος, πολεμούμενος δʼ ὑπὸ σοῦ προσλήψεσθαι σύμμαχον ἢ καὶ σοὶ συναλλάξειν, οὐδὲν ἀνήκεστον οὐδʼ ἐκεῖνον εἰργασμένον. σὺ δὲ καὶ τῶνδε τὴν αἰτίαν ἔχεις· εἰ γὰρ οὐκ ἐπολεμήθη κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, οὐδʼ ἂν οὗτοι πρεσβεύεσθαι ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐθάρρουν. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἔτι ἐπικαλῶν τὴν μὲν Ἰταλίαν, ἔφη, κἀμὲ σὺν αὐτῇ, Μανιος καὶ Φουλβία καὶ Αεύκιος ἐπολέμουν· ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος οὐ πρότερον, ἀλλὰ νῦν Ἀντωνίῳ θαρρῶν ἐπιβέβηκε τῆς παραλίου. καὶ ὁ Κοκκήιος οὐκ Ἀντωνίῳ θαρρῶν, εἶπεν, ἀλλὰ ὑπʼ Ἀντωνίου πεμφθείς. οὐ γὰρ ἐπικρύψω σε, ὅτι καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Ἰταλίαν ἐπιδραμεῖται ναυτικῷ πολλῷ ναυτικὸν οὐκ ἔχουσαν, εἰ μὴ διαλύσεσθε ὑμεῖς. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ (οὐ γὰρ ἀμελῶς ἤκουσε τοῦ τεχνάσματος) ἐπισχὼν ὀλίγον εἶπεν· ἀλλʼ οὐ χαιρήσει Πομπήιος, κακὸς κακῶς καὶ νῦν ἐκ Θουρίων ἐξελαθείς. καὶ ὁ Κοκκήιος τὰ ἀμφίλογα πάντα κατιδὼν ἐπῆγε τὸν Φουλβίας θάνατον καὶ τρόπον αὐτοῦ, ὅτι πρὸς τὴν ὀργὴν Ἀντωτίου δυσχεράνασά τε νοσήσειε καὶ τὴν νόσον ἐπιτρίψειεν ὑπὸ τῆς δυσθυμίας, οὐκ ἰδόντος αὐτὴν οὐδὲ νοσοῦσαν Ἀντωνίου, ὡς αἴτιον τῇ γυναικὶ θανάτου γενόμενον· ἐκποδὼν δὲ κἀκείνης γενομένης, οὐδενὸς ὑμῖν ἐνδεῖν ἔτι ἔφη πρὸς ἀλλήλους πλὴν ἀληθεῦσαι, περὶ ὧν ὑπενοήσατε.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.7.62

But it was agreed between you, said Cocceius, that you might treat with whomsoever you chose. Yet Antony has not made a treaty with any of the murderers, and he holds your father in no less honor than you do. Ahenobarbus was not one of the murderers. The vote was cast against him on account of personal animosity, for he had no share whatever in the plots of those days. If we consider him unpardonable because he was a friend of Brutus, are we not in a fair way to be bitter against almost everybody? Antony made an agreement with Pompeius, not to make an aggressive war with him, but either to secure his help in case of an attack by you, or to bring him into good relations with you, since he has done nothing which should make him irreconcilable. You are the one to blame for these things, for if there had been no war in Italy those men would not have ventured to send ambassadors to Antony. Octavius repeated his accusations, saying, Manius and Fulvia and Lucius brought war against Italy, and against me as well as Italy; and Pompeius, who did not attack before, now makes descents upon the coast, encouraged by Antony. Cocceius replied, Not encouraged by Antony, but directed by him; for I will not conceal from you the fact that the rest of Italy, which is destitute of naval defences, will be attacked by a powerful fleet unless you agree to peace. Octavius, who gave due weight to this artful suggestion, reflected a moment, and then said, But Pompeius will have the worst of it. He has just been repulsed from Thurii as he deserves. Then Cocceius, having gone over the whole controversy, led the conversation up to the death of Fulvia and the manner of it, saying that she fell sick because she could not bear the anger of Antony and wasted away with grief because he would not see her when she was ill, and that he was in a manner the cause of his wife’s death. Now that she is dead, he continued, it only remains for you to tell each other frankly what your suspicions are.

Edition note

οὐδὲ γὰρ τῆς βουλῆς πω τότε μετεῖχεν. Casaubon was of the opinion that this should be rendered: for he was not then a member of the Senate. It all depends upon the interpretation of τῆς βουλῆς, and it must be said that Appian does not generally use βουλή for plot, or conspiracy, but does almost invariably use it for the Senate. Suetonius (Nero, 3) says that this Domitius Ahenobarbus, although condemned by the Pedian Law, among those who were privy to the murder of Caesar, was innocent of that crime.

5.7.63 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.7.63

οὕτω καθομιλῶν τὸν Καίσαρα ὁ Κοκκήιος ἐκείνην τε τὴν ἡμέραν ἐξενίζετο παρʼ αὐτῷ καὶ ἐδεῖτο ἐπιστεῖλαί τι τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ, νεώτερον ὄντα πρεσβυτέρῳ. ὁ δὲ πολεμοῦντι μὲν ἔτι οὐκ ἔφη γράψειν· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐκεῖνον· μέμψεσθαι δʼ αὐτοῦ τῇ μητρί, ὅτι συγγενὴς οὖσα καὶ προτιμηθεῖσα ἐκ πάντων ὑφʼ αὑτοῦ, φύγοι τὴν Ἰταλίαν καθάπερ οὐ τευξομένη πάντων ὡς παρʼ υἱοῦ. ὧδε μὲν καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐτέχναζε καὶ ἐπέστελλε τῇ Ἰουλίᾳ. ἐξιόντι δὲ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τῷ Κοκκηίῳ πολλοὶ τῶν ταξιάρχων τὴν γνώμην ἐξέφερον τοῦ στρατοῦ. ὁ δὲ καὶ τἆλλα καὶ τόδε αὐτὸ τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ μετέφερεν, ἵνα εἰδείη πολεμήσοντας οὐ συντιθεμένῳ. συνεβούλευεν οὖν Πομπήιον μὲν ἐς Σικελίαν ἐξ ὧν ἐπόρθει μετακαλεῖν, Ἀηνόβαρβον δέ ποι πέμπειν, ἕως αἱ συνθῆκαι γένοιντο. παρακαλούσης δὲ καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἐς ταῦτα τὸν Ἀντώνιον ʽγένει γὰρ ἦν ἐκ τῶν Ἰουλίων̓, ᾐσχύνετο Ἀντώνιος, εἰ μὴ γενομένων τῶν συμβάσεων τὸν Πομπήιον αὖθις ἐς συμμαχίαν καλοίη. τῆς δὲ μητρὸς οὐκ ἀπελπιζούσης αὐτὰς ἔσεσθαι καὶ Κοκκηίου ἰσχυριζομένου τε περὶ αὐτῶν καὶ ἐλπιζομένου τι πλέον εἰδέναι, ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐνεδίδου καὶ τὸν Πομπήιον ἀναχωρεῖν ἐκέλευεν ἐς Σικελίαν, ὡς ἐπιμελησόμενος τῶν συγκειμένων, καὶ Ἀηνόβαρβον ἔπεμπεν ἡγεῖσθαι Βιθυνίας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.7.63

In this way Cocceius won the confidence of Octavius and passed the day as his guest, and begged him to write to Antony as the younger man to the older. Octavius said that he would not write to one who was still waging war against him, because Antony had not written to him, but that he would make complaint to Antony’s mother, because, although a relative and held in the highest honor by Octavius, she had fled from Italy, as though she could not have obtained everything from him as from her own son. This was his artful way of opening a correspondence by writing to Julia. As Cocceius was going away from the camp many of the higher officers advised him of the purpose of the army, and he communicated this and other things he had learned to Antony, so that he might know that they would fight against him because he did not come to an agreement. So he advised Antony that Pompeius should be called back from his ravaging to Sicily, and that Ahenobarbus should be sent somewhither until a treaty of peace should be made. Antony’s mother besought him to the same purpose, for she belonged to the Julian gens. Antony apprehended that if the negotiations should fail he would be put to the shame of calling on Pompeius for assistance again, but his mother encouraged him to believe that they would not fail, and Cocceius confirmed her, intimating that he knew more than he had told. So Antony yielded, and ordered Pompeius back to Sicily, implying that he would take care of their mutual concerns, and sent Ahenobarbus away as governor of Bithynia.

Edition note

Plutarch informs us that Antony’s mother, Julia, was of the family of the Caesars and the equal in virtue and amiability of the most exemplary women of her time. (Life of Antony, 2.) Her father, Lucius Caesar, had been consul in the year 664 and her brother of the same name had held that office in 690.

5.7.64 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.7.64

ὧν ὁ στρατὸς ὁ τοῦ Καίσαρος αἰσθανόμενοι πρέσβεις εἵλοντο τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐς ἀμφοτέρους, οἳ τὰ μὲν ἐγκλήματα αὐτῶν ἐπέσχον ὡς οὐ κρῖναι σφίσιν, ἀλλὰ διαλλάξαι μόνον ᾑρημένοι, σφίσι δʼ αὐτοῖς προσελόμενοι Κοκκήιον μὲν ὡς οἰκεῖον ἀμφοῖν, ἐκ δὲ τῶν Ἀντωνίου Πολλίωνα καὶ Μαικήναν ἐκ τῶν Καίσαρος, ἔγνωσαν Καίσαρι καὶ Ἀντωνίῳ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀμνηστίαν εἶναι τῶν γεγονότων καὶ φιλίαν ἐς τὸ μέλλον. ὑπογύως δὲ Μαρκέλλου τεθνεῶτος, ὃς τὴν ἀδελφὴν Καίσαρος εἶχεν Ὀκταουίαν, ἐδικαίουν οἱ διαλλακταὶ τὴν Ὀκταουίαν Ἀντωνίῳ τὸν Καίσαρα ἐγγυῆσαι. καὶ ὁ μὲν αὐτίκα ἐνηγγύα, καὶ ἠσπάζοντο ἀλλήλους, καὶ βοαὶ παρὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ εὐφημίαι πρὸς ἑκάτερον αὐτῶν ἦσαν ἄπαυστοι διʼ ὅλης τε τῆς ἡμέρας καὶ ἀνὰ τὴν νύκτα πᾶσαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.7.64

When Octavius’ soldiers learned these facts they chose deputies and sent the same ones to both commanders. They took no notice of accusations because they had been chosen, not to decide a controve sy, but to restore peace. Cocceius was added to their number as she common friend of both, together with Pollio from Antony’s party and Maecenas from that of Octavius. It was determined that there should be amnesty between Antony and Octavius for the past and friendship for the future. Moreover, as Marcellus, the husband of Octavius’ sister Octavia, had recently died, the umpires decided that her brother should betroth her to Antony, which he did immediately. Then Antony and Octavius embraced each other. Thereupon shouts went up from the soldiers and congratulations were offered to each of the generals, without intermission, through the entire day and night.

5.7.65 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.7.65

ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος τὴν Ῥωμαίων αὖθις ἀρχὴν ἐφʼ ἑαυτῶν ἐμερίσαντο ἅπασαν, ὅρον μὲν εἶναι σφίσι Σκόδραν πόλιν τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος, ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ Ἰονίου μυχοῦ μάλιστα δοκοῦσαν εἶναι, ταύτης δʼ ἔχειν τὰ μὲν πρὸς ἕω πάντα τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἔθνη τε καὶ νήσους ἕως ἐπὶ ποταμὸν Εὐφράτην ἄνω, τὰ δὲ ἐς δύσιν τὸν Καίσαρα μέχρι ὠκεανοῦ. Λιβύης δὲ Λέπιδον ἄρχειν, καθὰ Καῖσαρ ἐδεδώκει. πολεμεῖν δὲ Πομπηίῳ μὲν Καίσαρα, εἰ μή τι συμβαίνοι, Παρθυαίοις δὲ Ἀντώνιον, ἀμυνόμενον τῆς ἐς Κράσσον παρασπονδήσεως. Ἀηνοβάρβῳ δʼ εἶναι πρὸς Καίσαρα συμβάσεις τὰς πρὸς Ἀντώνιον γενομένας. στρατὸν δὲ ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας προσκαταλέγειν ἀκωλύτως ἴσον ἑκάτερον. αἵδε μὲν ἦσαν αἱ τελευταῖαι Καίσαρί τε καὶ Ἀντωνίῳ γενόμεναι συμβάσεις. καὶ εὐθὺς ἐς τὰ ἐπείγοντα τοὺς φίλους ἑκάτερος αὐτῶν περιέπεμπεν, Οὐεντίδιον μὲν ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν Ἀντώνιος. ἀναστέλλειν Παρθυαίους τε καὶ Λαβιηνὸν τὸν Λαβιηνοῦ, μετὰ τῶν Παρθυαίων ἐν ταῖσδε ταῖς ἀσχολίαις Συρίαν τε καὶ τὰ μέχρι τῆς Ἰωνίας ἐπιδραμόντα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.7.65

Now Octavius and Antony made a fresh partition of the whole Roman empire between themselves, the boundary line being Scodra, a city of Illyria which was supposed to be situated about midway up the Adriatic gulf. All provinces aid islands east of this place, as far as the river Euphrates, were to belong to Antony and all west of it to the ocean to Octavius. Lepidus was to govern Africa, as Octavius had given it to him. Octavius was to make war against Pompeius unless they should come to some agreement, and Antony was to make war against the Parthians to avenge their treachery toward Crassus. Octavius was to make the same agreement with Ahenobarbus that Antony had already made. Both of them might freely enlist soldiers in Italy in equal numbers. These were the last conditions of peace between Octavius and Antony. Straightway each of them sent his friends to attend to urgent business. Antony despatched Ventidius to Asia against the Parthians and against Labienus, the son of Labienus, who, with the Parthians, had made a hostile incursion into Syria and had advanced as far as Ionia during the late troubles. What Labienus and the Parthians did and suffered I will show in my Parthian history.

Edition note

So that a line drawn through it from east to west would divide the Adriatic into two equal parts.

Edition note

Dion Cassius (xlviii, 24) says that this Labienus, the son of Caesar’s lieutenant in the Gallic war, while serving in the army with Brutus and Cassius was sent to Orodes, the king of the Parthians, before the battle of Philippi, to solicit aid. He was treated disdainfully and kept waiting a long time by this prince, who hesitated to comply, yet feared to refuse. When the news came that Brutus and Cassius were defeated and that the victors were not likely to spare any of their antagonists, he remained with the barbarians, preferring life with them to death at home. This Labienus, when he heard of Antony’s indolence, of his passion for Cleopatra, and his departure for Egypt, persuaded the Parthians to attack the Romans. They were soon afterward crushed by Ventidius.

5.7.66 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.7.66

ἃ μὲν δὴ Λαβιηνός τε καὶ Παρθυαῖοι δράσαντες ἔπαθον, ἡ Παρθυικὴ δηλώσει γραφή· Ἕλενον δὲ στρατηγὸν Καίσαρος, σὺν ὁρμῇ κατασχόντα Σαρδοῦς, αὖθις ἐξέβαλε τῆς Σαρδοῦς Μηνόδωρος ὁ Πομπηίου, καὶ τῷδε μάλιστα χαλεπαίνων ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐκ ἐδέχετο τὰς πείρας Ἀντωνίου συνάγοντος αὐτῷ Πομπήιον. ἐς δὲ Ῥώμην παρελθόντες ἐτέλουν τοὺς γάμους. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος Μάνιον μὲν ἔκτεινεν ὡς ἐρεθίσαντά τε Φουλβίαν ἐπὶ διαβολῇ Κλεοπάτρας καὶ τοσῶνδε αἴτιον γενόμενον, Καίσαρι δὲ ἐνέφηνε Σαλουιδιηνόν, τὸν ἡγούμενον τῷ Καίσαρι τοῦ περὶ Ῥοδανὸν στρατοῦ, ἀπόστασιν ἰδίᾳ βουλεῦσαι καί οἱ περὶ τοῦδε προσπέμψαι περικαθημένῳ τὸ Βρεντέσιον. καὶ ὁ μὲν τόδε ἐξεῖπεν· οὐ πρὸς πάντων ἐπαινούμενον, εὐφυὴς ὢν ἄρα καὶ ταχὺς ἐς εὔνοιαν· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ αὐτίκα τὸν Σαλουιδιηνὸν ἐκάλει κατὰ σπουδήν, ὡς ἐπὶ δή τι μόνου χρῄζων καὶ εὐθὺς ἐκπέμψων αὖθις ἐς τὸν στρατόν, καὶ ἐλθόντα ἔκτεινε διελέγξας καὶ τὸν ὑπʼ αὐτῷ στρατὸν ὡς ὕποπτον ὄντα ἔχειν ἔδωκεν Ἀντωνίῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.7.66

In the meantime Helenus, a lieutenant of Octavius, who had repossessed Sardinia by a sudden onset, was driven out again by Menodorus, the lieutenant of Pompeius. Octavius was so exasperated by this that he rejected Antony’s endeavors to bring him to an agreement with Pompeius. They proceeded to Rome together and celebrated the marriage. Antony put Manius to death because he had excited Fulvia by his accusations against Cleopatra and had been the cause of so many evils. He also revealed to Octavius the fact that Salvidienus, who was in command of Octavius’ army on the Rhone, had had the intention of deserting him, and had sent word to that effect to Antony while he was besieging Brundusium. This secret Antony revealed, not with universal approbation, but because of his frankness and eagerness to show his good-will. Octavius instantly summoned Salvidienus to Rome, pretending that he had some private communication to make to him, and that he should send him back to the army. When he came Octavius confronted him with proofs of his treachery and put him to death, and gave his army to Antony, as he considered it untrustworthy.

5.8.67 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.8.67

Ῥωμαίους δʼ ὁ λιμὸς ἐπίεζεν, οὔτε τῶν ἑῴων ἐμπόρων ἐπιπλεόντων δέει Πομπηίου καὶ Σικελίας, οὔτε τῶν ἐκ δύσεως διὰ Σαρδὼ καὶ Κύρνον ἐχομένας ὑπὸ τῶν Πομπηίου, οὔτʼ ἐκ τῆς περαίας Λιβύης διὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἑκατέρωθεν ναυκρατοῦντας. ἐπετίμητο δὴ πάντα, καὶ τῶνδε τὴν αἰτίαν ἐς τὴν ἔριν τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἀναφέροντες ἐβλασφήμουν αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐς διαλύσεις πρὸς Πομπήιον ἐπέσπερχον. οὐκ ἐνδιδόντος δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος οὐδʼ ὥς, ὁ Ἀντώνιος αὐτὸν ἠξίου ταχύνειν γε τὸν πόλεμον διὰ τὴν ἀπορίαν. χρημάτων δʼ ἐς αὐτὸν οὐκ ὄντων προυτέθη διάγραμμα, εἰσφέρειν ἐπὶ μὲν τοῖς θεράπουσι τοὺς κεκτημένους ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου τὸ ἥμισυ τῶν πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι δραχμῶν ὡρισμένων ἐς τὸν πόλεμον τὸν Κασσίου τε καὶ Βρούτου, ἐσφέρειν δὲ καὶ μοῖραν τοὺς ἐκ διαθήκης τι καρπουμένους. τοῦτο τὸ γράμμα σὺν ὁρμῇ μανιώδει καθεῖλεν ὁ δῆμος ἀγανακτῶν, εἰ τὰ κοινὰ ταμιεῖα κεκενωκότες καὶ τὰ ἔθνη σεσυληκότες καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν αὐτὴν ἐσφοραῖς καὶ τέλεσι καὶ δημεύσεσι καταβαρήσαντες οὐκ ἐς πολέμους οὐδʼ ἐς ἐπίκτητον ἀρχήν, ἀλλʼ ἐς ἰδίους ἐχθροὺς ὑπὲρ οἰκείας δυναστείας, ὑπὲρ ἧς δὴ καὶ προγραφὰς καὶ σφαγὰς καὶ λιμὸν ἐκ τῶνδε πανώδυνον γεγονέναι, ἔτι καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ περιδύοιεν αὑτούς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.8.67

Now famine fell upon Rome, since the merchants of the Orient could not put to sea for fear of Pompeius, who controlled Sicily, and those of the west were deterred by Sardinia and Corsica, which the lieutenants of Pompeius held, while those of Africa opposite were prevented by the same hostile fleets, which infested both shores. There was great dearness of provisions, and the people considered the cause of it to be the strife between the chiefs, and cried out against them and urged them to make peace with Pompeius. As Octavius would by no means yield, Antony advised him to hasten the war on account of the scarcity. As there was no money for this purpose, an edict was published that the owners of slaves should pay a tax for each one, equal to one-half of the twenty-five drachmas that had been ordained for the war against Brutus and Cassius, and that those who acquired property by legacies should contribute a share thereof. The people tore down the edict with fury. They were exasperated that, after exhausting the public treasury, stripping the provinces, burdening Italy itself with contributions, taxes, and confiscations, not for foreign war, not for extending the empire, but for private enmities and to add to their own power (for which reason the proscriptions and this terrible famine had come about), the triumvirs should deprive them of the remainder of their property. They banded together, with loud cries, and stoned those who did not join them, and threatened to plunder and burn their houses, until the whole populace was aroused.

5.8.68 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.8.68

συνιστάμενοί τε ἐβόων καὶ τοὺς οὐ συνισταμένους ἔβαλλον καὶ ἠπείλουν διαρπάσειν αὐτῶν τὰς οἰκίας καὶ καταπρήσειν, ἕως τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ἅπαν ἠρέθιστο, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ σὺν τοῖς φίλοις καὶ ὀλίγοις ὑπασπισταῖς ἐς μέσους ἦλθεν, ἐντυχεῖν τε βουλόμενος καὶ τὴν μέμψιν ἐκλογίσασθαι. οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν εὐθὺς ὀφθέντα ἔβαλλόν τε ἀφειδῶς πάνυ καὶ οὐδʼ ὑπομένοντα καὶ ἑαυτὸν ἐμπαρέχοντα καὶ τιτρωσκόμενον ᾐδοῦντο. πυθόμενος δʼ ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐβοήθει κατὰ σπουδήν. οἱ δὲ καὶ τόνδε, κατιόντα τὴν ἱερὰν ὁδόν, οὐκ ἔβαλλον μὲν ὡς ἕτοιμον ἐς τὰς Πομπηίου διαλύσεις, ἀναχωρεῖν δὲ ἐκέλευον· καὶ οὐ πειθόμενον, τότε ἔβαλλον. ὁ δὲ ὁπλίτας πλέονας, οἳ ἦσαν ἔξω τοῦ τείχους, ἐκάλει. καὶ οὐ παριέντων οὐδʼ ὣς αὐτόν, οἱ μὲν ὁπλῖται διαιρεθέντες ἐς τὰ πλάγια τῆς ὁδοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐπεχείρουν ἐκ τῶν στενωπῶν καὶ τὸν ἐντυχόντα ἀνῄρουν· οἱ δʼ οὐκέτι εὐμαρῶς οὐδὲ φυγεῖν ἐδύναντο, βεβυσμένοι τε ὑπὸ πλήθους καὶ διαδρομὴν οὐκέτι ἔχοντες, ἀλλὰ φόνος ἦν καὶ τραύματα καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν τεγῶν οἰμωγαὶ καὶ βοαί. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος μόλις τε παρῆλθε, καὶ τοῦ κινδύνου τὸν Καίσαρα περιφανῶς δὴ τότε μάλιστα οὗτος ἐξείλετο καὶ ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν περιέσωσε. διαφυγόντος δέ ποτε τοῦ πλήθους τὰ νεκρά, ἵνα μὴ ἐνοχλοίη θεωρούμενα, ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἀπερριπτεῖτο· καὶ ἕτερον πένθος ἦν ὁρωμένων ἀνὰ τὸ ῥεῦμα, καὶ περιδυόντων αὐτὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ ὅσοι μετʼ αὐτῶν κακοῦργοι τὰ εὐσχήμονα μάλιστα ὡς οἰκεῖα ἔφερον. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἐπαύετο σὺν φόβῳ τε καὶ μίσει τῶν ἡγουμένων, ὁ δὲ λιμὸς ἤκμαζε, καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἔστενε καὶ ἡσύχαζεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.8.68

Octavius with his friends and a few attendants came into the forum intending to intercede with the people and to show the unreasonableness of their complaints. As soon as he made his appearance they stoned him unmercifully, and they were not ashamed when they saw him enduring this treatment patiently, and offering himself to it, and even bleeding from wounds. When Antony learned what was going on he came with haste to his assistance. When the people saw him coming down the Via Sacra they did not throw stones at him, since he was in favor of a treaty with Pompeius, but they told him to go away. When he refused to do so they stoned him also. He called in a larger force of troops, who were outside the walls. As the people would not allow him to pass through, the soldiers divided right and left on either side of the street and the forum, and made their attack from the narrow lane, striking down those whom they met. The people could no longer find ready escape on account of the crowd, nor was there any way out of the forum. There was a scene of slaughter and wounds, while shrieks and groans sounded from the housetops. Antony made his way into the forum with difficulty, and snatched Octavius from the most manifest danger, in which he then was, and brought him safe to his house. The mob having been dispersed, the corpses were thrown into the river in order to avoid a shocking spectacle. It was a fresh cause of lamentation to see them floating down the stream, and the soldiers stripping them, and certain miscreants, as well as the soldiers, carrying off the clothing of the better class as their own property. This insurrection was suppressed, but with terror and hatred for the triumvirs. The famine grew worse. The people groaned, but did not stir.

Edition note

καὶ τοῦ κινδύνου τὸν Καίσαρα περιφανῶς δὴ τότε μάλιστα οὗτος ἐξείελτο καὶ ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν περιέσωσεν: possibly the words οὗτος (this man) and τότε (then) are intended to emphasize the contrast between the present relations of Antony and Octavius, and what transpired later.

Edition note

Y.R. 715

5.8.69 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.8.69

ὁ δʼ Ἀντώνιος ἐδίδασκε τοὺς Λίβωνος οἰκείους Λίβωνα καλεῖν ἐκ Σικελίας ἐπὶ συνησθήσει τοῦ κήδους, ἐργασόμενόν τι καὶ μεῖζον· τὸ δʼ ἀσφαλὲς τῷ Λίβωνι ἀνεδέχετο αὐτός. οἱ μὲν δὴ ταχέως ἐπέστελλον, καὶ ὁ Πομπήιος τῷ Λίβωνι συνεχώρει. ἀφικόμενος δὲ ὁ Λίβων ἐς νῆσον ὡρμίσθη τὰς Πιθηκούσας, ἣ νῦν ἐστιν Αἰναρία. καὶ μαθὼν ὁ δῆμος αὖθις ἠθροίζετο καὶ παρεκάλει σὺν ὀλοφύρσει τὸν Καίσαρα πέμψαι Λίβωνι πίστιν, πρεσβεύειν ἐθέλοντι πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἄκων ἔπεμπεν, ὁ δὲ δῆμος καὶ Μουκίαν, τὴν μητέρα τοῦ Πομπηίου, καταπρήσειν ἀπειλοῦντες, ἐξέπεμπον ἐργασομένην διαλύσεις. Λίβων μὲν δὴ συνεὶς τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐνδιδόντων ἠξίου τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αὐτοὺς συνελθεῖν ὡς ἀλλήλοις ἐνδώσοντας, ὅ τι ἂν δοκῇ· βιασαμένου δὲ καὶ ἐς τοῦτο τοῦ δήμου, ἐξῄεσαν ἐς Βαΐας ὁ Καῖσαρ καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.8.69

Antony suggested to the relatives of Libo that they should summon him from Sicily for the purpose of congratulating his brother-in-law, and to accomplish something more important; and he promised him a safe-conduct. His relatives wrote promptly and Pompeius acquiesced. Libo, on his arrival, cast anchor at the isle of Pithecusa, which is now called Aenaria. When the people learned this, they assembled together again and besought Octavius with tears to send letters of safeguard to Libo, who desired to negotiate with him for peace. He did so reluctantly. The people also threatened to burn Mucia, the mother of Pompeius, with her house, if she did not communicate with her son in the interest of peace. When Libo perceived that his enemies were on the point of yielding, he demanded that the leaders themselves should come together in order to make such concessions to each other as they could agree upon. The people compelled them to this course, and, accordingly, Octavius and Antony went to Baiae.

Edition note

B.C. 39

Edition note

ἐπὶ συνησθήσει τοῦ κήδους; Musgrave suggested συνθέσει. (an agreement) instead of συνησθήσει (congratulation), and Mendelssohn concurs, but does not change the text.

Edition note

The modern Ischia.

5.8.70 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.8.70

Πομπήιον δὲ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες ὁμαλῶς ἔπειθον ἐς τὴν εἰρήνην, Μηνόδωρος δὲ ἀπὸ Σαρδοῦς ἐπέστελλεν ἢ πολεμεῖν ἐγκρατῶς ἢ βραδύνειν ἔτι, ὡς τοῦ λιμοῦ σφῶν προπολεμοῦντος καὶ τῶν συμβάσεων, εἰ καραδοκοίη, κρεισσόνων ἐσομένων· Μοῦρκόν τε τούτοις ἐνιστάμενον ὑποβλέπειν ἐκέλευεν ὡς ἀρχὴν αὑτῷ περικτώμενον. ὁ δὲ καὶ τέως τὸν Μοῦρκον διά τε ἀξίωμα καὶ γνώμην ἐγκρατῆ βαρυνόμενος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐκ τῶνδε ἀπερρίπτει, καὶ οὐδὲν ἦν, ὅ τι Μούρκῳ προσεῖχεν, ἕως ὁ μὲν Μοῦρκος ἀχθόμενος ἐς Συρακούσας ὑπεχώρει καί τινας ἰδὼν φύλακας ἑπομένους ἐκ Πομπηίου, φανερῶς αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς φύλαξιν ἐλοιδόρει. ὁ δὲ χιλίαρχον καὶ λοχαγὸν αὐτοῦ Μούρκου διαφθείρας ἔπεμψεν ἀνελεῖν αὐτὸν καὶ φάσκειν ὑπὸ θεραπόντων ἀνῃρῆσθαι· ἔς τε πίστιν τῆς ὑποκρίσεως τοὺς θεράποντας ἐσταύρου. οὐ μὴν ἐλάνθανε δεύτερον ἐπὶ Βιθυνικῷ τόδε μύσος ἐργασάμενος, περὶ ἄνδρα καὶ τὰ πολέμια λαμπρὸν καὶ τῆς αἱρέσεως ἐγκρατῆ φίλον ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς καὶ ἐς αὐτὸν Πομπήιον εὐεργέτην τε ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ γενόμενον καὶ ἑκόντα ἐλθόντα ἐς Σικελίαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.8.70

All the friends of Pompeius urged him with one accord to make peace, except Menodorus, who wrote to him from Sardinia either to prosecute the war vigorously or still to procrastinate, because famine was fighting for them, and he would thus get better terms if he should decide to make peace. Menodorus also advised him to distrust Murcus, who opposed these views, intimating that he was seeking power for himself. Pompeius, who had been vexed with Murcus lately on account of his high position and his stubbornness, became still more averse to him for this reason, and held no communication with him whatever, until, finally, Murcus retired in disgust to Syracuse. Here he saw some of Pompeius’ guards following him, and he expressed his opinion of Pompeius to them freely. Then Pompeius bribed a tribune and a centurion of Murcus, and induced them to kill him and to say that he had been murdered by slaves. To give credibility to this falsehood he crucified the slaves. But he did not succeed in concealing this crime, — the next one committed by him after the murder of Bithynicus, — Murcus having been a man distinguished for his warlike deeds, who had been strongly attached to that party from the beginning, and had rendered great assistance to Pompeius in Spain, and had joined him in Sicily voluntarily. Such was the death of Murcus.

5.8.71 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.8.71

Μοῦρκος μὲν δὴ τεθνήκει, τῶν δʼ ἄλλων τὸν Πομπήιον ἐς τὰς διαλύσεις ἐπειγόντων καὶ τὸν Μηνόδωρον διαβαλλόντων ἐς φιλαρχίαν ὡς οὐκ εὐνοίᾳ τοῦ δεσπότου μᾶλλον ἢ ὅπως αὐτὸς ἄρχοι στρατοῦ καὶ χώρας ἐνιστάμενον, ἐνδοὺς ὁ Πομπήιος ἐς τὴν Αἰναρίαν διέπλει ναυσὶ πολλαῖς ἀρίσταις, ἑξήρους λαμπρᾶς ἐπιβεβηκώς. καὶ Δικαιάρχειαν μὲν οὕτω σοβαρῶς παρέπλευσε περὶ ἑσπέραν, ἐφορώντων τῶν πολεμίων· ἅμα δὲ ἕῳ, καταπηχθέντων σταυρῶν ἐξ ὀλίγου διαστήματος ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ, σανίδες τοῖς σταυροῖς ἐπετέθησαν, καὶ διὰ τῶνδε τῶν καταστρωμάτων ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος παρῆλθον ἐς τὸ πρὸς τῇ γῇ πεποιημένον, ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος καὶ ὁ Λίβων ἐς τὸ πελαγιώτερον, ὀλίγου ῥεύματος αὐτοὺς διείργοντος μὴ κεκραγότας ἀλλήλων ἀκούειν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ μὲν Πομπήιος ἐπὶ κοινωνίᾳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἥκειν ᾤετο ἀντὶ Λεπίδου, οἱ δὲ ὡς κάθοδον αὐτῷ δώσοντες μόνην, τότε μὲν ἐπʼ οὐδενὶ ἔργῳ διεκρίθησαν, διαπομπαὶ δὲ συχναὶ τῶν φίλων ἦσαν ἐπὶ ποικίλαις ἑκατέρων προκλήσεσιν. ᾔτει δʼ ὁ Πομπήιος τῶν προγεγραμμένων τε καὶ οἷ συνόντων τοῖς μὲν ἀνδροφόνοις Γαΐου Καίσαρος φυγὴν ἄδολον, τοῖς δὲ λοιποῖς κάθοδόν τε ἔντιμον καὶ τὰς οὐσίας, ἃς ἀναλώκεσαν. ἐπειγόμενοι δὲ ἐς τὰς συμβάσεις ὑπό τε τοῦ λιμοῦ καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου, ἐς τὸ τέταρτον μόλις ἐνεδίδουν ὡς ὠνησόμενοι παρὰ τῶν ἐχόντων· καὶ τοῖς προγεγραμμένοις αὐτοῖς περὶ τούτων ἐπέστελλον, ἐλπίζοντες αὐτοῖς αὐτοὺς ἀγαπῆσειν. οἱ δὲ ἐδέχοντο πάντα, ἐπεὶ καὶ Πομπήιον αὐτὸν ἐδεδοίκεσαν ἤδη διὰ τὸ Μούρκου μύσος· καὶ προσιόντες τῷ Πομπηίῳ συνθέσθαι παρεκάλουν, ὅτε καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα κατερρήξατο ὁ Πομπήιος ὡς καὶ τῶνδε προδιδόντων αὑτόν, ὧν προμάχεται, καὶ θαμινὰ τὸν Μηνόδωρον ὡς στρατηγικὸν καὶ μόνον εὔνουν ἀνεκάλει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.8.71

His other friends urged Pompeius to make peace, and they accused Menodorus of fondness of power and as opposing peace not so much from good-will to his master as from a desire to command an army and a province. Pompeius yielded and set sail for Aenaria with a large number of his best ships, having embarked himself on a magnificent one with six banks of oars. In this style, toward evening, he sailed proudly past Puteoli in sight of his enemies. Early in the morning two sets of piles were driven in the sea a short distance apart, and planks were placed upon them. Upon the platform nearest the shore Octavius and Antony took their places, while Pompeius and Libo occupied the seaward one, a small space of water separating them, but not preventing them from hearing each other without shouting. As Pompeius thought that he had come in order to be admitted to a share of the government in place of Lepidus, while the others would concede nothing but his recall from exile, they separated for the time without accomplishing anything. Nevertheless, negotiations were continued on the part of friends, who advanced various proposals from one side to the other. Pompeius demanded that, of the proscripts and the men with him, those who had participated in the murder of Gaius Caesar should be allowed a safe place of exile, and the rest an honorable recall to their homes, and that the property they had lost should be restored to them. Urged on by the famine and by the people to an agreement, Octavius and Antony reluctantly conceded a fourth part of this property, promising to buy it from the present holders. They wrote to this effect to the proscripts themselves, hoping that this would satisfy them. The latter accepted all the terms, for they already had apprehensions of Pompeius on account of his crime against Murcus. So they gathered around Pompeius and besought him to come to an agreement. Pompeius rent his garments, declaring that he had been betrayed by those for whom he had fought, and he frequently invoked the name of Menodorus as his most competent officer and his only friend.

Edition note

Menodorus was a freedman. He had been a slave of Pompey the Great. See Sec. 79 infra. Dion Cassius, Plutarch, and Velleius give him the name of Menas.

5.8.72 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.8.72

Μουκίας δὲ αὐτὸν τῆς μητρὸς καὶ Ἰουλίας τῆς γυναικὸς ἐναγουσῶν, αὖθις οἱ τρεῖς συνῆλθον ἐς τὸ ἀμφίκλυστον Δικαιαρχέων χῶμα, περιορμουσῶν τῶν φυλακίδων νεῶν, καὶ συνέβησαν ἐπὶ τοῖσδε· λελύσθαι μὲν τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοῖς καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν καὶ τὰς ἐμπορίας ἀκωλύτους εἶναι πανταχοῦ, Πομπήιον δὲ τὰς φρουρὰς ἐξαγαγεῖν, ὅσαι κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν εἰσί, καὶ μηκέτι τοὺς ἀποδιδράσκοντας οἰκέτας ὑποδέχεσθαι μηδʼ ἐφορμεῖν ναυσὶ τὴν ἀκτὴν τῆς Ἰταλίας, ἄρχειν δὲ Σαρδοῦς καὶ Σικελίας καὶ Κύρνου καὶ ὅσων ἄλλων εἶχεν ἐς τότε νήσων, ἐς ὅσον ἄρχοιεν τῶν ἑτέρων Ἀντώνιός τε καὶ Καῖσαρ, πέμποντα Ῥωμαίοις τὸν ἐκ πολλοῦ τεταγμένον αὐταῖς φέρειν σῖτον, ἐπιλαβεῖν δὲ καὶ Πελοπόννησον ἐπὶ ταύταις, ὑπατεῦσαι δʼ ἀπόντα, διʼ ὅτου κρίνοι τῶν φίλων, καὶ τῆς μεγίστης ἱερωσύνης ἐς τοὺς ἱερέας ἐγγραφῆναι. καὶ τάδε μὲν εἶναι Πομπηίῳ, κάθοδον δὲ τοῖς ἔτι φεύγουσι τῶν ἐπιφανῶν, πλὴν εἴ τις ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ Γαΐου Καίσαρος ψήφῳ καὶ κρίσει κατέγνωσται· καὶ τῆς περιουσίας τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις, ὅσοι κατὰ φόβον ἔφευγον καὶ τὰ ὄντα αὐτοῖς ἐκ βίας ἀπωλώλει, τὸ ἐντελὲς ἀποδοθῆναι χωρὶς ἐπίπλων, τοῖς δὲ προγεγραμμένοις μοῖραν τετάρτην. καὶ τῶν ἐστρατευμένων τῷ Πομπηίῳ τοὺς μὲν οἰκέτας ἐλευθέρους εἶναι, τοῖς δʼ ἐλευθέροις, ὅτε παύσαιντο τῆς στρατείας, τὰ αὐτὰ δοθῆναι γέρα τοῖς ἐστρατευμένοις Καίσαρί τε καὶ Ἀντωνίῳ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.8.72

Finally, at the instance of his mother, Mucia, and of his wife, Julia, again the three men (Octavius, Antony, and Pompeius) came together on the mole of Puteoli, washed by the waves on both sides, and with ships moored around it as guards. Here they came to an agreement on the following terms: That the war should cease on both land and sea, and that commerce should be everywhere unmolested; that Pompeius should remove his garrisons from Italy and no longer afford a refuge to fugitive slaves; that he should not assail with his fleet the Italian coast, but should govern Sardinia, Sicily, and Corsica, and any other islands then in his possession, as long as Antony and Octavius should hold sway over the other countries; that he should send to Rome the corn that had been previously required as tribute from those islands, and that he might have Peloponnesus in addition; that he might hold the consulship in his absence through any friend he might choose, and be inscribed as a member of the priesthood of the first rank. Such were the conditions accorded to Pompeius himself. Members of the nobility who were still in exile were allowed to return, except those who had been condemned by vote of the Senate and judgment of court for participation in the murder of Gaius Caesar. The property of those who had fled merely from fear, and whose goods had been seized by violence, should all be restored except movables. Proscripts should receive one fourth part of theirs. Slaves who had served in the army of Pompeius should be free, and free persons who had thus served should, upon their discharge, receive the same rewards as those who had served under Octavius and Antony.

5.8.73 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.8.73

ἐς ταῦτα συνέβησαν καὶ ταῦτα συνεγράψαντο καὶ ἐσημήναντο καὶ ταῖς ἱεραῖς παρθένοις φυλάσσειν ἔπεμψαν ἐς Ῥώμην. ἐξένιζον δʼ ἀλλήλους αὐτίκα, περὶ τῆς τάξεως διαλαχόντες, πρῶτος μὲν ἐπὶ ἑξήρους Πομπήιος περιωρμις μένης ἐς τὸ χῶμα, ταῖς δὲ ἑξῆς Ἀντώνιός τε καὶ Καῖσαρ, σκηνοποιησάμενοι καὶ οἵδε ἐπὶ τοῦ χώματος, πρόφασιν μὲν ὡς ἅπαντες ἐπὶ ἀκτῆς ἑστιῷντο, τάχα δʼ ἐς ἀσφάλειαν ἀνύποπτον. οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδʼ ὣς εἶχον ἀμελῶς, ἀλλʼ αἵ τε νῆες αὐτοῖς παρώρμουν, καὶ οἱ φύλακες περιειστήκεσαν, καὶ οἱ περὶ τὸ δεῖπνον αὐτὸ ἀφανῶς εἶχον ὑπεζωσμένα ξιφίδια. λέγεται δὲ Μηνόδωρος ἑστιωμένων ἐν τῇ νηὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν πέμψαι Πομπηίῳ, προτρέπων αὐτὸν ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖς ἀνδράσι καὶ τίσασθαι μὲν τῆς ἐς τὸν πατέρα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἁμαρτίας, ἀναλαβεῖν δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν πατρῴαν διʼ ὀξυτάτης ἀφορμῆς· ἐπιμελήσεσθαι γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ὢν μηδένα διαφυγεῖν. ὁ δʼ ἀποκρίνασθαι τοῦ γένους ἅμα καὶ τῆς χρείας ἀξίως· εἴθε Μηνόδωρον ἦν ἐργάσασθαι ταῦτα χωρὶς ἐμοῦ· Μηνοδώρῳ γὰρ ἁρμόζειν ἐπιορκεῖν, οὐ Πομπηίῳ. ἥρμοσαν δʼ ἐν τῷδε τῷ δείπνῳ τὴν Πομπηίου θυγατέρα, Λίβωνος οὖσαν θυγατριδῆν, Μαρκέλλῳ τῷ προγόνῳ μὲν Ἀντωνίου, ἀδελφιδῷ δὲ Καίσαρος. ἀπέφηναν δὲ τῆς ἐπιούσης ὑπάτους ἐς τετραετὲς Ἀντώνιον μὲν καὶ Λίβωνα πρώτους, ἀντικαθιστάντος ὅμως Ἀντωνίου, ὃν ἂν βούλοιτο, ἐπὶ δʼ ἐκείνοις Καίσαρά τε καὶ Πομπήιον, εἶτα Ἀηνόβαρβον καὶ Σόσιον, εἶτʼ αὖθις Ἀντώνιόν τε καὶ Καίσαρα, τρίτον δὴ τότε μέλλοντας ὑπατεύσειν καὶ ἐλπιζομένους τότε καὶ ἀποδώσειν τῷ δήμῳ τὴν πολιτείαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.8.73

Such were the terms of the treaty, to which they attached their names and seals and sent it to Rome to be placed in the custody of the Vestal virgins. Then they entertained each other, casting lots to determine the order of the ceremony. The first banquet took place on Pompeius’ six-banked ship, moored alongside the mole. On succeeding days Antony and Octavius gave banquets in tents pitched on the mole, on the pretext that thus all might participate, but perhaps really for their better security and to quiet apprehensions; for they did not even then neglect precautions. Their ships were moored alongside and guards were stationed around them, and the banqueters were girded with concealed daggers. It is said that, while the three were feasting in the ship, Menodorus sent a message to Pompeius advising him to entrap these men and avenge the wrongs of his father and his brother, and to avail himself of this most favorable occasion to resume the sway that his father had exercised, saying that he, with his own ships, would take care that nobody should escape; but that Pompeius replied, in a manner worthy of his family and his position, Would that Menodorus had done this without my knowledge. False swearing may become Menodorus, but not Pompeius. At this banquet the daughter of Pompeius and granddaughter of Libo was betrothed to Marcellus, the stepson of Antony and nephew of Octavius. On the following day they designated the consuls for the next four years, viz., for the first year Antony and Libo, Antony being privileged to substitute whomsoever he liked in his own place; next Octavius and Pompeius; next Ahenobarbus and Sossius; and, finally, Antony and Octavius again; and as they would then have been consuls the third time it was expected that they would restore the government to the people.

Edition note

Plutarch relates this tale in nearly the same language. He says that while the banquet was at its height, and they were cracking jokes about Cleopatra and Antony, Menas the pirate approached Pompeius, and whispered to him so that the others could not hear: Do you wish me to cut loose from the ship’s anchors and make you master, not of Sicily and Sardinia only, but of the whole Roman empire? Pompeius, after hearing him, waited a brief space, and said: O Menas, you might have done so without telling me beforehand! Now we must be satisfied with present conditions, for I cannot break my oath. (Life of Antony, 32.)

5.8.74 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.8.74

τάδε μὲν ἔπραξαν, καὶ διακριθέντες ἀλλήλων ὁ μὲν ἐς Σικελίαν ἔπλει, Καῖσαρ δὲ καὶ Ἀντώνιος ὥδευον ἐς Ῥώμην. πυθόμεναι δὲ ἥ τε πόλις καὶ ἡ Ἰταλία, ἐπαιάνιζον αὐτίκα ἅπαντες ὡς ἐπὶ εἰρήνῃ, πολέμου τε ἀπαλλαγέντες ἐπιχωρίου καὶ ξεναγήσεως υἱῶν καὶ φρουρῶν ὕβρεως καὶ θεραπόντων αὐτομολίας καὶ λεηλασίας πεδίων καὶ γεωργίας ἀργίας, ὑπὲρ ἅπαντα δὲ τοῦ λιμοῦ, πιέσαντος αὐτοὺς ἐς ἔσχατον, ὥστε παροδεύουσιν αὐτοῖς οἷα σωτῆρσιν ἐγίγνοντο θυσίαι· καὶ τὸ ἄστυ ἔμελλεν ὑποδέξεσθαι περιφανῶς, εἰ μὴ νυκτός, ἐκκλίνοντες τὸ φορτικόν, ἔλαθον ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐσελθόντες. μόνοι δὲ ἤχθοντο, ὅσοι τὰ τῶν ἐλευσομένων σὺν Πομπηίῳ χωρία κεκληρουχήκεσαν, ἡγούμεναι σφίσι τοὺς γεωμόρους ἀδιαλλάκτους ἐχθροὺς παροικήσειν καί, εἴ ποτε δυνηθεῖεν, ἐπιθήσεσθαι. οἱ δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Πομπήιον φυγάδες αὐτίκα, χωρὶς ὀλίγων, οἱ πλείους ἐν τῇ Δικαιαρχείᾳ τὸν Πομπήιον ἀσπασάμενοι κατέπλεον ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην. καὶ ἑτέρα τοῦ πλήθους ἦν ἡδονὴ καὶ βοαὶ ποικίλαι, τοσῶνδε οὕτως ἐπιφανῶν ἐξ ἀέλπτου περισεσωσμένων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.8.74

Having finished this business they separated, Pompeius going to Sicily by sea, Octavius and Antony to Rome by land. When the Romans and Italians learned the news 3 there was universal rejoicing at the return of peace and at their deliverance from intestine war, from the conscription of their sons, from the arrogance of guards, from the running away of slaves, from the pillage of fields, from the ruin of agriculture, and, above all, from the famine that had pressed upon them with the greatest severity. As the triumvirs were proceeding on their journey sacrifices were offered in their honor as to saviours. The city would have given them a magnificent reception, had they not entered secretly by night in order to avoid jealousies. The only ones disappointed were those to whom had been allotted lands belonging to men who were to be restored with Pompeius. They thought that they should have irreconcilable enemies dwelling alongside of them as landlords, who would do them injury whenever they could. The exiles who were with Pompeius, all but a few, took leave of him at Puteoli and set sail for Rome. Their coming was to the people a new source of joy and acclamations, so great a number of illustrious men having been unexpectedly saved from death.

5.8.75 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.8.75

ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ ἐς τὴν Κελτικὴν ἐξώρμα ταρασσομένην, ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον τῶν Παρθυαίων. καὶ αὐτῷ τῆς βουλῆς ψηφισαμένης εἶναι κύρια, ὅσα ἔπραξέ τε καὶ πράξει, αὖθις στρατηγοὺς πανταχῇ περιέπεμπε καὶ τἆλλα ὡς ἐπενόει πάντα διεκόσμει. ἵστη δέ πῃ καὶ βασιλέας, οὓς δοκιμάσειεν, ἐπὶ φόροις ἄρα τεταγμένοις, Πόντου μὲν Δαρεῖον τὸν Φαρνάκους τοῦ Μιθριδάτου, Ἰδουμαίων δὲ καὶ Σαμαρέων Ἡρῴδην, Ἀμύνταν δὲ Πισιδῶν καὶ Πολέμωνα μέρους Κιλικίας καὶ ἑτέρους ἐς ἕτερα ἔθνη. τὸν δὲ στρατόν, ὅσος ἔμελλεν αὐτῷ συγχειμάσειν, περιουσιάσαι τε βουλόμενος καὶ γυμάσαι, τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἐπὶ Παρθηνοὺς ἔπεμπεν, Ἰλλυρικὸν ἔθνος Ἐπιδάμνῳ πάροικον, προθυμοτάτους γενομένους Βρούτῳ, τοὺς δʼ ἐπὶ Δαρδανέας, ἕτερον Ἰλλυριῶν γένος, αἰεὶ Μακεδονίαν ἐπιτρέχοντας· τοὺς δʼ ἐν Ἠπείρῳ μένειν ἐκέλευεν, ὡς ἂν ἐν κύκλῳ πάντας ἔχῃ, μέλλων αὐτὸς ἐν Ἀθήναις χειμάσειν. ἔπεμπε δὲ καὶ Φούρνιον ἐς Λιβύην, τὰ ὑπὸ Σεξστίῳ τέλη τέσσαρα ἄξοντα ἐπὶ Παρθυαίους· οὐ γάρ πω πέπυστο αὐτὰ Λέπιδον ἀφῃρῆσθαι Σεξστίου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.8.75

After these events Octavius set forth on an expedition to Gaul, which was in a disturbed state, and Antony started for the war against the Parthians. The Senate having voted to ratify all that he had done or should do, Antony again despatched his lieutenants in all directions and arranged everything else as he wished. He set up kings here and there as he pleased, on condition of their paying a prescribed tribute: in Pontus, Darius, the son of Pharnaces and grandson of Mithridates; in Idumea and Samaria, Herod; in Pisidia, Amyntas; in a part of Cilicia, Polemon, and others in other countries. Desiring to enrich as well as to exercise the soldiers, who were to go with him into winter quarters, he sent some of them against the Partheni, an Illyrian tribe near Epidamnus, who had been very much attached to Brutus; others against the Dardani, another Illyrian tribe, who were forever making.incursions into Macedonia. Others he ordered to remain in Epirus, in order to have them all within reach, as he intended to pass the winter himself in Athens. He sent Furnius to Africa to bring four legions, that were under the command of Sestius, for service against the Parthians. He did not know as yet that Lepidus had deprived Sestius of the command of these troops.

5.8.76 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.8.76

ταῦτα διαθέμενος ἐχείμαζεν ἐν ταῖς Ἀθήναις μετὰ τῆς Ὀκταουίας, καθὰ καὶ ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ μετὰ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας, τὰ μὲν ἐκ τῶν στρατοπέδων ἐπιστελλόμενα ἐφορῶν μόνα, ἀφέλειαν δὲ ἰδιωτικὴν αὖθις ἐξ ἡγεμονίας καὶ σχῆμα τετράγωνον ἔχων καὶ ὑπόδημα Ἀττικὸν καὶ θύρας ἠρεμούσας. ἔξοδοί τε ἦσαν ὁμοίως ἄνευ σημείων αὐτῷ, σὺν δύο φίλοις καὶ σὺν ἀκολούθοις δύο, ἐς διδασκάλων διατριβὰς ἢ ἀκροάσεις. καὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἦν Ἑλληνικὸν καὶ μεθʼ Ἑλλήνων ἡ γυμνασία πανηγύρεις τε σὺν θυμηδίᾳ μετὰ τῆς Ὀκταουίας· πολὺς γὰρ καὶ ἐς τήνδε ἐρρύη, ταχὺς ὢν ἐς ἔρωτας γυναικῶν. λήγοντος δὲ τοῦ χειμῶνος, ὥσπερ ἑτέρῳ γενομένῳ, ἥ τε ἐσθὴς αὖθις καὶ μετὰ τῆς ἐσθῆτος ἡ ὄψις ἐνηλλάσσετο, καὶ πλῆθος ἦν ἀμφὶ τὰς θύρας αὐτίκα σημείων τε καὶ ἡγεμόνων καὶ δορυφόρων, καὶ φόβου πάντα μεστὰ καὶ καταπλήξεως· πρεσβεῖαί τʼ ἐσεδέχοντο, αἳ τέως ἠρέμουν κεκελευσμέναι, καὶ δίκαι διεκρίνοντο, καὶ νῆες καθείλκοντο, καὶ ἡ ἄλλη παρασκευὴ πᾶσα συνεκινεῖτο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.8.76

Having made these dispositions, he spent the winter at Athens with Octavia just as he had spent the previous one at Alexandria with Cleopatra, merely looking over the reports sent from the army, exchanging the display of a commander for the simplicity of private life, wearing the square-cut pallium and the Attic shoe, and without formal company. He went out, in like manner, without the insignia of office, accompanied by two friends and two attendants, to the discussions and lectures of the public teachers. He took his meals in the Greek fashion, passed his leisure time with Greeks, and enjoyed their festivals in company with Octavia, with whom he was very much in love, being by nature excessively fond of women. At the end of the winter he was like another man. He changed his clothing, and with his clothing his whole appearance. There was straightway a crowd around his doors composed of lictors, army officers, guards, and all things that inspire terror and awe. Embassies were received which had previously been kept waiting by his orders, lawsuits were decided, ships were launched, and all other preparations for the campaign were put in motion.

Edition note

Y.R. 716

Edition note

B.C. 38

5.9.77 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.9.77

καὶ Ἀντώνιος μὲν ἀμφὶ ταῦτα ἦν, Καίσαρι δὲ καὶ Πομπηίῳ διελύθησαν αἱ γενόμεναι σπονδαί, κατὰ μὲν αἰτίας, ὡς ὑπενοεῖτο, ἑτέρας, αἱ δὲ ἐς τὸ φανερὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐκφερόμεναι αἵδε ἦσαν. Πελοπόννησον Ἀντώνιος μὲν ἐδίδου Πομπηίῳ, κελεύων, ὅσα ἔτι ὤφειλον αὑτῷ Πελοποννήσιοι δόντα ἢ αὐτὸν ἀναδεξάμενον ἀποδώσειν παραλαβεῖν ἢ περιμεῖναι τὴν πρᾶξιν αὐτῶν. ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἐδέχετο μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖσδε τὴν χώραν, ἡγούμενος αὑτῷ σὺν τοῖς ὀφλήμασι δεδόσθαι· χαλεπαίνων δέ, ὡς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἔλεγεν, εἴτε ἐπὶ τούτοις εἴτε κατὰ γνώμην ἄπιστον εἴθʼ ὑπὸ ζήλου τῶν ἑτέρων μεγάλους στρατοὺς ἐχόντων εἴτε Μηνοδώρου διερεθίζοντος αὐτὸν ἀνοχὰς μᾶλλον ἢ βεβαίους σπονδὰς εἶναι νομίζειν, ναῦς ἄλλας ἐποιεῖτο καὶ ἐρέτας συνέλεγε καὶ τῷ στρατῷ ποτε ἐδημηγόρησε χρῆναι παντὸς οὕνεκα παρασκευάζεσθαι. λῃστήριά τε αὖθις ἀφανῆ τὴν θάλασσαν ἠνώχλει, καὶ μικρὸν ἢ οὐδὲν ἄκος τοῦ λιμοῦ γεγένητο Ῥωμαίοις, ὥστε ἐβόων οὐκ ἀπαλλαγὴν τῶν κακῶν, ἀλλʼ ἐπίληψιν τετάρτου τυράννου κατὰ σπονδὰς γεγονέναι. καὶ ὁ Καῖσάρ τινα λῃστήρια συλλαβὼν ἐβασάνιζεν, οἳ Πομπήιον σφᾶς ἔλεγον ἐπιπέμψαι· καὶ τάδε αὐτὰ ὁ Καῖσαρ τῷ δήμῳ προσέφερε καὶ ἐπέστελλεν αὐτῷ Πομπηίῳ. ὁ δὲ ἐξελογεῖτο μὲν ὑπὲρ τούτων, ἀντενεκάλει δὲ Πελοποννήσου χάριν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.9.77

While Antony was thus occupied the treaty existing beween Octavius and Pompeius was broken for other reasons, as was suspected, than those avowed by Octavius, which were the following: Antony had ceded Peloponnesus to Pompeius on condition that the tribute then due from the Peloponnesians should either be given over at once, or that it should be guaranteed by Pompeius to Antony, or that the former should wait till the collection had been made. Pompeius had not accepted it on these conditions. He thought that it had been given to him with the amount of tribute then due. Vexed, as Octavius said, whether at this state of things, or from his general faithlessness, or his jealousy because the others had large armies, or because Menodorus had prompted him to consider the agreement as a truce rather than a lasting peace, he began to build ships, and recruit crews, and once harangued his soldiers, telling them they must be prepared for everything. Private robbery again infested the sea, and there was little or no relief from the famine among the Romans, who cried out that the treaty had brought no deliverance from their sufferings, but only a fourth partner to the tyranny. Octavius having caught certain pirates and put them to torture, they said that Pompeius had sent them out, and Octavius proclaimed this to the people and wrote it to Pompeius himself, who disavowed it and made a counter complaint respecting the Peloponnesus.

5.9.78 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.9.78

ὅσοι δὲ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἦσαν ἔτι παρὰ τῷ Πομπηίῳ, ὁρῶντες αὐτὸν αἰεὶ πειθόμενον τοῖς ἀπελευθέροις, διέφθειραν ἐνίους τῶν ἀπελευθέρων, εἴτε ἀπὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν εἴτε ἐς χάριν Καίσαρος, ἐξοτρύνειν ἐπὶ Μηνοδώρῳ, Κύρνου καὶ Σαρδοῦς ἔτι ἄρχοντι, τὸν δεσπότην. οἱ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ φθόνῳ τῆς Μηνοδώρου δυνάμεως ἑκόντες ἐποίουν. καὶ Πομπήιος μὲν ἐς ἀλλοτρίωσιν ὑπήγετο τοῦ Μηνοδώρου, τῶν δʼ αὐτῶν ἡμερῶν Φιλάδελφος, ὁ Καίσαρος ἀπελεύθερος, πρὸς τὸν Μηνόδωρον διέπλευσε σίτου κομιδῆς οὕνεκα καὶ Μικυλίων ὁ πιστότατος τῷ Μηνοδώρῳ πρὸς Καίσαρα περὶ αὐτομολίας τοῦ Μηνοδώρου· ὑπισχνεῖτο δὲ ἐγχειριεῖν Σαρδὼ καὶ Κύρνον καὶ τρία τέλη στρατοῦ καὶ ψιλῶν πλῆθος ἕτερον. καὶ τόδε ὂν ἔργον εἴτε Φιλαδέλφου εἴτε τῶν ἐς Μηνόδωρον παρὰ Πομπηίου διαβολῶν, ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐκ εὐθὺς μέν, ἐδέξατο δʼ ὅμως, ἡγούμενος ἔργῳ τὴν εἰρήνην λελύσθαι. καὶ Ἀντώνιον ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον ἐς ἡμέραν ῥητὴν παρεκάλει, συμβουλευσόμενος αὐτῷ περὶ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου· ναῦς τε μακρὰς ἐκ Ῥαβέννης καὶ στρατὸν ἐκ τῆς Κελτικῆς καὶ παρασκευὴν ἄλλην ἐς τὸ Βρεντέσιον καὶ ἐς Δικαιάρχειαν ὀξέως περιέπεμπεν, ὡς ἑκατέρωθεν ἐπιπλευσούμενος τῇ Σικελίᾳ, ἢν Ἀντωνίῳ συνδοκῇ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.9.78

Those of the nobility who were still with Pompeius, seeing him always under the influence of his freedmen, bribed some of them, either for their own purposes or to gratify Octavius, to incite their master against Menodorus, who was still governing Corsica and Sardinia. The freedmen did this gladly, because they were envious of the power of Menodorus. In this way Pompeius was brought to an estrangement with Menodorus. About the same time Philadelphus, a freedman of Octavius, made a voyage to Menodorus to procure corn, and Micylio, the closest friend of Menodorus, visited Octavius to arrange for the desertion of Menodorus. The latter promised to hand over to him Sardinia, Corsica, three legions of soldiers, and a large number of light-armed troops. Whether this was the work of Philadelphus, or was a consequence of the calumnies against Menodorus, which Pompeius had listened to, Octavius accepted the offer, not immediately, but soon, since he considered the peace broken in fact. He invited Antony to come from Athens and meet him at Brundusium on an appointed day, in order to take counsel with him about the war. At the same time he brought war-ships from Ravenna and an army from Gaul, and the remainder of his apparatus, rapidly to Brundusium and Puteoli, intending to sail from both sides of Italy to Sicily if Antony should agree in opinion with him.

Edition note

ἐξοτρύνειν ἐπὶ Μηνοδώρῳ Κύρνου καὶ Σαρδοῦς ἔτι ἄρχοντι, τὸν δεσπότην. All the codices except one omit the words Κύρνου καὶ Σαρδοῦς, leaving the passage hopeless. Mendelssohn was so fortunate as to find the true reading in the Vatican MS.

5.9.79 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.9.79

ὁ δὲ ἦλθε μὲν ἐς τὴν τεταγμένην ἡμέραν σὺν ὀλίγοις, Καίσαρα δὲ οὐχ εὑρὼν οὐ περιέμεινεν, εἴτε τὴν γνώμην τοῦ πολέμου μεμψάμενος ὡς παράσπονδον εἴτε τὴν Καίσαρος παρασκευὴν ἰδὼν πολλὴν οὖσαν ʽοὐ γάρ ποτε αὐτοὺς ἀνέπαυε φόβων ἡ τῆς μοναρχίας ἐπιθυμίἀ, εἴτε τι σημεῖον δειδισάμενος. τῶν γὰρ περικοιμωμένων αὐτοῦ τῇ σκηνῇ πρὸς θηρίων τις εὑρέθη δεδαπανημένος, ἄνευ τοῦ προσώπου μόνου, καθάπερ ἐς ἐπίδειξιν παραλελειμμένου, οὔτε τι βοήσας οὔτε τινὸς τῶν συναναπαυομένων ᾐσθημένου· καὶ λύκον ἔλεγον οἱ Βρεντέσιοι πρὸ ἕω φανῆναι τῶν σκηνωμάτων ἐκθέοντα. ἔγραφέ γε μὴν τῷ Καίσαρι μὴ λύειν τὰ συγκείμενα καὶ ἠπείλει Μηνόδωρον ἀπάξειν ὡς ἑαυτοῦ δραπέτην· γεγένητο γὰρ Πομπηίου Μάγνου, τὴν δὲ τοῦ Μάγνου περιουσίαν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐώνητο νόμῳ πιπρασκομένην ὡς πολεμίου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.9.79

Antony came at the appointed day with a small escort, but not finding Octavius there he did not wait, either because he did not approve of the war, considering it a violation of the treaty, or because he observed Octavius’ great preparations (for the desire to be the sole ruler did not permit their fears to slumber at any time), or because he was alarmed by a prodigy. It was found that one of the guards who slept around his tent had been devoured by wild beasts except his face only, as though this had been left for the purpose of recognition, and that he had uttered no cry, nor did any of those who were asleep with him know of it. The Brundusians said that a wolf had been seen just before daybreak running away from the tents. Nevertheless Antony wrote to Octavius not to violate the treaty, and he threatened Menodorus with punishment as his own fugitive slave; for the latter had been the slave of Pompey the Great, whose property Antony had bought when it was sold under the law of war.

5.9.80 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.9.80

ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἔπεμπεν ἐς Σαρδόνα καὶ Κύρνον τοὺς παραληψομένους, ἃ Μηνόδωρος ἐνεχείριζεν, ἐκρατύνετο δὲ τὰ παράλια τῆς Ἰταλίας φρουρίοις πολλοῖς, μὴ αὖθις αὐτὰ ὁ Πομπήιος ἐπιδράμοι. τριήρεις δὲ ἑτέρας ἐν Ῥώμῃ καὶ ἐν Ῥαβέννῃ προσέτασσε γίγνεσθαι καὶ στρατὸν πολὺν ἐκ τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος μετεπέμπετο· Μηνόδωρόν τε ἐλθόντα ἐλεύθερον εὐθὺς ἀπέφηνεν ἐξ ἀπελευθέρου καὶ ὧν αὐτὸς ἤγαγε νεῶν, ἐπέτρεπεν ἡγεῖσθαι, ὑποστρατηγοῦντα τῷ ναυάρχῳ Καλουισίῳ. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ καθιστάμενος ὁ Καῖσαρ καὶ παρασκευὴν ἔτι πλέονα συνάγων ἐβράδυνε καὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον οὐ περιμείναντα ἐμέμφετο, τὴν δʼ οὖσαν ἤδη παρασκευὴν ἐκέλευε Κορνιφίκιον ἐκ Ῥαβέννης μεταγαγεῖν ἐς Τάραντα. Κορνιφικίῳ μὲν δὴ χειμὼν περιπλέοντι ἐπιγίγνεται, καὶ μόνη τῶν νεῶν ἡ ναυαρχὶς ἡ γενομένη Καίσαρι διεφθάρη· καὶ ἔδοξε τοῦτʼ ἐς τὰ μέλλοντα σημῆναι. ἐπιπολαζούσης δὲ ὑπονοίας ἔτι, ὡς παρασπόνδως ὁ πόλεμος ὅδε γίγνοιτο, τὴν ὑπόνοιαν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐκλύων ἐπέστελλε τῇ πόλει καὶ τὸν στρατὸν αὐτὸς ἐδίδασκεν, ὅτι τὰς σπονδὰς ὁ Πομπήιος λῃστεύων τὴν θάλασσαν ἀναλύσειε καὶ τοῦθʼ οἱ λῃσταὶ κατείποιεν αὐτοῦ, κατείποι δὲ καὶ Μηνόδωρος τὴν ὅλην γνώμην, μάθοι δὲ καὶ Ἀντώνιος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο Πελοπόννησον οὐ δοίη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.9.80

Octavius sent officers to receive Sardinia and Corsica, which Menodorus turned over to them. He strengthened the Italian coast with numerous towers to prevent Pompeius from raiding it again. He ordered the building of new triremes at Rome and Ravenna, and he sent for a large army from Illyria. When Menodorus came he made the latter a free citizen instead of a freedman, and put him in command, under the admiral Calvisius, of the ships which he had brought with him. When he had finished these preparations and brought together a still larger amount of war material he yet delayed, and he reproached Antony for not waiting. He ordered Cornificius to bring with him to Tarentum everything that was now in readiness. While Cornificius was making the voyage a storm overtook him which destroyed only the admiral’s ship, which had been built for Octavius himself. This was considered an omen of what was to take place. As the belief still prevailed that this war was a violation of the treaty, Octavius sought to dispel the suspicion. He wrote to the city and he told his soldiers that Pompeius had violated the treaty by encouraging piracy, that the pirates had confessed this, that Menodorus had revealed the whole design, and that Antony knew it, and for that reason had refused to give up the Peloponnesus.

5.9.81 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.9.81

ὡς δὲ αὐτῷ τὰ ἐν χερσὶν ἕτοιμα γεγένητο, ἐπέπλει τῇ Σικελίᾳ, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐκ Τάραντος, Καλουίσιος δὲ Σαβῖνος καὶ Μηνόδωρος ἀπὸ Τυρρηνίας· περιῄει δὲ καὶ τὸ πεζὸν ἐς Ῥήγιον, καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς ἐταχύνετο ἅπαντα. ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος τῆς μὲν αὐτομολίας τοῦ Μηνοδώρου ἐπιπλέοντος ἤδη Καίσαρος ᾔσθετο, πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἑκατέρωθεν ἐπίπλουν αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπέμεινεν ἐν Μεσσήνῃ τὸν Καίσαρα, Καλουισίῳ δὲ καὶ Μηνοδώρῳ τὸν ἔχθιστον τῷ Μηνοδώρῳ μάλιστα τῶν ἐξελευθέρων ἑαυτοῦ Μενεκράτη προσετασσεν ἀπαντᾶν ἐπὶ στολου πολλοῦ. ὅδε οὖν ὁ Μενεκράτης ἐπιφαίνεται τοῖς πολεμίοις περὶ δείλην ἑσπέραν πελάγιος. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐς τὸν κόλπον τὸν ὑπὲρ Κύμης συνέφυγον καὶ τὴν νύκτα ἀνεπαύοντο, καὶ Μενεκράτης ἐς Αἰναρίαν παρῆλθεν· ἠοῦς δὲ ἀρχομένης οἱ μὲν τὸν κόλπον ἐν χρῷ παρὰ τὴν γῆν αὐτὴν μηνοειδεῖ στόλῳ παρέπλεον, ἵνα μὴ αὐτοὺς διεκπλέοιεν οἱ πολέμιοι, ὁ δὲ Μενεκράτης αὐτοῖς αὖθις ἐπιφαίνεταί τε καὶ εὐθὺς ἐπλησίαζεν ὑπὸ ῥύμης καὶ τάχους· δρᾶν δὲ οὐκ ἀναγομένους ἐς τὸ πέλαγος οὐδὲν μέγα ἔχων, ἐς τὴν γῆν ἐγχρίμπτων ἐξεώθει. οἱ δὲ ἐξώκελλόν τε ὁμοῦ καὶ τὰς ἐμβολὰς ἀπεμάχοντο. ἦν δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἐς τὸ πέλαγος ἀναχώρησίς τε καὶ ἐφόρμησις, ὅτε βούλοιντο, καὶ σκαφῶν ἑτέρων ἀλλαγὴ παρὰ μέρος· οἱ δὲ ἔκαμνον ἔκ τε τῶν πετρῶν, ἐφʼ ἃς ἐπώκελλον, καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς ἀκινησίας τῶν νεῶν· πεζομαχεῖν γὰρ πρὸς ναυμαχοῦντας ἐῴκεσαν, οὔτε διώκειν οὔτε ἐκκλίνειν ἔχοντες.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.9.81

When all things were in readiness he set sail for Sicily, going himself from Tarentum, while Calvisius, with Sabinus and Menodorus, sailed from Etruria. The infantry was sent on the march to Rhegium and great haste was displayed in all quarters. Pompeius had scarcely heard of the desertion of Menodorus when Octavius was already moving against him. While the hostile fleets were advancing from both sides, he awaited the attack of Octavius at Messana, and ordered his freedman Menecrates, who was the bitterest enemy of Menodorus, to advance against Calvisius and Menodorus with a large fleet. Menecrates was observed by his enemies near nightfall on the open sea. They retired into the bay near Cumae, where they passed the night, Menecrates proceeding to Aenaria. At daybreak they drew up their fleet, in the form of a crescent, as close to the shore as possible, in order to prevent the enemy from breaking through it. Menecrates again showed himself, and immediately came on with a rush. As his enemies would not advance to the open sea, and he could do nothing of importance there, he made a charge in order to drive them upon the land. They beached their ships and fought back against the attacking prows. Menecrates had the opportunity to draw off and renew the attack as he pleased, and to bring up fresh ships by turns, while the enemy were distressed by the rocks, on which they had grounded, and by the inability to move. They were like infantry contending against sea forces, unable either to pursue or retreat.

5.9.82 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.9.82

ἐν δὲ τούτῳ Μηνόδωρος καὶ Μενεκράτης καθορῶσιν ἀλλήλους καὶ τὸν ἄλλον πόνον ἀφέντες αὐτίκα μετʼ ὀργῆς καὶ βοῆς ἀλλήλοις ἐπέπλεον, ἐν τῷδε τὴν νίκην καὶ τὸ κεφάλαιον τοῦ πολέμου τιθέμενοι, ἐν ᾧ τις αὐτῶν κρατήσειν ἔμελλεν. αἱ μὲν δὴ νῆες ἀλλήλαις ὑπὸ ῥύμης ἐνέπεσον καὶ συνέτριψαν ἡ μὲν τὸν ἔμβολον τῆς Μηνοδώρου νεώς, ἡ δὲ τὸν ταρσὸν τῆς Μενεκράτους· ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐταῖς ἑκατέρωθεν χεῖρες ἐπεβλήθησαν σιδηραῖ, τῶν μὲν νεῶν οὐδὲν ἔτι ἔργον ἦν, συνεστηκυίας ἑκατέρας, οἱ δὲ ἄνδρες ὥσπερ ἐν γῇ πόνου καὶ ἀρετῆς οὐδὲν ἀπέλειπον. ἀκόντιά τε γὰρ ἦν ἀθρόα καὶ λίθοι καὶ τοξεύματα ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους, καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς καταρράκτας ἐρρίπτουν ἐς τὸ ἐπιέναι διʼ αὐτῶν. ὑψηλοτέρας δʼ οὔσης τῆς Μηνοδώρου νεώς, οἵ τε καταρράκται τοῖς τολμῶσιν ἦσαν εὐεπιβατώτεροι καὶ τὰ βαλλόμενα ὡς ἀφʼ ὑψηλοῦ βιαιότερα. τεθνεώτων δʼ ἤδη πολλῶν καὶ τῶν ὑπολοίπων κατατετρωμένων, ὁ μὲν Μηνόδωρος ὀβελῷ τὸν βραχίονα ἐτρώθη, καὶ ὁ ὀβελὸς ἐξῃρέθη, ὁ δὲ Μενεκράτης τὸν μηρὸν ἀκοντίῳ πολυγλώχινι Ἰβηρικῷ ὁλοσιδήρῳ, καὶ οὐκ ἦν ἐξελεῖν αὐτὸ σὺν ἐπείξει. ἀχρεῖος οὖν ὁ Μενεκράτης ἐς μάχην γενόμενος ἐπέμενε καὶ ὥς, τοὺς ἄλλους ἐποτρύνων, μέχρι λαμβανομένης τῆς νεὼς ἐς τὸν βυθὸν τοῦ πελάγους ἑαυτὸν ἔρριψεν. καὶ τὴν μὲν ναῦν ὁ Μηνόδωρος ἀνεδήσατο καὶ ἐς τὴν γῆν ἀπέπλευσεν, οὐδὲν ἔτι δρᾶν οὐδὲ ἐκεῖνος δυνάμενος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.9.82

In this situation Menodorus and Menecrates came in sight of each other; and, abandoning the rest of the fight, drove against each other with fury and shouting, as though they had staked the issue of the battle on this encounter, whichever should be the victor. Their ships came into violent collision and were badly damaged, Menodorus losing his prow and Menecrates his oar-blades. Grapplingirons were thrown by both, and the ships, being fastened together, could no longer manœuvre, but the men, as in a battle on land, failed not in deeds of valor. Showers of javelins, stones, and arrows were discharged, and bridges for boarding were thrown from one ship to the other. As the ship of Menodorus was higher than the other his bridges made a better passageway for his daring crew, and his missiles were more effective for the same reason. Many men were already slain, and the remainder wounded, when Menodorus was pierced in the arm with a dart, which was, however, drawn out. Menecrates was struck in the thigh with a Spanish javelin, made wholly of iron with numerous barbs, which could not be readily extracted. Although Menecrates could no longer take part in the fight, he remained there all the same, encouraging the others, until his ship was captured, when he plunged into the depths of the sea. Menodorus towed the captured ship to the land, but was able to do nothing more himself.

5.9.83 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.9.83

καὶ τὸ μὲν λαιὸν τῆς ναυμαχίας οὕτως ἐπεπράχει. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ δεξιοῦ Καλουίσιος μέν, διαπλέων ἐς τὸ λαιόν, ἀπετέμετό τινας τῶν Μενεκράτους νεῶν καὶ ἐκφυγούσας εἰς τὸ πέλαγος ἐδίωκε, Δημοχάρης δʼ, ὁ τοῦ Μενεκράτους συνεξελεύθερός τε καὶ ὑποστράτηγος, ταῖς λοιπαῖς τοῦ Καλουισίου συμπεσών, τὰς μὲν ἐς φυγὴν ἐτρέπετο, τὰς δὲ ἐς πέτρας συνήραξε, καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐξαλομένων ἐνεπίμπρα τὰ σκάφη, μέχρι Καλουίσιος ἐκ τῆς διώξεως ἐπανιὼν τάς τε φευγούσας τῶν ἰδίων ἐπανήγαγε καὶ τὰς ἐμπιπραμένας ἐκώλυσε. καὶ νυκτὸς ἐπιλαβούσης ηὐλίσαντο πάντες, ἔνθα καὶ τῆς προτέρας. ἡ μὲν δὴ ναυμαχία ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα, καὶ προῦχεν ἐν αὐτῇ τὰ Πομπηίου παρὰ πολύ· Δημοχάρης δὲ βαρυθυμῶν ἐπὶ τῷ θανάτῳ Μενεκράτους ὡς ἐπὶ ἥττῃ μεγίστῃ (δύο γὰρ οἵδε ἦσαν μάλιστα τῷ Πομπηίῳ θαλάσσης ἐργάται, Μενεκράτης τε καὶ Μηνόδωρος), ἅπαντα μεθεὶς ἐκ χειρῶν εὐθὺς ἐς Σικελίαν ἔπλει, καθάπερ οὐ τὸ Μενεκράτους σῶμα καὶ ναῦν μίαν, ἀλλὰ τὸν στόλον ὅλον ἀποβαλών.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.9.83

This took place on the left wing of the naval fight. Calvisius directed his course from the right to the left and cut off some of Menecrates’ ships from the main body, and when they fled pursued them to the open sea. Demochares, who was a fellow-freedman of Menecrates and his lieutenant, fell upon the remainder of Calvisius’ ships, put some of them to flight, broke others in pieces on the rocks, and set fire to them after the crews had abandoned them. Finally Calvisius, returning from the pursuit, led back his own fleeing ships and prevented the burning of any more. As night was approaching, all returned to their former station. Such was the end of this naval fight, in which the forces of Pompeius had much the best of it; but Demochares, grieving over the death of Menecrates as the greatest possible defeat (for those two, Menecrates and Menodorus, had been the foremost of Pompeius’ sea captains), abandoned everything and sailed for Sicily immediately, mediately, as though he had lost not merely the body of Menecrates and one ship, but his whole, fleet.

Edition note

ἅπαντα μεθεὶς ἐκ χειρῶν: abandoned everything. All the codices read ἐκ κέρων (from the wings), which, being nonsense, led to much conjecture in the learned world. Schweighäuser solved the difficulty by striking them out, and marking a lacuna at that place. Tyrwhitt furnishes a happy solution (see preface to the Didot edition) by substituting χειρῶν for κέρων,, so that the phrase is equivalent to released his hold in English.

5.9.84 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.9.84

ὁ δὲ Καλουίσιος ἕως μὲν ἐπιπλευσεῖσθαι τὸν Δημοχάρην προσεδόκα, παρέμενεν, ἔνθαπερ ὥρμιστο, ναυμαχεῖν οὐ δυνάμενος· αἵ τε γὰρ κράτισται τῶν νεῶν αὐτῷ διωλώλεσαν, καὶ αἱ ἕτεραι πρὸς ναυμαχίαν εἶχον ἀχρείως· ἐπεὶ δὲ ἔμαθεν οἰχόμενον ἐς Σικελίαν, ἐπεσκεύαζε τὰς ναῦς καὶ παρέπλει τὴν γῆν, τοὺς κόλπους ἐξελίσσων. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐκ μὲν Τάραντος ἐς τὸ Ῥήγιον διεπεπλεύκει ναυσὶ πολλαῖς καὶ στρατῷ πολλῷ καὶ Πομπήιον περὶ Μεσσήνην κατειλήφει ναῦς ἔχοντα τεσσαράκοντα μόνας, ὥστε αὐτῷ παρῄνουν οἱ φίλοι, ὡς ἐν καιρῷ μάλιστα, ἐπιθέσθαι τῷ Πομπηίῳ μετὰ τοσοῦδε στόλου, ναῦς ἔχοντι ὀλίγας, μέχρι τὸ λοιπὸν ἐκείνῳ ναυτικὸν οὐ πάρεστιν. ὁ δʼ οὐκ ἐπείθετο, Καλουίσιον περιμένων καὶ λέγων οὐκ εὔβουλον εἶναι τὸ ῥιψοκίνδυνον, ἔνθα συμμαχίαν ἄλλην προσδοκῴη.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.9.84

Calvisius, as long as he expected that Demochares would renew his attack, remained at his station, unable to fight in the open sea, for his best ships had been destroyed and the others were unfit for battle. When he learned that his antagonist had gone to Sicily, he repaired his ships and coasted along the shore exploring the bays. Octavius, in the meantime, proceeded from Tarentum to Rhegium, with a large fleet and army, and near Messana came up with Pompeius, who had forty ships only. Octavius’ friends advised him to improve this most favorable opportunity and attack Pompeius with his great fleet, while the latter had so few ships and before the rest of his naval force should arrive. He did not follow this advice, but waited for Calvisius, saying that it was not good policy to run a risk when he was expecting reinforcements. When Demochares arrived at Messana, Pompeius appointed him and Apollophanes, another of his freedmen, admirals in place of Menodorus and Menecrates.

5.9.85 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.9.85

ὡς δὲ Δημοχάρης ἐς Μεσσήνην κατέπλευσεν, ὁ μὲν Πομπήιος αὐτόν τε Δημοχάρην καὶ Ἀπολλοφάνην, καὶ τόνδε ἀπελεύθερον ἑαυτοῦ, ναυάρχους ἀπέφηνεν ἀντὶ Μηνοδώρου καὶ Μενεκράτους· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ περὶ τῶν συμβεβηκότων ἀμφὶ τῇ Κύμῃ πυθόμενος ἐξέπλει τὸν πορθμόν, ὑπαντήσων τῷ Καλουισίῳ. ἀνύσαντι δʼ αὐτῷ τοῦ πόρου τὸ πλέον καὶ Στυλίδα ἤδη παραπλέοντι καὶ ἐς τὸ Σκύλλαιον ἐπικάμπτοντι, ἐκθορὼν ἐκ τῆς Μεσσήνης ὁ Πομπήιος ἐξήπτετο τῶν ὑστάτων καὶ τὰς πρόπλους ἐδίωκε καὶ πάσαις ἐνέβαλλε καὶ ἐς μάχην προυκαλεῖτο. αἱ δὲ καίπερ ἐνοχλούμεναι ἐς μὲν ναυμαχίαν οὐκ ἐπέστρεφον, Καίσαρος οὐκ ἐῶντος, εἴτε δείσαντος ἐν στενῷ ναυμαχεῖν εἴτʼ ἐπιμένοντος οἷς ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς διεγνώκει, μὴ ναυμαχεῖν δίχα τοῦ Καλουισίου· γνώμῃ δὲ αὐτοῦ παρά τε τὴν γῆν ὑπεχώρουν ἅπασαι καὶ ἐπʼ ἀγκυρῶν ἐσάλευον καὶ κατὰ πρῷραν ἀπεμάχοντο τοὺς ἐπιόντας. Δημοχάρους δʼ ἐπιστήσαντος δύο ναῦς περὶ ἑκάστην ἐθορυβοῦντο ἤδη, πρός τε τὰς πέτρας ἀρασσόμεναι καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλας, θαλάσσης τε ἐνεπίμπλαντο· καὶ διεφθείροντο μετὰ ἀργίας καὶ αἵδε ὥσπερ αἱ περὶ Κύμην, ὁρμοῦσαί τε καὶ ἐμβαλλόμεναι πρὸς ἐχθρῶν ἐπιπλεόντων καὶ ἀναχωρούντων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.9.85

When Octavius heard of his disaster at Cumae he sailed out of the straits to meet Calvisius. After accomplishing the greater part of the distance and while he was passing Stylis and turning into Scyllaeum, Pompeius darted out of Messana and fell upon his rear, pushed on to his front, attacked him all along the line, and challenged him to fight. Although beset in this way, Octavius’ fleet did not give battle, since Octavius did not permit it, either because he feared to fight in the straits or because he adhered to his first determination not to fight without Calvisius. He gave orders, however, that all should hug the shore, cast anchor, and defend themselves with their prows toward the enemy. Demochares,by setting two of his ships by turns against one of the enemy’s, threw them into confusion. They dashed against the rocks and against each other, and began to fill with water. And so these ships were lost, like those at Cumae, without striking a blow, being stuck fast and battered by the enemy, who had freedom of movement to advance and retreat.

Edition note

Schweighäuser gives this place the Latin name of Columna Rhegina, which is referred to by Strabo (III. v. 5) as a small tower erected by the inhabitants of Rhegium at the strait of Sicily,

Edition note

One of the mishaps to which ancient manuscripts were exposed is found here. Several codices add to this sentence the words ἐμελλ’, ἐπεὶ οὐδέπω κακόν γ’ ἀπώλετο, very likely, since nothing that is bad ever perishes. Musgrave stamped it as erroneous. Schweighäuser recognized it as an iambic verse from some poet whom he could not recall, and inferred that somebody had written it on the margin of his copy, and that the next copyist had embodied it in the text. So he rejected it. Nauck points out the original in the Philoctetes of Sophocles (446). It is found in the editio princeps of Appian and in the Latin versions of both Candidus and Geslen, whose attempts to reconcile it with the text are ingenious but futile.

5.9.86 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.9.86

ὁ μὲν δὴ Καῖσαρ ἐξήλατο τῆς νεὼς ἐπὶ τὰς πέτρας καὶ τοὺς ἐκνέοντας ἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης ἀνελάμβανε καὶ ἐς τὸ ὄρος ἄνω παρέπεμπε· Κορνιφίκιος δὲ καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι στρατηγοὶ ἦσαν αὐτοῦ, παρακαλέσαντες ἀλλήλους, ἄνευ προστάγματος ἀπέρρηξαν τὰ ἀγκύρια καὶ ἀνήχθησαν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς δέον τι δρῶντας παθεῖν μᾶλλον ἢ ἑστῶτας ἀμαχεὶ τοῖς ἐπιχειροῦσι προκεῖσθαι. τόλμῃ τε παραβόλῳ πρῶτον ὁ Κορνιφίκιος τὴν ναυαρχίδα τοῦ Δημοχάρους κατέσεισε καὶ εἷλε. καὶ Δημοχάρης μὲν ἐς ἑτέραν ἐξήλατο, τοιούτου δὲ ὄντος τοῦ πόνου καὶ τοῦ φθόρου ἐπεφαίνοντο ἐκ πόντου προσπλέοντες ἤδη Καλουίσιός τε καὶ Μηνόδωρος. καὶ αὐτοὺς οἱ μὲν τοῦ Καίσαρος οὐχ ἑώρων οὔτε ἀπὸ γῆς οὔτε ἐκ θαλάσσης, πελαγιώτεροι δὲ ὄντες οἱ τοῦ Πομπηίου κατεῖδον καὶ ἰδόντες ἀνεχώρουν· συνεσκόταζε γὰρ ἤδη, καὶ κεκμηκότες ἀκμῆσιν οὐκ ἐθάρρουν συμπλέκεσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.9.86

Octavius leaped from his ship upon the rocks and pulled out of the water those who swam ashore, and conducted them to the mountain above. However, Cornificius and the other generals who were there, encouraged each other, cut loose from their anchors without awaiting orders, and put to sea against the enemy, thinking that it was better to be conquered fighting than to fall unresisting before the blows of their assailants. First, with wonderful audacity, Cornificius rammed the flag-ship of Demochares and captured it. The latter leaped upon another vessel. Then, while the struggle and carnage were in progress, Calvisius and Menodorus hove in sight, advancing from the open sea, although they had not been observed by Octavius’ men either from the land or the water. The Pompeians, being farther out at sea, beheld them first, and, when they saw them, retreated, for darkness was approaching, and, fatigued as they were, they dared not encounter fresh men. This conjuncture happened very opportunely for those who had just now been in difficulties.

5.9.87 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.9.87

τοῦτο μὲν δὴ συγκύρημα τοῖς ὑπολοίποις ἐκ τοῦ τέως ἀχρείου χρηστὸν ἐπιγίγνεται· νυκτὸς δὲ ἐπιλαβούσης οἱ μὲν ἐκ τῶν νεῶν ἐκπεσόντες ἐς τὰ ὄρη συνέφευγον καὶ πυρὰ πολλὰ ἔκαιον σύμβολα τοῖς ἔτι οὖσιν ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ καὶ διενυκτέρευον οὕτως ἄσιτοι καὶ ἀθεράπευτοι καὶ πάντων ἐνδεεῖς. καὶ αὐτοὺς ὁ Καῖσαρ, ὁμοίως ἔχων, παρεκάλει περιθέων ἐς τὴν ἕω κακοπαθῆσαι. ταλαιπωρουμένῳ δὲ αὐτῷ περὶ ταῦτα Καλουίσιος μὲν οὐδʼ ὣς ἐγιγνώσκετο προσπλέων, οὐδὲ ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν τι χρηστὸν ἐγίγνετο, ἀσχολουμένων περὶ τὰ ναυάγια· ὑπὸ δὲ ἑτέρου δαίμονος ἀγαθοῦ τὸ τρισκαιδέκατον τέλος ἐπλησίαζε διὰ τῶν ὀρῶν καὶ περὶ τοῦ κακοῦ πυθόμενοι τοὺς κρημνούς, τῷ πυρὶ περὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ τεκμαιρόμενοι, διέδραμον καὶ καταλαβόντες τὸν αὐτοκράτορα σφῶν καὶ τοὺς συμφυγόντας ὧδε ἔχοντας καμάτου καὶ τροφῶν ἀπορίας ἐθεράπευον, ἄλλους ἄλλῃ διαλαβόντες, οἱ δὲ ταξίαρχοι τὸν αὐτοκράτορα ἐς αὐτοσχέδιον σκηνὴν ἐσαγαγόντες, οὐδενὸς τῶν οἰκετῶν αὐτῷ θεραπευτήρων παρόντων, ὡς ἐν νυκτὶ καὶ τοσῷδε ταράχῳ διερριμμένων. περιπέμψας δʼ εὐθὺς πανταχῇ τοὺς ἐξαγγελοῦντας, ὅτι σῴζοιτο, πυνθάνεται Καλουίσιον σὺν ταῖς πρόπλοις καταπλέοντα καὶ ὡς ἐπὶ δύο χρηστοῖς καὶ ἀδοκήτοις ἀνεπαύετο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.9.87

At nightfall, those who had reached the shore from the ships took refuge on the mountains and lighted numerous fires as signals to those who were still on the sea, and there passed the night without food, uncared for, and in want of everything. Octavius fared like the rest, and moved around exhorting them to endure their privations till morning. While he was undergoing these hardships it was not known that Calvisius had arrived, nor could anything thing needful be obtained from the ships in their wrecked condition. But good luck came to them from another quarter. The thirteenth legion was approaching by way of the mountains, and, learning of the disaster and judging of the road by the fire, they made their way through the crags. They found their commander, and those who had taken refuge with him, suffering from fatigue and want of food, and ministered to them, dividing the work, some caring for some, others for others. The centurions brought their commander into an improvised tent, as none of his body-servants were present, these having been dispersed in the darkness and disorder. He sent messengers in all directions forthwith, to announce that he was safe, and he learned that Calvisius had arrived with the vanguard of his fleet; and, in view of these two helpful and unexpected events, he allowed himself some rest.

5.10.88 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.10.88

ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ τὴν θάλασσαν ἐφορῶν ἐθεᾶτο ναῦς ἐμπεπρησμένας τε καὶ ἡμιφλέκτους ἔτι καὶ ἡμικαύστους ἄλλας τε λελυμασμένας ἱστίων τε ὁμοῦ καὶ πηδαλίων καὶ σκευῶν ἔμπλεων τὸ πέλαγος καὶ τῶν ἔτι σῳζομένων τὰ πολλὰ πεπονηκότα. προστησάμενος οὖν τὸν Καλουισίου στόλον, ἐπεσκεύαζε τὰ ἐπείγοντα· τῶν σκαφῶν πλαγιάσας, ἠρεμούντων καὶ τῶν πολεμίων, εἴτε διὰ Καλουίσιον εἴτε αὖθις ἀναγομένοις ἐπιθέσθαι διεγνωκότων. ὧδε δὲ ἐχόντων ἑκατέρων, ἐκ μέσης ἡμέρας νότος ἐμπεσὼν ἤγειρε κῦμα βίαιον ἐν ῥοώδει καὶ στενῷ χωρίῳ. Πομπήιος μὲν οὖν ἐν Μεσσήνῃ λιμένων ἔνδον ἦν, αἱ δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος νῆες αὖθις περὶ τραχεῖαν ἀκτὴν καὶ δύσορμον ἀρασσόμεναι ταῖς τε πέτραις καὶ ἀλλήλαις ἐπεφέροντο, οὐδὲ τῶν πληρωμάτων σφίσιν ὥστε διακρατεῖν ἐντελῶν ὄντων.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.10.88

The next morning, when Octavius looked out upon the water, he beheld some of his ships burned, others partly burned, others still burning, and others broken in pieces; and the sea filled with sails, rudders, and furniture, while, of the ships that were saved, the greater part were damaged. Having ranged the fleet of Calvisius in front, he made repairs on those of his vessels that most needed them, turning them on their sides, the enemy meantime remaining quiet, either because they feared Calvisius, or because they had decided to attack again in the open sea. Thus they remained on either side until midday, when a south wind burst upon them, raising violent billows in that surging and confined channel. Pompeius was then inside the harbor of Messana. The ships of Octavius were again shattered on the rough and inhospitable coast, dashing against the rocks and against each other, for, as they were not fully manned, they were not under good control.

Edition note

ἐπεσκεύαζε τὰ ἐπείγοντα τῶν σκαφῶν πλαγιάσας. Schweighäuser’s Latin version renders this: He repaired those which especially required attention, sailing in the meantime near the shore on an oblique course. Yet in a note on this passage he inclines to the opinion that πλαγιάσας means, not sailing obliquely, but turning the ships on their sides — a more rational method of making repairs. The Didot edition adheres to the former rendering.

5.10.89 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.10.89

Μηνόδωρος μὲν οὖν, ἀρχόμενον τὸ δεινὸν ἐλπίσας πλεονάσειν, ἐς τὸ πελαγιώτερον ἀνήχθη καὶ ἐπʼ ἀγκυρῶν διεσάλευεν· ἀσθενέστερον δὲ ἔχων τὸ κῦμα διὰ τὸν βυθόν, εἰρεσίᾳ ὅμως καὶ πρὸς τόδε ἐνίστατο καρτερᾷ μὴ παραφέρεσθαι, καί τινες αὐτὸν ἐμιμοῦντο ἕτεροι. τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος, οἰόμενοι ταχέως τὸ πνεῦμα ἐνδώσειν ὡς ἐν ἔαρι, τὰς ναῦς ἑκατέρωθεν ἀγκύραις ἔκ τε τοῦ πελάγους καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς διεκράτουν καὶ κοντοῖς ἐξεώθουν ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων. τραχυτέρου δὲ τοῦ πνεύματος γενομένου συνεκέχυτο πάντα καὶ συνετρίβοντο αἱ νῆες, τὰς ἀγκύρας ἀπορρηγνύουσαι καὶ ἐς τὴν γῆν ἢ ἐπʼ ἀλλήλας τινασσόμεναι· βοή τε ἦν παμμιγὴς δεδιότων ὁμοῦ καὶ οἰμῳζόντων καὶ παρακελευόντων ἀλλήλοις ἐς ἀνήκοον· οὐ γὰρ ἐφικνοῦντο ἔτι τῶν λεγομένων, οὐδὲ κυβερνήτης ἰδιώτου διέφερεν οὔτε κατʼ ἐπιστήμην οὔτε προστάσσων. ἀλλʼ ὁ φθόρος ἦν ὅμοιος ἔν τε ταῖς ναυσὶν αὐταῖς καί, ὅτε τις αὐτῶν ἐκπέσοι κύματι καὶ κλύδωνι καὶ ξύλοις ἀρασσομένων· ἔγεμεν γὰρ ἡ θάλασσα ἱστίων καὶ ξύλων καὶ ἀνδρῶν καὶ νεκρῶν. εἰ δέ τις καὶ τάδε διαφυγὼν ἐκνήχοιτο ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν, συνηράσσοντο καὶ οἵδε ἐπὶ τὰς πέτρας ὑπὸ τοῦ κύματος. ὡς δὲ καὶ τὸ σπάσμα τὴν θάλασσαν ἐλάμβανεν, ὃ συνήθως ἐπιγίγνεται τῷδε τῷ πορθμῷ, τοὺς μὲν ἀήθεις καὶ τόδε ἐξέπλησσε, τὰ δὲ σκάφη τότε μάλιστα περιφερόμενα συνέπιπτεν ἀλλήλοις. καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα ἐς νύκτα χαλεπώτερον ἐγίγνετο, ὥστε μηδὲ κατὰ φῶς ἔτι, ἀλλʼ ἐν σκότῳ διόλλυσθαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.10.89

Menodorus, apprehending that this rising storm would increase in violence, moved farther seaward and rode at anchor where, on account of the depth of water, the waves were less boisterous; and even here he had recourse to hard rowing to avoid being driven ashore. Some of the others followed his example, but most of them, thinking that the wind would soon subside, as it usually did in the springtime, moored themselves with anchors on either side, landward and seaward, and thrust out poles to prevent collisions with each other. As the wind grew more violent everything was thrown into confusion. The ships collided, broke their anchors, and were upset on the shore one after another. Cries of alarm and groans of pain were mingled together, and exhortations that fell upon deaf ears. Orders could not be heard. There was no distinction between pilot and common sailor. Knowledge and authority were alike unavailing. The same destruction awaited those in the ships and those who fell overboard, the latter being crushed by wind, waves, and floating timber. The sea was full of sails, spars, and men, living and dead. Those who sought to escape by swimming to land were dashed against the rocks by the surf. When the convulsion seized the water, as is usual in that strait, they were terrified, being unaccustomed to it, and then their vessels were whirled around and dashed against each other worse than ever. As night came on the wind increased in fury, so that they perished no longer in the light but in the darkness.

Edition note

Ὡς δὲ καὶ τὸ σπάσμα τῆν θάλασσαν ἐλάμβανεν. This refers to the whirlpool at Charybdis.

5.10.90 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.10.90

οἰμωγαί τε ἀνὰ τὴν νύκτα πᾶσαν ἦσαν καὶ τῶν οἰκείων μετακλήσεις ἀνά τε τὴν γῆν διαθεόντων καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ καλούντων ἐξ ὀνόματος καὶ θρηνούντων, ὅτε μὴ ἐπακούσειαν, ὡς ἀπολωλότας· ἔμπαλίν τε ἑτέρων ἀνὰ τὸ πέλαγος ὑπερκυπτόντων τὸ κῦμα καὶ ἐς βοήθειαν τοὺς ἐν τῇ γῇ παρακαλούντων. ἀμήχανα δὲ πάντα ἦν ἑκατέροις· καὶ οὐχ ἡ θάλασσα μόνη τοῖς ἐς αὐτὴν ἐσελθοῦσιν καὶ ὅσοι τῶν νεῶν ἐπεβεβήκεσαν ἔτι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ γῆ τοῦ κλύδωνος οὐχ ἧσσον ἦν ἀπορωτέρα, μὴ σφᾶς τὸ κῦμα συναράξειεν ἐπὶ τὰς πέτρας. ἐμόχθουν τε χειμῶνι τῶν πώποτε μάλιστα καινοτρόπῳ, γῆς ὄντες ἀγχοτάτω καὶ τὴν γῆν δεδιότες καὶ οὔτε ἐκφυγεῖν αὐτὴν ἔχοντες ἐς τὸ πέλαγος οὔτε ὅσον ἀλλήλων διαστῆναι· ἡ γὰρ στενότης ἡ τοῦ χωρίου καὶ τὸ φύσει δυσέξοδον αὐτοῦ καὶ κλύδων ἐπιπεσὼν καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα, ὑπὸ τῶν περικειμένων ὀρῶν ἐς θυέλλας περικλώμενον, καὶ ὁ τοῦ βυθοῦ σπασμὸς ἐπὶ πάντα εἱλούμενος οὔτε μένειν οὔτε φεύγειν ἐπέτρεπε· τό τε σκότος ἠνώχλει νυκτὸς μάλιστα μελαίνης· ὅθεν ἔθνῃσκον οὐδὲ καθορῶντες ἀλλήλους ἔτι, οἱ μὲν θορυβούμενοι καὶ βοῶντες, οἱ δʼ ἐφʼ ἡσυχίας παριέμενοι καὶ τὸ δεινὸν ἐκδεχόμενοι καὶ συνεργοῦντες ἐς αὐτὸ ἔνιοι ὡς ἀπολούμενοι πάντως. γενόμενον γὰρ τὸ κακὸν κρεῖσσον ἐπινοίας καὶ τὴν ἐκ τῶν παραλόγων αὐτοὺς ἐλπίδα ἀφῃρεῖτο, μέχρι ποτὲ ἄφνω τὸ πνεῦμα προσιούσης ἡμέρας διελύετο καὶ μεθʼ ἡλίου ἐπιτολὴν πάμπαν ἐμαραίνετο. καὶ τὸ κῦμα ὅμως καὶ τότε, τοῦ πνεύματος ἐκλυθέντος, ἐπὶ πολὺ ἐτραχύνετο. καὶ τὸ δεινὸν οὐδʼ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐγχωρίων ποτὲ τηλικοῦτον ἐμνημονεύετο γενέσθαι· γενόμενον δὲ ἔθους τε καὶ νόμου κρεῖσσον διέφθειρε τῶν Καίσαρος νεῶν καὶ ἀνδρῶν τὸ πλέον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.10.90

Groans were heard throughout the entire night, and the cries of men running along the shore and calling their friends and relatives upon the sea by name, and mourning for them as lost when they could hear no responses; and anon the cries of others lifting their heads above the waves and beseeching aid from those on shore. Nothing could be done on either land or water. Not only was the sea inexorable to those engulfed in it, as well as to those still in the ships, but the danger from the storm was almost as great on land, lest the surf should dash them against the rocks. So distressed were they by this unexampled tempest that those who were nearest the land feared the land, yet could not get sufficient offing to avoid collision with each other, for the narrowness of the place and its naturally difficult outlet, together with the force of the waves, the rotary motion of the wind, caused by the surrounding mountains, and the whirlpool of the deep, holding everything in its grasp, allowed neither tarrying nor escape. The darkness of a very black night added to their distress. And so they perished, no longer even seeing each other, some uttering confused cries, others yielding in silence, accepting their doom, some even hastening it, believing that they were utterly lost. The disaster so far surpassed their experience that it bereft them of the hope of saving themselves even by chance. Finally, at the approach of daylight, the wind suddenly relaxed its force, and after sunrise wholly died away; yet even then, although the storm had ceased, the surges rolled a long time. The fury of the tempest surpassed the memory of the oldest inhabitants. It was altogether unexampled, and the greater part of Octavius’ ships and men were destroyed by it.

5.10.91 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.10.91

ὁ δὲ καὶ τῆς προτεραίας ἡμέρας πολλὰ τῷ πολέμῳ βλαβεὶς καὶ δύο τοῖσδε συμπτώμασιν ὁμοῦ συνενεχθεὶς ἐπὶ τὸ Ἱππώνειον εὐθὺς ᾔει διὰ ὀρῶν τῶν νυκτὸς αὐτῆς ἐκείνης κατὰ σπουδήν, οὐχ ὑφιστάμενος τὴν συμφοράν, ἐν ᾧ μηδὲν εἶχεν ἐπικουρεῖν. καὶ φίλοις καὶ στρατηγοῖς ἐπέστελλε πᾶσι διὰ χειρὸς εἶναι, μή τις αὐτῷ καὶ ἑτέρωθεν ὡς ἐν κακοπραγίᾳ γένοιτο ἐπιβουλή. περιέπεμπε δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν ἀκτὴν ἅπασαν τῆς Ἰταλίας τὰ παρόντα πεζά, μὴ ἐπιτολμήσειε καὶ τῇ γῇ διὰ τὴν εὐτυχίαν ὁ Πομπήιος. ὁ δὲ οὔτε περὶ τῆς γῆς ἐνενόησεν οὔτε τοῖς λειψάνοις τοῦ ναυαγίου παροῦσιν ἢ ἀπιοῦσι καταστάντος τοῦ κλύδωνος ἐπεχείρησεν, ἀλλʼ ὑπερεῖδεν ἐκ τῶν δυνατῶν διαζωννυμένους τὰ σκάφη καὶ ἀνέμῳ διαπλέοντας ἐς τὸ Ἱππώνειον, εἴτε τὴν συμφορὰν ἀρκεῖν οἱ νομίζων εἴτʼ ἄπειρος ὢν νίκην ἐπεξελθεῖν εἴθʼ, ὥσπερ εἴρηταί μοι καὶ ἑτέρωθι, ἐπιχειρεῖν ὅλως μαλακὸς ὢν καὶ μόνον ἐγνωκὼς ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιπλέοντας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.10.91

Octavius, who had lost heavily in the battle the previous day and had sustained two severe calamities together, took the road in haste to Vibo that same night, by way of the mountains, being unable to repair this disaster, for which there was no help at hand. He wrote to all his friends and generals to be on the alert lest a plot should be formed against him here or there, as is liable to be the case when adversity comes. He despatched the infantry he had with him to all points on the Italian coast, lest Pompeius should be emboldened by his good luck even to invade the mainland. But the latter had no thought of an expedition by land. He did not even attack the ships that were left from the wreck, nor those that went away after the storm had subsided. On the contrary, he paid no attention to the enemy while they were tying their ships together with ropes as well as they could, and sailing with a favorable wind to Vibo. He neglected them either because he thought that the disaster was all-sufficient for him, or because he did not know how to follow up a victory, or, as I have said elsewhere, because he was altogether inefficient in attack and cared only to defend himself against assailants.

5.10.92 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.10.92

Καίσαρι δὲ οὐδʼ ἐς ἥμισυ τῶν νεῶν περιεσώθη, καὶ τοῦτο σφόδρα πεπονηκός. καταλιπὼν δʼ ὅμως αὐτοῦ τινας ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, ἐπὶ Καμπανίαν ᾔει δυσφορῶν· οὔτε γὰρ ἄλλας ναῦς εἶχεν, δεόμενος πολλῶν, οὔτε χρόνον ἐς ναυπηγίαν, ἐπειγόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ καὶ τοῦ δήμου περὶ συμβάσεων αὖθις ἐνοχλήσαντος καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐπιτωθάσαντος ως παράσπονδον. χρημάτων τʼ ἔχρῃζε καὶ ἠπόρει, Ῥωμαίων οὔτε εἰσφερόντων οὔτε τοὺς πόρους ἐώντων, οὓς ἐπινοήσειε. δεινὸς δὲ ὢν ἀεὶ τὸ συμφέρον συνιδεῖν ἔπεμπε Μαικήναν ἐς Ἀντώνιον, μεταδιδάξοντα περὶ ὧν ἔναγχος ἐπεμέμφοντο ἀλλήλοις, καὶ ἐς συμμαχίαν ὑπαξόμενον. εἰ δὲ μὴ πείσειεν, ἐπενόει τοὺς ὁπλίτας ὁλκάσιν ἐπιβήσας ἐς Σικελίαν περαιοῦν καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν μεθεὶς κατὰ γῆν πόλεμον συνίστασθαι. οὕτω δʼ ἀθύμως ἔχοντι αὐτῷ ἀγγέλλεται ὁ Ἀντώνιος συνθέμενος συμμαχήσειν καὶ νίκη κατὰ Κελτῶν τῶν Ἀκυιτανῶν ἐπιφανής, ἣν Ἀγρίππας ἄγων ἐφάνη. οἵ τε φίλοι καὶ τῶν πόλεών τινες αὐτῷ ναῦς ὑπισχνοῦντο καὶ ἐποίουν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.10.92

Less than half of Octavius’ ships were saved, and these badly damaged. He left certain officers in charge of them and proceeded to Campania much cast down, for he had no other ships and he needed many; nor did he have time to build them, pressed as he was by the famine and by the people, who were again harassing him about a new treaty and mocking at the war as being in violation of the old one. He needed money, but had none. The Romans were not paying the taxes, nor would they allow the use of the revenues that he had devised. But he was always clever at discovering what was for his advantage. He sent Maecenas to Antony to change the mind of the latter respecting the things about which they had lately had some bickering, and to bring him to an alliance. If Maecenas should not succeed, he intended to embark his infantry on merchant vesels, cross over to Sicily, abandon the sea, and wage war on land. While in this state of dejection the news reached him that Antony had agreed to the alliance, and he heard of a splendid victory over the Gauls of Aquitania, gained under the leadership of Agrippa. His friends and certain cities also promised him ships, and built them. Accordingly, Octavius cast off his despondency, and made more formidable preparations than his previous ones.

Edition note

Y.R. 717

Edition note

B.C. 37

Edition note

Y.R. 718

5.10.93 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.10.93

ὁ μὲν δὴ καὶ τῆς λύπης ἀνίη καὶ λαμπροτέραν τῆς προτέρας παρασκευῆς συνεπήγνυτο· ἀρχομένου δʼ ἦρος ὁ μὲν Ἀντώνιος ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν ἐς Τάραντα διέπλει ναυσὶ τριακοσίαις, τῷ Καίσαρι συμμαχήσων, ὡς ὑπέσχητο, ὁ δʼ ἐνήλλακτο τὴν γνώμην καὶ ἐς τὰς ἔτι γινομένας αὑτῷ ναῦς ἀνεβάλλετο. καλούμενος δὲ αὖθις ὡς ἐπὶ ἕτοιμα καὶ ἀρκοῦντα τὰ Ἀντωνίου, ἑτέρας ἀσχολίας προύφερε καὶ δῆλος ἦν ἢ αὖθις ἐπιμεμφόμενός τι τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ ἢ τῆς συμμαχίας διὰ τὴν εὐπορίαν τὴν οἰκείαν ὑπερορῶν. χαλεπαίνων δʼ ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐπέμενεν ὅμως καὶ αὖθις αὐτὸν ἐκάλει· τῇ τε γὰρ χορηγίᾳ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ κάμνων καὶ στρατοῦ χρῄζων ἐπὶ Παρθυαίους Ἰταλοῦ, Καίσαρι τὰς ναῦς ἐπενόει διαλλάξαι, εἰρημένον μὲν ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ἑκάτερον ξενολογεῖν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας, δυσχερὲς δʼ ἐσόμενον αὐτῷ Καίσαρος τὴν Ἰταλίαν εἰληχότος. Ὀκταουία οὖν ἐχώρει πρὸς Καίσαρα διαιτήσουσα αὐτοῖς. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐγκαταλελεῖφθαι τοῖς κινδύνοις ἔλεγε τοῖς ἐν πορθμῷ καταλαβοῦσιν, ἡ δὲ ἐκλελύσθαι τοῦτο διὰ Μαικήνα. ὁ δὲ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἔφη καὶ Καλλίαν ἀπελεύθερον ἐς Λέπιδον ἐκπέμψαι, συντιθέμενον τῷ Λεπίδῳ κατὰ Καίσαρος, ἡ δὲ συνειδέναι Καλλίαν περὶ γάμων ἀπεσταλμένον· βουληθῆναι γὰρ Ἀντώνιον πρὸ τῶν Παρθυικῶν ἐκδεδόσθαι τὴν θυγατέρα τῷ παιδὶ Λεπίδου, καθάπερ ὡμολόγητο. καὶ τάδε μὲν ἡ Ὀκταουία, Ἀντώνιος δὲ καὶ τὸν Καλλίαν ἔπεμπεν, ἐς βάσανον τῷ Καίσαρι διδούς· ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἐδέξατο μέν, ἀφίξεσθαι δὲ ἔφη καὶ συμμίξειν Ἀντωνίῳ μεταξὺ Μεταποντίου καὶ Τάραντος, μέσον ἔχων ποταμὸν τὸν ἐπώνυμον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.10.93

At the beginning of spring, Antony set sail from Athens to Tarentum with 300 ships to assist Octavius as he had promised. But the latter had changed his mind and postponed his movement until his own ships should be finished. When called upon again and told that Antony’s forces were ready and sufficient, he advanced other reasons for delay. It was evident that he was again offended with Antony about something, or that he disdained his assistance because his own resources were abundant. Antony was vexed, but he remained, nevertheless, and communicated with Octavius again, because the expense of his fleet was burdensome. Moreover, he needed Italian soldiers for his war against the Parthians, and he contemplated exchanging his fleet for a part of Octavius’ army; for, although it was provided in their treaty that each of them might recruit soldiers in Italy, it would be difficult for him to do so when Italy had fallen to the lot of Octavius. Accordingly, Octavia betook herself to her brother to act as mediator between them. Octavius complained that he had been abandoned by Antony when he was overtaken by danger in the straits. She replied that that had been explained through Maecenas. Octavius said that Antony had sent his freedman Callias to Lepidus in Africa to induce the latter to make an alliance against him. She replied that she knew that Callias had been sent to make arrangements about a marriage, because Antony desired, before setting out on his Parthian expedition, to marry his daughter to the son of Lepidus, as had been agreed. After Octavia had made this statement Antony sent Callias to Octavius with permission to put him to torture [in order to learn the truth]. Octavius would not receive him, but said that he would go and have an interview with Antony between Metapontum and Tarentum, at a place where there is a river of the latter name between them.

Edition note

Y.R. 716

Edition note

B.C. 36

Edition note

The river Taras.

5.10.94 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.10.94

κατὰ δαίμονα δʼ ἀμφοτέρων προσιόντων τῷ ῥεύματι, Ἀντώνιος ἐκ τῆς ἀπήνης καταθορὼν ἔς τι τῶν παρορμούντων σκαφῶν ἐσήλατο μόνος καὶ ἐπέρα πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα, πιστεύον ὡς φίλῳ. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἰδὼν ἀντεμιμεῖτο, καὶ ξυμβάλλουσιν ἀλλήλοις κατὰ τὸ ῥεῦμα καὶ διήριζον, ἑκάτερος ἐκβῆναι βουλόμενος ἐς τὴν ὄχθην τοῦ ἑτέρου. ἐνίκα δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ, ὡς καὶ πρὸς τὴν Ὀκταουίαν ἥξων ἐς Τάραντα, ἐπί τε τῆς ἀπήνης Ἀντωνίου συνήδρευεν αὐτῷ καὶ ἐν Τάραντι ἐς τὴν καταγωγὴν αὐτοῦ παρῆλθέ τε ἀφύλακτος καὶ τὴν νύκτα ὁμοίως ἀνεπαύετο χωρὶς δορυφόρων παρʼ αὐτῷ. τὰ δʼ ὅμοια καὶ παρʼ Ἀντωνίου τῆς ἐπιούσης ἐπεδείκνυτο. οὕτως αὐτοῖς ἦν συνεχὴς ἡ μεταβολή, πρός τε τὰς ὑπονοίας διὰ φιλαρχίαν καὶ ἐς τὰς πίστεις ὑπὸ χρείας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.10.94

They both chanced to reach the river at the same time. Antony sprang down from his chariot and leaped alone into one of the skiffs moored near by, and rowed toward Octavius, showing confidence in him as a friend. When Octavius saw this he followed the example. So they met in the stream and contended with each other which of them should disembark on the other’s bank. Octavius prevailed because he was going to make a visit to Octavia at Tarentum. He took a seat with Antony in the latter’s chariot, and proceeded to his lodgings at Tarentum unprotected, and passed the night there without guards. On the following day Antony made the same exhibition of trust. Thus they were continually changing from suspicion born of rivalry to confidence due to their mutual needs.

5.10.95 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.10.95

τὸν μὲν οὖν ἐπίπλουν τὸν ἐπὶ Πομπήιον ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐς νέωτα ἀνεβάλλετο· ὁ δʼ Ἀντώνιος ἐπιμένειν διὰ Παρθυαίους οὐ δυνάμενος, ἀντέδοσαν ὅμως ἀλλήλοις, Καίσαρι μὲν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ναῦς ἑκατὸν εἴκοσιν, ἃς αὐτίκα πέμψας εἰς Τάραντα παρέδωκεν, Ἀντωνίῳ δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ δισμυρίους Ἰταλοὺς ὁπλίτας, οὓς ἐπιπέμψειν ὑπισχνεῖτο· ἐδωρήσατο δὲ καὶ Ὀκταουία τὸν ἀδελφόν, αἰτήσασα παρʼ Ἀντωνίου, δέκα φασήλοις τριηριτικοῖς, ἐπιμίκτοις ἔκ τε φορτίδων νεῶν καὶ μακρῶν, καὶ τὴν Ὀκταουίαν ὁ Καῖσαρ χιλίοις λογάσι σωματοφύλαξιν, οὓς ἐπιλέξαιτο Ἀντώνιος. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ χρόνος αὐτοῖς ἔληγε τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἣ τοῖς τρισὶν ἐψήφιστο ἀνδράσιν, ἑτέραν ἑαυτοῖς ὥριζον πενταετίαν, οὐδὲν ἔτι τοῦ δήμου δεηθέντες. οὕτω μὲν οὖν διεκρίθησαν ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων, καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος εὐθὺς ἐς τὴν Συρίαν ἠπείγετο, τὴν Ὀκταουίαν παρὰ τῷ ἀδελφῷ καταλιπὼν μετὰ θυγατρὸς ἤδη γενομένης αὐτοῖς.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.10.95

However, Octavius postponed his expedition against Pompeius till the following year. On account of the Parthian war Antony was not able to wait. Nevertheless, they made an exchange with each other, Antony giving to Octavius 120 ships, which he sent at once and delivered at Tarentum, in return for which Octavius promised to send him 20,000 Italian legionaries. Octavia, begging the favor from Antony, made her brother a present of ten three-banked phaseli — a combination of war-ship and merchant vessel — and Octavius gave her in return 1000 picked men as a body-guard, to be selected by Antony. As the term of the triumvirate voted to them was about expiring, they renewed it for five years without again asking the people. And so they separated, Antony proceeding straightway to Syria and leaving Octavia with her brother, and also a daughter already born to them.

Edition note

Y.R. 718

5.10.96 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.10.96

Μηνόδωρος δέ, εἴτε τις ὢν φύσει παλιμπροδότης εἴτε δείσας τήν ποτε ἀπειλὴν Ἀντωνίου, ἀπάξειν αὐτὸν εἰπόντος ὡς ἀνδράποδον πολεμοποιόν, εἴτε ἐλασσόνων ἀξιοῦσθαι νομίζων παρʼ ἃ προσεδόκησεν, εἴτε τῶν ἄλλων αὐτὸν ἐξελευθέρων τοῦ Πομπηίου συνεχῶς ὀνειδιζόντων ἐς ἀπιστίαν δεσπότου καὶ παρακαλούντων ἐπανελθεῖν Μενεκράτους ἀποθανόντος, πίστιν αἰτήσας καὶ λαβὼν ηὐτομόλησε πρὸς Πομπήιον σὺν ἑπτὰ ναυσί, Καλουίσιον τὸν ναύαρχον τοῦ Καίσαρος διαλαθών. ἐφʼ ᾧ τὸν Καλουίσιον ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀπέλυσε τῆς ναυαρχίας καὶ ἀντικατέστησεν Ἀγρίππαν. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἕτοιμος ἦν ὁ στόλος, ἐκάθαιρεν αὐτὸν ὁ Καῖσαρ ὧδε. οἱ μὲν βωμοὶ ψαύουσι τῆς θαλάσσης, καὶ ἡ πληθὺς αὐτοὺς περιέστηκε κατὰ ναῦν μετὰ σιωπῆς βαθυτάτης· οἱ δὲ ἱερουργοὶ θύουσι μὲν ἑστῶτες ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ καὶ τρὶς ἐπὶ σκαφῶν περιφέρουσιν ἀνὰ τὸν στόλον τὰ καθάρσια, συμπεριπλεόντων αὐτοῖς τῶν στρατηγῶν καὶ ἐπαρωμένων ἐς τάδε τὰ καθάρσια, ἀντὶ τοῦ στόλου, τὰ ἀπαίσια τραπῆναι. νείμαντες δὲ αὐτά, μέρος ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν ἀπορρίπτουσι καὶ μέρος ἐς τοὺς βωμοὺς ἐπιθέντες ἅπτουσι, καὶ ὁ λεὼς ἐπευφημεῖ. οὕτω μὲν Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ ναυτικὰ καθαίρουσιν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.10.96

But Menodorus, — either because he was an habitual traitor, or because he feared the former threat of Antony, who had said that he would punish him as a rebellious slave, or because he had received less consideration than he had expected, or because the other freedmen of Pompeius were continually reproaching him for unfaithfulness to his master and urging him to return, — now that Menecrates was dead, asked forgiveness, and, having obtained it, deserted to Pompeius with seven ships, without the knowledge of Octavius’ admiral, Calvisius. For this reason Octavius dismissed the latter from his command and appointed Agrippa in his place. When the fleet was ready, Octavius performed a lustration for it in the following manner. Altars were erected on the margin of the sea, and the multitude were ranged around them in ships, observing the most profound silence. The priests who performed the ceremony offered the sacrifice while standing at the water’s edge, and carried the expiatory offerings in skiffs three times around the fleet, the general sailing with them, beseeching the gods to turn the bad omens against the victims instead of the fleet. Then, dividing the entrails, they cast a part of them into the sea, and put the remainder on the altars and burned them, while the multitude chanted in unison. In this way the Romans perform lustrations of the fleet.

5.11.97 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.11.97

ἔμελλε δʼ ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ ἐκ Δικαιαρχείας, ὁ δὲ Λέπιδος ἐκ Λιβύης, Ταῦρος δʼ ἐκ Τάραντος ἐπιπλευσεῖσθαι τῇ Σικελίᾳ, ὡς ἂν αὐτὴν ἐξ ἠοῦς ὁμοῦ καὶ δύσεως καὶ μεσημβρίας περιλάβοιεν. καὶ τῆς ἀναγωγῆς τοῦ Καίσαρος ἡ ἡμέρα προείρητο πᾶσι, καὶ ἦν δεκάτη τροπῶν θερινῶν, ἥν τινα Ῥωμαῖοι νουμηνίαν ἔχουσι τοῦ μηνός, ὃν ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοῦ Καίσαρος τοῦ προτέρου Ἰούλιου ἀντὶ Κυιντιλίου καλοῦσι. τήνδε μὲν ὁ Καῖσαρ ὥρισε τὴν ἡμέραν, αἰσιούμενος ἴσως διὰ τὸν πατέρα νικηφόρον αἰεὶ γενόμενον· ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος Λεπίδῳ μὲν ἀντέταττε Πλένιον ἐι Λιλυβαίῳ, τέλος ὁπλιτῶν ἔχοντα καὶ ἄλλο πλῆθος ἐσκευασμένον κούφως, τὴν δὲ πρὸς ἕω καὶ δύσιν ἀκτὴν τῆς Σικελίας πᾶσαν ἐφρούρει, καὶ νήσους μάλιστα Λιπάραν τε καὶ Κοσσύραν, ἵνα μήτε Κοσσύρα Λεπίδῳ μήτε Λιπάρα Καίσαρι ἐνορμίσματα ἢ ναύσταθμα γένοιτο εὔκαιρα ἐπὶ τῇ Σικελίᾳ. τὸ δʼ ἄριστον τοῦ ναυτικοῦ ἐν Μεσσήνῃ συνεῖχεν ἐπεδρεῦον ὅπῃ δεήσειεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.11.97

It was intended that Octavius should set sail from Puteoli, Lepidus from Africa, and Taurus from Tarentum, to Sicily, in order to surround the enemy at once, from the east, the west, and the south. The day of Octavius’ sailing had been previously communicated to all. It was the tenth day after the summer solstice. This, in the Roman calendar, was the calends of the month which, in honor of the first Caesar, they call July instead of Quintilis. Octavius fixed on this day, perhaps because he considered it propitious on account of his father, who was always victorious. Pompeius stationed Plennius at Lilybaeum with one legion and a considerable body of light-armed troops, to oppose Lepidus. He guarded the whole coast of Sicily, both east and west, and especially the islands of Lipara and Cossyra, lest they should become convenient harbors and naval stations for Octavius and Lepidus against Sicily. The best part of his naval force he kept together at Messana watching its chances. In this way they made their preparations on either side.

5.11.98 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.11.98

οὕτω μὲν ἑκάτεροι παρασκευῆς εἶχον, γενομένης δὲ τῆς νουμηνίας ἀνήγοντο πάντες ἅμα ἠοῖ, Λέπιδος μὲν ἐκ Λιβύης χιλίαις ὁλκάσι καὶ μακραῖς ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ τέλεσι στρατοῦ δυώδεκα καὶ ἱππεῦσι Νομάσι πεντακισχιλίοις καὶ ἑτέρᾳ παρασκευῇ πολλῇ, Ταῦρος δʼ ἐκ Τάραντος ταῖς Ἀντωνίου ναυσὶν ἐξ ἑκατὸν καὶ τριάκοντα δύο μόναις καὶ ἑκατόν, ἐπεὶ τῶν λοιπῶν οἱ ἐρέται χειμῶνος ἐτεθνήκεσαν, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐκ Δικαιαρχείας, θύων ἅμα καὶ σπένδων ἀπὸ τῆς ναυαρχίδος νεὼς ἐς τὸ πέλαγος ἀνέμοις εὐδίοις καὶ Ἀσφαλείῳ Ποσειδῶνι καὶ ἀκύμονι θαλάσσῃ, συλλήπτορας αὑτῷ κατὰ ἐχθρῶν πατρῴων γενέσθαι. πρόπλοι δʼ αὐτῷ τινες τοὺς μυχοὺς τῆς θαλάσσης διηρεύνων, καὶ Ἄππιος μετὰ πλήθους νεῶν ὀπισθοφυλακῶν εἵπετο. τρίτῃ δὲ τῆς ἀναγωγῆς ἡμέρᾳ νότος ἐμπεσὼν Λεπίδου μὲν ὁλκάδας ἀνέτρεψε πολλάς, ὡρμίσθη δὲ ὅμως ἐς Σικελίαν καί, Πλένιον ἐν Λιλυβαίῳ πολιορκῶν, τινὰς τῶν πόλεων ὑπήγετο καὶ ἑτέρας ἐβιάζετο· ταῦρος δὲ ἀρχομένου τοῦ πνεύματος ἐς Τάραντα ἐπαλινδρόμει. Ἀππίου δʼ ἄρτι τὸ Ἀθηναῖον ἄκρον περιπλέοντος αἱ μὲν συνετρίβοντο τῶν νεῶν ἀμφὶ ταῖς πέτραις, αἱ δʼ ἐς τέλματα ἐξώκελλον ὑπὸ ῥύμης, αἱ δὲ καὶ διερρίφησαν οὐκ ἀσινεῖς. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἀρχομένου μὲν τοῦ χειμῶνος ἐς τὸν Ἐλεάτην κόλπον ἐρυμνὸν ὄντα συμπεφεύγει, χωρὶς ἑξήρους μιᾶς, ἣ περὶ τῇ ἄκρᾳ διελύθη· λιβὸς δὲ τὸν νότον μεταλαβόντος ὁ κόλπος ἐκυκᾶτο, ἐς τὴν ἑσπέραν ἀνεῳγμένος, καὶ οὔτε ἐκπλεῦσαι δυνατὸν ἦν ἔτι πρὸς ἐναντίον τοῦ κόλπου τὸ πνεῦμα, οὔτε κῶπαι κατεῖχον οὔτε ἄγκυραι, ἀλλʼ ἐς ἀλλήλας ἢ ἐς τὰς πέτρας ἐνηράσσοντο αἱ νῆες. καὶ νυκτὸς ἦν ἔτι τὸ δεινὸν ἀτοπώτερον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.11.98

When the calends came they all set sail at daybreak, Lepidus from Africa with 1000 ships of burden, seventy war vessels, twelve legions of soldiers, 500 Numidian horse, and a great quantity of apparatus; Taurus from Tarentum with only 102 of the 130 ships that Antony had left, since the oarsmen of the remainder had perished during the winter. Octavius sailed from Puteoli, offering sacrifices and pouring out libations from the admiral’s ship into the water to the propitious winds, and to Neptune, the guardian, and to the tranquil sea, that they should be his assistants against his father’s enemies. Certain ships sent in advance made examination of the bays, and Appius with a large squadron followed as a rear guard. On the third day after their departure a south wind blew with violence and capsized a large number of ships of burden belonging to Lepidus. Nevertheless, he reached the Sicilian coast, laid siege to Plennius in Lilybaeum, and got possession of some towns by persuasion and others by force. When the wind began to blow Taurus returned to Tarentum. While Appius was doubling the promontory of Minerva, some of his ships were shattered against the rocks, others ran with violence on the shoals, and the rest were dispersed, not without injury. At the beginning of the storm, Octavius took refuge in the sheltered bay of Elea, except one six-banked ship, which was wrecked on the promontory. The south wind was succeeded by a southwester, which threw the bay into commotion, as it opened toward the west. It was impossible to sail out of the bay with the wind still ahead, nor could the ships be held by oars or anchors. They crashed against each other or against the rocks, and the confusion became worse confounded by night.

5.11.99 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.11.99

ἐνδόντος δέ ποτε τοῦ κακοῦ τὰ νεκρὰ ἔθαπτεν ὁ Καῖσαρ, καὶ τοὺς τραυματίας ἐθεράπευε, καὶ τοὺς ἐκνέοντας ἐνέδυε, καὶ ὥπλιζεν ἑτέροις ὅπλοις, καὶ τὸν στόλον ἅπαντα ἐκ τῶν ἐνόντων ἀνελάμβανε. διεφθάρατο δʼ αὐτῷ νῆες βαρεῖαι μὲν ἕξ, κουφότεραι δὲ ἓξ καὶ εἴκοσι, λιβυρνίδες δὲ ἔτι πλείους. καὶ ἐς τάδε διορθούμενα τριάκοντα ἡμέρας ἀναλώσειν ἔμελλεν, ἤδη τοῦ θέρους προκόπτοντος· ὅθεν ἦν ἄριστον αὐτῷ τὸν πόλεμον ἐς τὸ μέλλον θέρος ἀναβαλέσθαι. ἐνοχλουμένου δὲ τοῦ δήμου ταῖς ἀπορίαις, ἐπεσκεύαζε τὰς ναῦς ἐς τὴν γῆν ἀνέλκων μετὰ ἐπείξεως καὶ τὰ πληρώματα τῶν διεφθαρμένων ἐς τὰς παρὰ Ταύρῳ ναῦς κενὰς ἐξέπεμπεν. ὡς δὲ ἐπὶ συμφορᾷ μείζονι, Μαικήναν μὲν ἐς Ῥώμην ἐξέπεμπε διὰ τοὺς ἐπτοημένους ἔτι πρὸς τὴν μνήμην Πομπηίου Μάγνου· οὐ γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐξέλιπεν ἡ δόξα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τούτου· τοὺς δὲ κληρούχους αὐτὸς ἀνὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐπέτρεχε καὶ ἐκ τοῦ φόβου τῶν γεγονότων ἀνελάμβανε. διέδραμε δὲ καὶ ἐς Τάραντα καὶ τὸ ναυτικὸν εἶδε τὸ ὑπὸ Ταύρῳ, καὶ ἐς Ἱππώνειον ἦλθε καὶ τὰ πεζὰ παρηγόρησε καὶ τὴν τῶν νεῶν ἐπισκευὴν ἐπέσπερχεν. καὶ πλησίον ἦν ἤδη καὶ ὁ δεύτερος ἐς Σικελίαν ἐπίπλους.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.11.99

When the tempest had subsided, Octavius buried the dead, cared for the wounded, clothed those who had swum ashore and furnished them with new weapons, and repaired his whole fleet with the means at his command. Six of his heavy ships, twenty-six lighter ones, and a still larger number of liburnicas had been destroyed. He was likely to consume nearly thirty days in these repairs; and now the end of summer was approaching, for which reason he deemed it best to postpone the war till the following summer, but as the people were suffering from scarcity he drew his ships upon the land and made his preparations rapidly, and sent the crews of the ships that he had lost to fill the empty ones in the fleet of Taurus. In anticipation of more serious misfortune he sent Maecenas to Rome on account of those who were still under the spell of the memory of Pompey the Great, for the fame of that man had not yet lost its influence over them. Octavius himself visited the new colonies throughout Italy and dispelled their fears, which had been excited by the recent events. He also went to Tarentum and inspected the naval force under Taurus. Thence he proceeded to Vibo, where he encouraged his infantry and hastened the preparations of his fleet, the time for his second invasion of Sicily being near at hand.

5.11.100 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.11.100

ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος οὐδʼ ἐπὶ τοιᾷδε εὐκαιρίᾳ τοσοῖσδε ναυαγίοις ἐπιχειρεῖν ἠξίου, ἀλλʼ ἔθυε μόνον θαλάσσῃ καὶ Ποσειδῶνι καὶ υἱὸς αὐτῶν ὑφίστατο καλεῖσθαι, πειθόμενος οὐκ ἄνευ θεοῦ δὶς οὕτω θέρους πταῖσαι τοὺς πολεμίους. φασὶ δʼ αὐτόν, ὑπὸ τῶνδε χαυνούμενον, καὶ τὴν συνήθη τοῖς αὐτοκράτορσι χλαμύδα ἐκ φοινικῆς ἐς κυανῆν μεταλλάξαι, εἰσποιούμενον ἄρα ἑαυτὸν τῷ Ποσειδῶνι. ἐλπίσας δʼ ἀναζεύξειν τὸν Καίσαρα, ὡς ἐπύθετο ναυπηγούμενόν τε καὶ ἐπιπλευσούμενον αὖθις αὐτοῦ θέρους, ἐξεπλήσσετο μὲν ὡς ἀμάχῳ γνώμῃ καὶ παρασκευῇ πολεμῶν, Μηνόδωρον δὲ μετὰ νεῶν ἑπτὰ ὧν ἤγαγεν ἔπεμπε κατασκεψόμενον τὰ νεώλκια τοῦ Καίσαρος καὶ δράσοντα, ὅ τι καὶ δύναιτο. ὁ δὲ καὶ τέως ἀχθόμενος οὐκ ἀποδοθείσης αὐτῷ τῆς ναυαρχίας καὶ τότε αἰσθόμενος, ὅτι σὺν ὑποψίᾳ μόνων ἠξίωτο ὧν ἤγαγε νεῶν, ἐπεβούλευεν αὖθις αὐτομολίαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.11.100

Pompeius did not deign to seize the fine opportunity presented to him by so many shipwrecks. He merely offered sacrifice to the sea and to Neptune, assuming to call himself their son, and persuading himself that it was not without the special act of Providence that his enemies had been twice overwhelmed in this way in the summer months. It is said that he was so much puffed up by these circumstances that he exchanged the purple cloak customary to Roman commanders for a dark blue one, to signify that he was the adopted son of Neptune. He hoped that Octavius would now desist from his undertaking, but when he learned that the latter was building ships and was about to renew the expedition against him that summer, he became alarmed at finding himself at war with a man of such indomitable spirit and such formidable preparations. He sent Menodorus, with the seven ships he had brought, to reconnoitre the dockyards of Octavius and to do whatever damage he could. Menodorus had been vexed for some time past because the naval command had not been given to him, and he now perceived that he was intrusted with only the ships that he had brought, because he was under suspicion. So he plotted a new desertion.

5.11.101 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.11.101

ἐπινοῶν δὲ πρότερον, ὡς ἐς πάντα οἱ συνοῖσον, ἀνδραγαθίσασθαι, διέδωκε τοῖς συμπλέουσιν, ὅσον εἶχε χρυσίον, καὶ διέπλευσεν εἰρεσίᾳ τρισὶν ἡμέραις πεντακοσίους ἐπὶ χιλίοις σταδίους καὶ τοῖς προφύλαξι τῶν ναυπηγουμένων Καίσαρι νεῶν οἷα σκηπτὸς ἀφανῶς ἐμπίπτων καὶ ἐς ἀφανὲς ἀναχωρῶν ᾕρει κατὰ δύο καὶ τρεῖς ναῦς τῶν φυλακίδων καὶ τὰς ὁλκάδας, αἳ τὸν σῖτον ἔφερον, ὁρμούσας ἢ παραπλεούσας κατέδυεν ἢ ἀνεδεῖτο ἢ ἐνεπίμπρη. θορύβου δὲ πάντα μεστὰ διὰ Μηνόδωρον ἦν, Καίσαρος ἀπόντος ἔτι καὶ Ἀγρίππα· καὶ γὰρ οὗτος ἐπὶ ὕλην ἐπεπόρευτο. γαυρούμενος δὲ ὁ Μηνόδωρος ἐξώκειλέ ποτε τὴν ναῦν ἑκὼν ἐς ἕρμα γῆς ἁπαλὸν σὺν καταφρονήσει καὶ ὑπεκρίνετο αὐτὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ πηλοῦ κατέχεσθαι, μέχρι, τῶν πολεμίων ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν καταθορόντων ὡς ἐπὶ Μηνοδώρου θήραν ἕτοιμον, ἀνακρουσάμενος ᾤχετο σὺν θαύματι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.11.101

Conceiving that, however matters might turn out, he should first signalize himself by some act of valor, he distributed among his companions all the gold he had, and sailed, by rowing three days, accomplishing a distance of 1500 stades, and fell like a thunderbolt, unperceived, on the vessels that were guarding Octavius’ shipyards, and darted away to an unseen place carrying off the guard-ships by twos and threes. He also sunk, or captured, or burned some merchant vessels, laden with corn, that were moored there or sailing along the coast. Everything was thrown into confusion by this raid of Menodorus, both Octavius and Agrippa being absent. The latter had gone away to procure timber. In a spirit of bravado Menodorus ran his ship upon the soft ground, voluntarily and contemptuously, and pretended to be stuck in the mud, until his enemies dashed down from the mountains as to a certain prey, when he backed away, laughing, and left the soldiers of Octavius the victims of both chagrin and astonishment. When he had sufficiently shown what he was capable of, as enemy or friend, he dismissed a senator whom he had taken prisoner, named Rebillus, having a view already to the future.

5.11.102 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.11.102

ὡς δὲ ἱκανῶς ἐπεδέδεικτο, οἷος ἐχθρός τε καὶ φίλος εἴη, Ῥέβιλον μὲν ἑλών, ἄνδρα ἀπὸ βουλῆς, μεθῆκε, μνώμενος ἤδη τὸ μέλλον. Μινδίῳ δὲ Μαρκέλλῳ, τῶν ἑταίρων τινὶ τῶν Καίσαρος, φίλος ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ γεγονὼς αὐτομολίᾳ, τοῖς μὲν ἀμφʼ αὑτὸν ἔφη τὸν Μίνδιον βουλεύειν αὐτομολίαν καὶ προδοσίαν, τοῖς δὲ πολεμίοις προσπελάσας ἠξίου Μίνδιον αὑτῷ συνελθεῖν ἔς τινα νησῖδα ἐπὶ λόγοις συνοίσουσι. καὶ συνελθόντι ἔλεγεν, οὐδενὸς ἀκούοντος ἑτέρου, φυγεῖν μὲν ἐς Πομπήιον ὑβριζόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ τότε ναυάρχου Καλουισίου, τὴν δὲ ναυαρχίαν Ἀγρίππου μεταλαβόντος ἐπανελεύσεσθαι πρὸς Καίσαρα οὐδὲν ἀδικοῦντα, εἰ πίστιν αὑτῷ κομίσειεν ὁ Μίνδιος παρὰ Μεσσάλα τοῦ τὴν ἀποδημίαν Ἀγρίππᾳ διοικοῦντος. ἔφη δʼ ἐπανελθὼν μὲν ἰάσεσθαι λαμπροῖς τὸ ἁμάρτημα ἔργοις, μέχρι δὲ τῶν πίστεων λυμανεῖσθαί τινα τῶν Καίσαρος ὁμοίως ἐς τὸ ἀνύποπτον. καὶ ὁ μὲν αὖθις ἐλυμαίνετο, Μεσσάλας δʼ ἐνεδοίασε μὲν ὡς ἐπὶ αἰσχρῷ, ἐνέδωκε δʼ ὅμως, εἴτε πολέμου ταῦτʼ εἶναι νομίζων ἀνάγκας εἴτε καὶ τῆς Καίσαρος γνώμης τι προμαθὼν ἢ τεκμηράμενος. καὶ Μηνόδωρος μὲν αὖθις ηὐτομόλει καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα ἐλθόντα προσπίπτων ἠξίου συγγνῶναν μὴ λέγοντι τὰς αἰτίας τῆς φυγῆς· ὁ δὲ ἐς μὲν σωτηρίαν αὐτῷ συνεγίνως κε διὰ τὰς σπονδὰς καὶ ἀφανῶς ἐφυλάσσετο, τοῦς δὲ τριηράρχους αὐτοῦ μεθίει χωροῦντας ὅποι θέλοιεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.11.102

During his former desertion he had been a friend of Mindius Marcellus, one of the companions of Octavius, and he now told his own men that Mindius had the intention of betraying his party and deserting to that of Pompeius. Then he drew near to the enemy and invited Mindius to go with him to a small island in order to have a conference. When the latter came, and there was nobody else within earshot, Menodorus said that he had gone back to Pompeius because he was ill-treated by the admiral of those days, Calvisius, but that since Agrippa had been appointed to the command of the fleet he would come back to Octavius, who had done him no wrong, if Mindius would bring him a safe-conduct from Messala, who was commanding in Agrippa’s absence. He said that on his return he would make amends for his fault by brilliant exploits, but that until the safe-conduct arrived he should be obliged to harass the forces of Octavius as before in order to avoid suspicion; and this he did. Messala hesitated on account of the baseness of the transaction, but he nevertheless yielded, either because he considered such things necessary in war, or because he had learned beforehand, or conjectured, the mind of Octavius. Menodorus at once deserted, and, upon the approach of Octavius, threw himself at his feet and begged that he would pardon him without asking for the reasons for his flight. Octavius conceded his safety on account of the pledges made, but had him secretly watched. He dismissed the captains of his triremes and allowed them to go wherever they pleased.

5.11.103 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.11.103

ἑτοίμου δὲ τοῦ στόλου γενομένου, αὖθις ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀνήγετο καὶ ἐς Ἱππώνειον παραπλεύσας δύο μὲν τέλη πεζῶν Μεσσάλαν ἔχοντα περᾶν ἐκέλευσεν ἐς Σικελίαν ἐπὶ τὸ Λεπίδου στρατόπεδον καὶ σταθμεύειν ἐς τὸν κόλπον διελθόντα τὸν εὐθὺ Ταυρομενίου, τρία δʼ ἔπεμπεν ἐπὶ Στυλίδα καὶ πορθμὸν ἄκρον ἐφεδρεύειν τοῖς ἐσομένοις· ταῦρον δʼ ἐς τὸ Σκυλάκιον ὄρος, ὃ πέραν ἐστὶ Ταυρομενίου, περιπλεῖν ἐκ Τάραντος ἐκέλευε. καὶ ὁ μὲν περιέπλει διεσκευασμένος ἐς μάχην ὁμοῦ καὶ εἰρεσίαν· καὶ τὰ πεζὰ αὐτῷ παρωμάρτει, προερευνώντων τήν τε γῆν ἱππέων καὶ λιβυρνίδων τὴν θάλασσαν. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ὧδε ἔχοντι ἐξ Ἱππωνείου ἐπιδραμὼν ἐπιφαίνεται κατὰ τὸ Σκυλάκιον, καὶ τὴν εὐταξίαν ἀποδεξάμενος ἐπανῆλθεν ἐς τὸ Ἱππώνειον. ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος, ὥς μοι προείρηται, τάς τε ἐς τὴν νῆσον ἀποβάσεις ἐφύλασσεν ἁπάσας καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐν Μεσσήνῃ συνεῖχεν ὡς βοηθήσων, ὅποι δεήσειεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.11.103

When the fleet was ready Octavius set sail again. He landed at Vibo and ordered Messala, who had two legions of infantry, to cross over to Sicily, join the army of Lepidus, pass through to the bay in front of Tauromenium, and station himself there. He sent three legions to Stylis and the extremity of the straits, to await events. He ordered Taurus to sail around from Tarentum to Mount Scylacium, which is opposite Tauromenium. Taurus did so, having prepared himself for fighting as well as for rowing. His infantry kept even pace with him, the cavalry reconnoitring by land and the liburnicas by sea. While he was making this movement Octavius, who had advanced from Vibo, made his appearance near Scylacium, and, after giving his approval to the good order of the forces, returned to Vibo. Pompeius, as I have already said, guarded all the landing-places on the island and retained his fleet at Messana, in order to send aid where it might be needed.

Edition note

The geography here is in confusion. Mount Scylacium is not opposite Tauromenium. Mendelssohn considers the text corrupt.

5.11.104 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.11.104

καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐν τούτῳ παρασκευῆς ἦσαν, Λεπίδῳ δὲ αὖθις ἐκ Λιβύης ἦγον αἱ ὁλκάδες τὰ λοιπὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ τέλη τέσσαρα. καὶ αὐταῖς ὑπήντα πελάγιος ἐκ Πομπηίου Παπίας καὶ διέφθειρεν ὡς φιλίους δεχομένας· ᾤοντο γὰρ σφίσι τὰς Λεπίδου συναντᾶν. αἱ δὲ βραδέως τε ὑπὸ τοῦ Λεπίδου καθείλκοντο, καὶ ὕστερον αὐτὰς προσιούσας αἱ ὁλκάδες ὡς καὶ τάσδε ἄλλας πολεμίας ἐξέκλιναν, ἕως αἱ μὲν ἐκαύθησαν, αἱ δʼ ἐλήφθησαν, αἱ δʼ ἀνετράπησαν, αἱ δʼ ἐς Λιβύην ἀνέπλευσαν. τοῦ δὲ στρατοῦ δύο μὲν τέλη διώλετο ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ, καί, εἴ τινες αὐτῶν ἐξενήχοντο, καὶ τούσδε Τισιηνὸς ὁ τοῦ Πομπηίου στρατηγὸς ἐκνέοντας ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν διέφθειρεν· οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ πρὸς Λέπιδον κατήχθησαν, οἱ μὲν αὐτίκα, οἱ δʼ ὕστερον. καὶ Παπίας ἀπέπλευσε πρὸς Πομπήιον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.11.104

Such were the preparations of Octavius and Pompeius in this quarter. Meanwhile four more legions were en route to Lepidus from Africa in merchant ships, being the remainder of his army. Papias, one of Pompeius’ captains, threw himself in their way on the sea, and, after they had received him as a friend (for they thought that these were ships sent by Lepidus to meet them), destroyed them. Some ships were despatched by Lepidus later, and when these were approaching, the merchant ships that had escaped mistook them for other enemies and fled. So some of them were burned, some captured, some upset, and the rest returned to Africa. Two legions perished in the sea, or, if any of them could swim, Tisienus, the lieutenant of Pompeius, slew them when they reached the land. The other legions reëmbarked and joined Lepidus, some sooner and some later. Papias sailed back to Pompeius.

5.11.105 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.11.105

ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐς μὲν Στρογγύλην, ἣ τῶν πέντε νήσων ἐστὶ τῶν Αἰόλου, παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ διέπλευσεν ἐξ Ἱππωνείου, προερευνωμένης αὐτῷ τῆς θαλάσσης· στρατὸν δὲ ἐπὶ μετώπου τῆς Σικελίας πλέονα ἰδὼν ἔν τε Πελωριάδι καὶ Μύλαις καὶ Τυνδαρίδι, εἴκασεν αὐτὸν παρεῖναι Πομπήιον καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐνθάδε Ἀγρίππᾳ διαστρατηγεῖν ἐπέτρεψεν. αὐτὸς δὲ εἰς τὸ Ἱππώνειον αὖθις ἀπέπλει καὶ ἐς τὸ Ταύρου στρατόπεδον ἐξ Ἱππωνείου σὺν τρισὶ τέλεσι μετὰ Μεσσάλα διετρόχαζεν, ὡς Ταυρομένιον αἱρήσων ἀπόντος ἔτι τοῦ Πομπηίου καὶ τὰς ἐμβολὰς αὐτῷ διχόθεν παρέξων. Ἀγρίππας μὲν οὖν ἀπὸ Στρογγύλης εἰς Ἱερὰν διέπλει καὶ τῶν Πομπηίου φρουρῶν αὐτὸν οὐχ ὑποστάντων εἷλε τὴν Ἱερὰν καὶ τῆς ἐπιούσης ἔμελλεν ἐπιχειρήσειν ἐς Μύλας Δημοχάρει τῷ Πομπηίου, τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς ἔχοντι· ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος, τὸ βίαιον ὑφορώμενος τοῦ Ἀγρίππα, ἔπεμπε τῷ Δημοχάρει ναῦς ἄλλας πέντε καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ἀπὸ Μεσσήνης. ἐξελεύθερον ἄγοντα Ἀπολλοφάνη, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐφείπετο ἄλλαις ἑβδομήκοντα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.11.105

Octavius crossed from Vibo with his whole fleet to Strongyle, one of the five Aeolian islands, having made a reconnoissance of the sea beforehand. Seeing large forces in front of him on the Sicilian shore at Pelorum, Mylae, and Tyndaris, he conjectured that Pompeius himself was there. So he left Agrippa in command and returned again to Vibo, and thence hastened with Messala and three legions to the camp of Taurus, intending to seize Tauromenium while Pompeius was still absent, and thus threaten him on two sides at once. In pursuance of this plan Agrippa moved forward from Strongyle to the island of Hiera, and as Pompeius’ garrison made no resistance he occupied it and intended on the following day to attack, at Mylae, Demochares, the lieutenant of Pompeius, who had forty ships. Pompeius observed the menacing attitude of Agrippa, and sent to Demochares from Messana forty-five ships, under the command of his freedman Apollophanes, and followed in person with seventy others.

Edition note

The modern Stromboli.

5.11.106 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.11.106

Ἀγρίππας δʼ ἔτι νυκτὸς ἐξ Ἱερᾶς ἀνήγετο ταῖς ἡμίσεσι τῶν νεῶν ὡς Παπίᾳ μόνῳ ναυμαχήσων. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὰς Ἀπολλοφάνους εἶδε καὶ τὰς ἑβδομήκοντα ἑτέρωθι, Καίσαρι μὲν αὐτίκα ἐδήλου Πομπήιον ἐπὶ τῶν Μυλῶν εἶναι σὺν τῷ πλέονι ναυτικῷ, τὰς δὲ βαρείας αὐτὸς ἦγε κατὰ μέσον καὶ τὸν ἄλλον στόλον ἐξ Ἱερᾶς ἐκάλει κατὰ σπουδήν· ἐσκεύαστο δʼ ἀμφοτέροις πάντα λαμπρῶς, καὶ πύργους ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν εἶχον κατά τε πρῷραν καὶ κατὰ πρύμναν. ὡς δὲ αὐτοῖς αἵ τε παρακελεύσεις, οἵας εἰκὸς ἦν, ἐγεγένηντο καὶ τὰ σημεῖα κατὰ ναῦν ἦρτο, ἐξώρμων ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους, οἱ μὲν κατὰ μέτωπον, οἱ δʼ ἐς περικύκλωσιν, σύν τε βοῇ καὶ ῥοθίῳ νεῶν καὶ καταπλήξει ποικίλῃ. ἦν δὲ καὶ τὰ σκάφη Πομπηίῳ μὲν βραχύτερα καὶ κοῦφα καὶ ὀξέα ἐς τὰς ἐφορμήσεις τε καὶ περίπλους, καίσαρι δὲ μείζω καὶ βαρύτερα καὶ παρʼ αὐτὸ καὶ βραδύτερα, βιαιότερα δὲ ὅμως ἐμπεσεῖν καὶ τρωθῆναι δυσπαθέστερα. τῶν τε ἀνδρῶν οἱ μὲν ναυτικώτεροι τῶν Καίσαρος ἦσαν, οἱ δὲ σθεναρώτεροι· καὶ κατὰ λόγον οἱ μὲν οὐκ ἐμβολαῖς, ἀλλὰ μόναις περιόδοις ἐπλεονέκτουν, καὶ ταρσοὺς τῶν μειζόνων ἢ πηδάλια ἀνέκλων ἢ κώπας ἀνέκοπτον ἢ ἀπεχώριζον ὅλως τὰ σκάφη καὶ ἔβλαπτον ἐμβολῆς οὐχ ἥσσονα· οἱ δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος αὐτὰς ἐμβολαῖς ὡς βραχυτέρας ἀνέκοπτον ἢ κατέσειον ἢ διερρήγνυον καί, ὅτε συμπλακεῖεν, ἔβαλλόν τε ὡς ταπεινοτέρας ἀφʼ ὑψηλοῦ καὶ κόρακας ἢ χεῖρας σιδηρᾶς εὐκολώτερον ἐπερρίπτουν. οἱ δὲ ὅτε βιασθεῖεν, ἐξήλλοντο ἐς τὸ πέλαγος. καὶ τούσδε μὲν τὰ ὑπηρετικὰ τοῦ Πομπηίου περιπλέοντα ἀνελάμβανεν,

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.11.106

Agrippa, with half of his ships, sailed out of Hiera before daylight in order to have a naval engagement with Papias only. When he saw the fleet of Apollophanes also, and seventy ships on the other wing, he sent word to Octavius at once that Pompeius was at Mylae with the greater part of his naval forces. Then he placed himself with his heavy ships in the centre, and summoned the remainder of his fleet from Hiera in all haste. The preparations on both sides were superb. The ships had towers on both stem and stern. When the usual exhortation had been given and the standards raised, they rushed against each other, some coming bow on, others making flank attacks, the shouts of the men and the spray from the ships adding terror to the scene. The Pompeian ships were shorter and lighter, and better adapted to blockading and darting about. Those of Octavius were larger and heavier, and, consequently, slower, yet stronger to give blows and not so easily damaged. The Pompeian crews were better sailors than those of Octavius, but the latter were stronger. Accordingly, the former excelled not so much in close fighting as in the nimbleness of their movements, in breaking oar blades and rudders, cutting off oar handles, or separating the enemy’s ships entirely, doing them no less harm than by ramming. Those of Octavius sought to cut down with their beaks the hostile ships, which were smaller in size, or shatter them, or break through them. When they came to close quarters, being higher, they could hurl missiles down upon the enemy, and more easily throw the corvus and the grappling-irons. The Pompeians, whenever they were overpowered in this manner, leaped into the sea and were picked up by their small boats, which were hovering around for this purpose.

Edition note

This is evidently a copyist’s mistake for Demochares. The preceding section says that Demochares was in Agrippa’s front, and Dion Cassius (xlix. 2) tells us that the battle that took place here was between Agrippa and Demochares. Suetonius (Aug. 16) adds the name of Apollophanes.

Edition note

The corvus was a framework with a hook at its extremity. It was carried in an upright position on the prow and worked by a hinge at the bottom, and was used for the same purpose as the grappling-irons, to seize and hold fast the enemy’s ships.

5.11.107 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.11.107

ὁ δὲ Ἀγρίππας ἵετο μάλιστα εὐθὺ τοῦ Παπίου καὶ αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν ἐπωτίδα ἐμπεσὼν κατέσεισε τὴν ναῦν καὶ ἐς τὰ κοῖλα ἀνέρρηξεν· ἡ δὲ τούς τε ἐν τοῖς πύργοις ἀπεσείσατο καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἀθρόως ἐδέχετο, καὶ τῶν ἐρετῶν οἱ μὲν θαλαμίαι πάντες ἀπελήφθησαν, οἱ δʼ ἕτεροι τὸ κατάστρωμα ἀναρρήξαντες ἐξενήχοντο. Παπίας δὲ ἐς τὴν παρορμοῦσαν ἀναληφθεὶς αὖθις ἐπῄει τοῖς πολεμίοις. καὶ ὁ Πομπήιος ἐξ ὄρους ἐφορῶν τὰς μὲν ἰδίας μικρὰ ἐπωφελούσας καὶ ψιλουμένας τῶν ἐπιβατῶν, ὅτε συμπλακεῖεν, Ἀγρίππᾳ δὲ τὸν ἕτερον στόλον ἐξ Ἱερᾶς προσπλέοντα, ἀναχωρεῖν ἐσήμηνε σὺν κόσμῳ. καὶ ἀνεχώρουν ἐπιόντες τε καὶ ἀναστρέφοντες ἀεὶ κατʼ ὀλίγον. Ἀγρίππα δʼ ἐπιβαρήσαντος αὐτοῖς ἔφευγον, οὐκ ἐς τοὺς αἰγιαλούς, ἀλλʼ ὅσα τῆς θαλάσσης οἱ ποταμοὶ τεναγώδη πεποιήκεσαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.11.107

Agrippa bore down directly upon Papias and struck his ship under the bow, shattering it and breaking a hole in the keel. The men in the towers were shaken down, the water rushed into the ship, and all the oarsmen on the lower benches were cut off. The others broke through the deck and escaped by swimming. Papias escaped to a ship alongside of his own, and returned to the battle. Pompeius, who observed from a mountain that his ships were making little headway, and that whenever they came to close quarters with the enemy they were denuded of fighting men, and that reinforcements were coming to Agrippa from Hiera, gave the signal to retire in good order. This they did, advancing and retreating little by little. Agrippa continued to bear down upon them, and they took refuge, not on the beach, but among the shoals formed in the sea by river deposits.

5.11.108 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.11.108

καὶ Ἀγριππας, κωλυόντων αὐτὸν τῶν κυβερνητῶν μεγάλαις ναυσὶν ἐς ὀλίγον ὕδωρ ἐπιπλεῖν, πελάγιος ἐπʼ ἀγκυρῶν ἐσάλευεν ὡς ἐφορμιούμενος τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ νυκτομαχήσων, εἰ δέοι. τῶν φίλων δʼ αὐτῷ παραινούντων μὴ ἀλόγῳ θυμῷ συμφέρεσθαι μηδὲ τὸν στρατὸν ἐκτρύχειν ἀγρυπνίᾳ καὶ πόνῳ μηδὲ πιστεύειν πολυχείμωνι θαλάσσῃ, μόλις ἑσπέρας ἀνεζεύγνυε. καὶ οἱ Πομπηιανοὶ ἐς τοὺς λιμένας παρέπλεον, τριάκοντα μὲν τῶν σφετέρων νεῶν ἀποβαλόντες, πέντε δὲ καταδύσαντες τῶν πολεμίων καὶ βλάψαντες ἄλλα ἱκανὰ καὶ βλαβέντες ὅμοια. καὶ αὐτοὺς ὁ Πομπήιος ἐπαινῶν, ὅτι τηλικαύταις ναυσὶν ἀντέσχον, τειχομαχῆσαι μᾶλλον ἔφασκεν ἢ ναυμαχῆσαι καὶ ὡς νενικηκότας ἐδωρεῖτο, καὶ ἐπήλπιζεν ἐν τῷ πορθμῷ διὰ τὸν ῥοῦν κουφοτέρους ὄντας περιέσεσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς ἔφη τι προσθήσειν ἐς τὸ τῶν νεῶν ὕψος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.11.108

Agrippa’s pilots prevented him from running his large ships on the shoals. He cast anchor in the open sea, intending to blockade the enemy and to fight a battle by night if necessary; but his friends advised him not to be carried away by rashness and not to wear out his soldiers with excessive toil and want of sleep, and not to trust to that tempestuous sea. So in the evening he reluctantly withdrew. The Pompeians made sail to their harbors, having lost thirty of their ships, and sunk five of the enemy’s, and having inflicted considerable other damage and suffered as much in return. Pompeius praised his own men because they had resisted such formidable vessels, saying they had fought against walls rather than against ships; and he rewarded them as though they had been victorious. He encouraged them to believe that, as they were lighter, they would prevail over the enemy in the straits on account of the current. He said also that he would make some addition to the height of his ships. Such was the result of the naval battle at Mylae between Agrippa and Papias.

5.12.109 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.12.109

τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τῆς ναυμαχίας τέλος ἦν τῆς περὶ Μύλας Ἀγρίππα καὶ Παπίᾳ γενομένης· τὸν δὲ Καίσαρα ὁ Πομπήιος, ὥσπερ ἦν, ὑπολαβὼν ἐς τὸ Ταύρου στρατόπεδον οἴχεσθαι καὶ ἐπιχειρήσειν τῷ Ταυρομενίῳ, μετὰ δεῖπνον εὐθὺς ἐς Μεσσήνην περιέπλει, μέρος ἐν ταῖς Μύλαις ὑπολιπών, ἵνα αὐτὸν ὁ Ἀγρίππας ἔτι παρεῖναι νομίζοι. Ἀγρίππας μὲν δὴ διαναπαύσας τὸν στρατόν, ἐς ὅσον ἤπειγεν, ἐς Τυνδαρίδα ἐνδιδομένην ἔπλει· καὶ παρῆλθε μὲν εἴσω, μαχομένων δὲ λαμπρῶς τῶν φρουρῶν ἐξεώσθη. προσεχώρησαν δʼ ἕτεραι πόλεις αὐτῷ καὶ φρουρὰς ἐδέξαντο· καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπανῆλθεν ἐς Ἱεράν. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἤδη μὲν ἐς Λευκόπετραν ἐκ τοῦ Σκυλακίου διεπεπλεύκει, μαθὼν ἔτι ἀκριβέστερον, ὅτι ὁ Πομπήιος ἐκ Μεσσήνης ἐς Μύλας οἴχοιτο διʼ Ἀγρίππαν· ἐκ δὲ Λευκοπέτρας ἔμελλε νυκτὸς περᾶν ὑπὲρ τὸν πορθμὸν ἐς τὸ Ταυρομένιον. πυθόμενος δὲ περὶ τῆς ναυμαχίας μετέγνω μὴ κλέπτειν ἔτι τὸν διάπλουν νενικηκώς, ἀλλὰ κατὰ φῶς θαρροῦντι τῷ στρατῷ περαιοῦσθαι· καὶ γὰρ ἔτι πάντως ἡγεῖτο Πομπήιον Ἀγρίππᾳ παραμένειν. κατασκεψάμενος οὖν ἡμέρας τὸ πέλαγος ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν, ἐπεὶ καθαρὸν ἔγνω πολεμίων, ἔπλει στρατὸν ἔχων, ὅσον αἱ νῆες ἐδέχοντο, Μεσσάλαν ἐπὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ καταλιπών, ἕως ἐπʼ αὐτὸν αἱ νῆες ἐπανέλθοιεν. ἐλθὼν δʼ ἐπὶ τὸ Ταυρομένιον προσέπεμψε μὲν ὡς ὑπαξόμενος αὐτό, οὐ δεξαμένων δὲ τῶν φρουρῶν παρέπλει τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν Ὀνοβάλαν καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ Ἀφροδίσιον καὶ ὡρμίσατο ἐς τὸν Ἀρχηγέτην, Ναξίων τὸν θεόν, ὡς χάρακα θησόμενος ἐνταῦθα καὶ ἀποπειράσων τοῦ Ταυρομενίου. ὁ δὲ Ἀρχηγέτης Ἀπόλλωνος ἀγαλμάτιόν ἐστιν, ὃ πρῶτον ἐστήσαντο Ναξίων οἱ εἰς Σικελίαν ἀπῳκισμένοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.12.109

Pompeius suspected that Octavius had gone to the camp of Taurus for the purpose of attacking Tauromenium, which was the fact. So, directly after supper, he sailed to Messana, leaving a part of his forces at Mylae so that Agrippa might think that he was still there. Agrippa, as soon as his army was sufficiently rested, bestirred himself and set sail for Tyndaris, which had offered to surrender. He entered the town, but the garrison fought valiantly and drove him out. Some other towns espoused his cause and received his garrisons, and he returned that evening. In the meantime, Octavius had sailed from Scylacium to Leucopetra, having learned for a certainty that Pompeius had gone from Messana to Mylae on account of Agrippa. He was about to cross the straits from Leucopetra to Tauromenium by night, but learning of the sea-fight he changed his mind, thinking that a victor ought not to steal his passage, but to cross with his army boldly by daylight; for he was fully convinced that Pompeius was still confronting Agrippa. Looking down from the mountains upon the sea at daybreak and finding that it was clear of enemies, he set sail with as many troops as the ships could carry, leaving the rest with Messala until the fleet could return to him. Arriving at Tauromenium, he sent messengers to demand its surrender. As his guards were not admitted, he made sail to the river Onobalas and the temple of Venus, and moored his fleet at the shrine of the Archegetes, the god of the Naxians, intending to pitch his camp there and attack Tauromenium. The Archegetes is a small statue of Apollo, erected by the Naxians when they first migrated to Sicily.

Edition note

The modern Capo dell’ Armi.

Edition note

The word Ἀρχηγέτης means the Founder, i.e., the founder of a colony. It was applied here to the god Apollo, in whose honor an altar and a small statue had been erected at Naxos (the modern Capo di Schiso), in Sicily. Immediately following this word in all the codices are the words ἀξιῶν τὸν θεὸν, in which Musgrave detected an error for Ναξίων τὸν θεὸν (the god of the Naxians). Schweighäuser was of the opinion that these words had been written as a marginal note on some copy and afterwards introduced into the text. Cluver in his Sicilia Antiqua points out an explanatory passage in Thucydides (vi. 3. r) of the following tenor: The Chalcideans were the first of the Greeks who sailed from Eubœa, under the leadership of Theucles, and built Naxos and erected the altar to Apollo Archegetes, which now stands outside of the town, upon which the Theori, as often as they make voyages from Sicily, first offer sacrifice. The river Onobalas is now called the Cantara.

5.12.110 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.12.110

ἐνταῦθα τῆς νεὼς ἐκβαίνων ὁ Καῖσαρ ὤλισθε καὶ ἔπεσε καὶ ἀνέδραμε διʼ αὑτοῦ. καὶ αὐτῷ καθισταμένῳ ἔτι τὸ στρατόπεδον Πομπήιος ἐπέπλει στόλῳ πολλῷ, θαῦμα ἀδόκητον· ᾤετο γὰρ αὐτον ἐκπεπολεμῆσθαι πρὸς Ἀγρίππα. παρήλαυνε δὲ τῷ Πομπηίῳ καὶ ἡ ἵππος, ἐς τάχος διερίζουσα τῷ ναυτικῷ, καὶ τὰ πεζὰ ἑτέρωθεν ἐφαίνετο, ὥστε δεῖσαι μὲν ἅπαντας, ἐν μέσῳ τριῶν στρατῶν πολεμίων γενομένους, δεῖσαι δὲ τὸν Καίσαρα, Μεσσάλαν οὐκ ἔχοντα μεταπέμψασθαι. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἱππέες εὐθὺς ἠνώχλουν οἱ Πομπηίου χαρακοποιουμένους ἔτι τοὺς τοῦ Καίσαρος· εἰ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν οἱ πεζοὶ καὶ τὸ ναυτικὸν ἐφώρμησε, τάχα ἄν τι μεῖζον ἐξήνυστο τῷ Πομπηίῳ. νῦν δὲ ἀπείρως τε πολέμου, καὶ ὑπʼ ἀγνοίας τοῦ θορύβου τῶν Καίσαρος, καὶ ὄκνου, μὴ μάχης περὶ δείλην ἑσπέραν ἄρχειν, οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ἐς Κόκκυνον ἄκραν ὡρμίσαντο, οἱ πεζοὶ δʼ οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες ἀγχοῦ τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπεδεύειν ἐς Φοίνικα πόλιν ἀνεχώρουν. καὶ νυκτὸς οἱ μὲν ἀνεπαύοντο, οἱ δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος τὸν μὲν χάρακα ἐτέλουν, ὑπὸ δὲ κόπου καὶ ἀγρυπνίας ἐς τὴν μάχην ἐβλάπτοντο. τέλη δʼ ἦν αὐτῷ τρία καὶ ἱππέες χωρὶς ἵππων πεντακόσιοι καὶ κοῦφοι χίλιοι καὶ κληροῦχοι σύμμαχοι χωρὶς καταλόγου δισχίλιοι καὶ ναυτικὴ δύναμις ἐπὶ τούτοις.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.12.110

When Octavius disembarked from his ship he slipped and fell, but arose without assistance. While he was yet laying out his camp, Pompeius made his appearance with a large fleet—an astounding spectacle, since Octavius believed that he had been beaten by Agrippa. Pompeius’ cavalry advanced at the same time, rivalling the fleet in rapidity of movement, and his infantry was seen on the other side. The forces of Octavius were terrified at finding themselves surrounded by enemies on three sides, and Octavius himself was alarmed because Messala could not join him. The cavalry of Pompeius assailed Octavius’ men while they were still fortifying their camp. If his infantry and his naval force had attacked simultaneously with the cavalry, Pompeius might have accomplished greater results, but, being inexperienced in war and ignorant of the panic among the troops of Octavius, and hesitating to begin a battle at the approach of nightfall, one part of his forces stationed themselves at the promontory of Coccynus, while his infantry, deeming it unwise to encamp near the enemy, withdrew to the town of Phœnix. Night coming on they went to rest, and Octavius’ soldiers finished their camp, but were incapacitated for battle by toil and want of sleep. They consisted of three legions, and 500 cavalry without horses, 1000 light-armed, and 2000 colonists serving as allies, but not enrolled, besides his fleet.

Edition note

No promontory, or place, of this name is mentioned by any other ancient author, whose works have reached us.

Edition note

This also is an unknown place, except as it is here mentioned. There was a Phœnicus Portus in Sicily, but it was too far distant from Tauromenium to be of service as here described.

5.12.111 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.12.111

τὰ μὲν οὖν πεζὰ πάντα Κορνιφικίῳ παραδοὺς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐκέλευσε τοὺς κατὰ τὴν γῆν πολεμίους ἀπομάχεσθαι καὶ πράσσειν, ὅ τι ἐπείγοι· αὐτὸς δὲ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἔτι πρὸ ἡμέρας ἀνήγετο ἐς τὸ πέλαγος, μὴ καὶ τοῦδε αὐτὸν ἀποκλείσαιεν οἱ πολέμιοι. καὶ τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν ἐπέτρεπε Τιτινίῳ, τὸ δὲ λαιὸν Καρισίῳ, λιβυρνίδος δὲ αὐτὸς ἐπέβαινε καὶ περιέπλει πάντας παρακαλῶν· ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ παρακλήσει τὰ στρατηγικὰ σημεῖα, ὡς ἐν κινδύνῳ μάλιστα ὤν, ἀπέθετο. ἐπαναχθέντος δὲ τοῦ Πομπηίου δὶς μὲν ἐπεχείρησαν ἀλλήλοις, καὶ τὸ ἔργον ἐς νύκτα ἐτελεύτησεν. ἁλισκομένων δὲ καὶ πιμπραμένων τῶν Καίσαρος νεῶν, αἱ μὲν ἀράμεναι τὰ βραχέα τῶν ἱστίων ἀπέπλεον ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν, τῶν παραγγελμάτων καταφρονοῦσαι· καὶ αὐτὰς ἐπʼ ὀλίγον οἱ τοῦ Πομπηίου διώξαντες ἐπὶ τὰς ὑπολοίπους ἀνέστρεψαν, καὶ τῶνδε τὰς μὲν ᾕρουν ὁμοίως, τὰς δὲ ἐνεπίμπρασαν. ὅσοι δʼ ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐς τὴν γῆν ἐσενήχοντο, τοὺς μὲν οἱ ἱππέες οἱ τοῦ Πομπηίου διέφθειρον ἢ συνελάμβανον, οἱ δʼ ἐς τὸ τοῦ Κορνιφικίου στρατόπεδον ἀνεπήδων, καὶ αὐτοῖς ὁ Κορνιφίκιος ἐπιθέουσιν ἐπεχείρει, τοὺς κούφους ἐκπέμπων μόνους· οὐ γὰρ εὔκαιρον ἐδόκει κινεῖν φάλαγγα δύσθυμον ἀντικαθημένων πεζῶν μεγαλοφρονουμένων, ὡς εἰκὸς ἦν, ἐπὶ νίκῃ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.12.111

Octavius placed all of his infantry under charge of Cornificius, and ordered him to drive back the enemy and do whatever the exigencye required. He took ship before daylight and went seaward lest the enemy should enclose him on this side also, giving the right wing of the fleet to Titinius and the left to Carcius, and embarking himself on a liburnica, with which he sailed around the whole fleet, exhorting them to have courage. Having done this he lowered the general’s ensign, as is customary in times of extreme danger. Pompeius put to sea against him, and they encountered each other twice, the battle ending with the night. Some of Octavius’ ships were captured and burned; others spread their small sails and made for the Italian coast, contrary to orders. Those of Pompeius followed them a short distance and then turned against the remainder, capturing some and burning others. Some of the crews swam ashore, most of whom were slaughtered or taken prisoners by Pompeius’ cavalry. Some of them set out to reach the camp of Cornificius, who sent only his light-armed troops to assist them as they came near, because he did not consider it prudent to move his disheartened legionaries against the enemy’s infantry, who were naturally much encouraged by their victory.

5.12.112 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.12.112

Καίσαρα δʼ ἐν τοῖς ὑπηρετικοῖς ἐς πολὺ τῆς νυκτὸς ἀνακωχεύοντα καὶ βουλευόμενον, εἴτε ἐς Κορνιφίκιον ἐπανέλθοι διὰ μέσων τοσῶνδε ναυαγίων εἴτε ἐς Μεσσάλαν διαφύγοι, θεὸς ἐς τὸν Ἀβάλαν λιμένα παρήνεγκε μεθʼ ἑνὸς ὁπλοφόρου, χωρὶς φίλων τε καὶ ὑπασπιστῶν καὶ θεραπόντων. καί τινες ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν ἐς πύστιν τῶν γεγονότων καταθέοντες εὗρον αὐτὸν τό τε σῶμα καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἐσταλμένον, καὶ ἐς ἀκάτιον ἐξ ἀκατίου μεταφέροντες, ἵνα διαλάθοι, μετεκόμισαν ἐς Μεσσάλαν οὐ μακρὰν ὄντα. ὁ δʼ εὐθύς, ἔτι ἀθεράπευτος, ἔς τε Κορνιφίκιον ἔστελλε λιβυρνίδα καὶ πανταχοῦ διὰ τῶν ὀρῶν περιέπεμπεν, ὅτι σῴζοιτο, Κορνιφικίῳ τε πάντας ἐπικουρεῖν ἐκέλευε καὶ αὐτὸς ἔγραφεν αὐτίκα πέμψειν βοήθειαν. θεραπεύσας δὲ τὸ σῶμα καὶ ἀναπαυσάμενος ὀλίγον ἐς Στυλίδα νυκτὸς ἐξῄει, παραπεμπόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ Μεσσάλα, πρὸς Καρρίναν τρία ἔχοντα ἐπὶ τοῦ πρόπλου τέλη· καὶ τῷδε μὲν ἐκέλευσε διαπλεῖν ἐς τὸ πέραν, ἔνθα καὶ αὐτὸς ἔμελλε διαπλευσεῖσθαι, Ἀγρίππαν δὲ γράφων ἠξίου κινδυνεύοντι Κορνιφικίῳ πέμπειν Λαρώνιον μετὰ στρατιᾶς ὀξέως. Μαικήναν δʼ αὖθις ἐς Ῥώμην ἔπεμπε διὰ τοὺς νεωτερίζοντας· καί τινες παρακινοῦντες ἐκολάσθησαν. καὶ Μεσσάλαν ἐς Δικαιάρχειαν ἔπεμπεν, ἄγειν τὸ πρῶτον καλούμενον τέλος ἐς Ἱππώνειον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.12.112

Octavius spent the greater part of the night among his small boats, in doubt whether he should go back to Cornificius through the scattered remains of his fleet, or take refuge with Messala. Providence brought him to the harbor of Abala with a single armor-bearer, without friends, attendants, or slaves. Certain persons, who had come down from the mountain to learn the news, found him suffering in body and mind and brought him in rowboats (changing from one to another for the purpose of concealment) to the camp of Messala, which was not far distant. Straightway, and before he had attended to his bodily wants, he despatched a liburnica to Cornificius, and sent word throughout the mountains that he was safe, and ordered all his forces to help Cornificius, and wrote to him that he would send him aid forthwith. After attending to his own person and taking a little rest, he set forth by night, accompanied by Messala, to Stylis, where Carinas was stationed with three legions ready to embark, and ordered him to set sail for Lipara, to which place he would shortly follow. He wrote to Agrippa and urged him to send Laronius with an army to the rescue of Cornificius with all speed. He sent Maecenas again to Rome on account of the revolutionists; and some of these, who were stirring up disorder, were punished. He also sent Messala to Puteoli to bring the so-called first legion to Vibo.

Edition note

Lipara was one of the Aeolian islands lying north of Hiera, where Agrippa was stationed.

5.12.113 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.12.113

Μεσσάλας δὲ οὗτος ἦν, ὃν οἱ τρεῖς ἐπὶ θανάτῳ προγεγράφεσαν ἐν Ῥώμῃ, καὶ χρήματα τῷ κτείναντι καὶ ἐλευθερίαν ἐπικεκηρύχεσαν· ὁ δὲ πρὸς Κάσσιον καὶ Βροῦτον φυγών, ἀποθανόντων ἐκείνων, τὸν στόλον ἐπὶ σπονδαῖς Ἀντωνίῳ παραδεδώκει. καί μοι τοῦτο ἀναμνῆσαι νῦν ἔδοξεν ἐς ζήλωμα τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρετῆς, ὅπου Μεσσάλας, μόνον ἔχων ἐν τοσῇδε συμφορᾷ τὸν προγράψαντα, ἐθεράπευεν ὡς αὐτοκράτορα καὶ περιέσῳζε. Κορνιφίκιος δὲ ἀποτρέψασθαι μὲν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος εὐμαρῶς εἶχε τοὺς πολεμίους, κινδυνεύων δʼ ἐξ ἀπορίας ἐς μάχην ἐξέτασσε καὶ προυκαλεῖτο. Πομπηίου δὲ οὐ συμπλεκομένου μὲν ἀνδράσιν ἐν μόνῃ τῇ μάχῃ τὴν ἐλπίδα ἔχουσιν, παραστήσεσθαι δʼ αὐτοὺς τῷ λιμῷ προσδοκῶντος, ὥδευεν ὁ Κορνιφίκιος, ἐν μέσῳ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν διαφυγόντας ἀνόπλους ἔχων βαλλόμενός τε καὶ χαλεπῶς, ἐν μὲν τοῖς πεδινοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ἱππέων, ἐν δὲ τοῖς τραχέσιν ὑπὸ τῶν ψιλῶν τε καὶ κούφων, οἳ Νομάδες Λίβυες ὄντες ἠκόντιζόν τε ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ τοὺς ἐπεκθέοντας ὑπέφευγον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.12.113

This was the same Messala whom the triumvirs proscribed at Rome, and for the killing of whom money and freedom were offered as rewards. He had fled to Cassius and Brutus, and after their death had delivered his fleet to Antony, in pursuance of an agreement made between them. It seems fitting to recall this fact in honor of Roman magnanimity, inasmuch as Messala, when he had in his power, overwhelmed with misfortune, the man who had proscribed him, saved him and cared for him as his commander. Cornificius was able easily to defend his camp against attack; but, being in danger from want of supplies, he drew his men out for battle and challenged the enemy. But Pompeius did not care to come to an engagement with men whose only hope rested in battle and whom he expected to subdue by famine. Cornificius, having placed in the centre the unarmed men who had escaped to him from the ships, took to the road, grievously exposed to missiles in the open plains from the enemy’s horsemen and in the broken country from the light-armed troops from Numidia in Africa, who hurled darts from long distances and made their escape when charged by their enemies.

5.12.114 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.12.114

τετάρτῃ δʼ ἡμέρᾳ μόλις ἐπὶ τὴν ἄνυδρον γῆν ἀφίκοντο, ἣν ῥύακα πυρὸς λέγουσι, ποτὲ μέχρι θαλάσσης κατιοῦσαν, ἐπικλύσαι καὶ σβέσαι τὰ ἐν αὐτῇ νάματα. καὶ αὐτὴν οἱ μὲν ἐπιχώριοι μόνης ὁδεύουσι νυκτός, πνιγώδη τε οὖσαν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου καὶ κονιορτοῦ σποδώδους γέμουσαν, οἱ δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Κορνιφίκιον οὔτε νυκτὸς ἐθάρρουν, ἐν ἀσελήνῳ μάλιστα, ἰέναι διὰ ἀπειρίαν ὁδῶν καὶ ἐνέδρας, οὔτε ἡμέρας ὑπέμενον, ἀλλʼ ἀπεπνίγοντο καὶ τὰς βάσεις ὡς ἐν θέρει καὶ καύματι ὑπεκαίοντο, μάλιστα οἱ γυμνοί. βραδύνειν τε οὐ δυνάμενοι διὰ τὴν δίψαν ἐνοχλοῦσαν, οὐδένα ἔτι τῶν βαλλόντων αὐτοὺς ἐπεξῄεσαν, ἀλλʼ ἐτιτρώσκοντο ἀφυλάκτως. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐξόδους τῆς διακεκαυμένης ἕτεροι κατεῖχον πολέμιοι, ἀμελήσαντες τῶν ἀσθενεστέρων τε καὶ γυμνῶν ἀνεπήδων ἐς τοὺς αὐχένας οἱ δυνάμενοι τόλμῃ παραβόλῳ καὶ ἐβιάζοντο τοὺς πολεμίους, ἐς ὅσον εἶχον δυνάμεως. κατεχομένων δὲ καὶ τῶν ἑξῆς αὐχένων ἀπεγίνωσκον αὑτῶν ἤδη καὶ μεθεῖντο ὑπὸ δίψης καὶ θέρους καὶ κόπου. προτρέποντος δὲ αὐτοὺς τοῦ Κορνιφικίου καὶ πηγὴν πλησίον οὖσαν ἐπιδεικνύοντος, οἱ μὲν αὖθις ἐβιάζοντο, πολλοὺς ἀπὸ σφῶν ἀπολλύντες, ἕτεροι δὲ τὴν πηγὴν κατεῖχον πολέμιοι, καὶ παντελὴς ἤδη τοὺς τοῦ Κορνιφικίου κατεῖχον ἀθυμία, καὶ παρίεντο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.12.114

On the fourth day, with difficulty, they arrived at the waterless region which they say was formerly inundated by a stream of fire that ran down as far as the sea and dried up all the streams in the district. The inhabitants of the country traverse it only by night, on account of the stifling heat and the dust and ashes with which it abounds. Being ignorant of the roads and fearing ambush, Cornificius and his men did not dare to march through it by night, especially as there was no moon, nor could they endure the daytime, because of suffocation. Moreover, the bottoms of their feet were burned (especially those who had no shoes), as it was now the hottest part of the summer. On account of the tormenting thirst they could not delay. They could no longer charge upon their assailants, but received wounds without any means of defence. When they saw the place of exit from this burned district occupied by enemies, the able-bodied ones, heedless of their sick and barefooted companions, dashed at the defiles with amazing courage and overpowered the enemy with all their remaining strength. When they found the next defiles occupied by hostile forces they gave way to despair and succumbed to thirst and heat. Cornificius aroused them by showing them a spring of water near by; and again they overpowered the enemy, but with heavy loss to themselves. Another body of enemies held possession of the fountain, and now Cornificius’ men lost all courage and gave way completely.

5.12.115 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.12.115

ὧδε δὲ αὐτοῖς ἔχουσι Λαρώνιος ἐπιφαίνεται μακρόθεν, ὑπὸ Ἀγρίππου σὺν τρισὶ τέλεσι πεμφθείς, οὔπω μὲν ἔνδηλος ὤν, ὅτι φίλος εἴη· ὑπὸ δὲ ἐλπίδος ἀεὶ τοιοῦτον ἔσεσθαι προσδοκῶντες ἀνέφερον αὖθις αὑτῶν. ὡς δὲ καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους εἶδον τὸ ὕδωρ ἀπολιπόντας, ἵνα μὴ γένοιντο ἐχθρῶν ἐν μέσῳ, ἀνέκραγον μὲν ὑπὸ ἡδονῆς, ὅσον ἔσθενον, ἀντιβοήσαντος δʼ αὐτοῖς τοῦ Λαρωνίου δρόμῳ τὴν πηγὴν κατέλαβον. καὶ ὑπὸ μὲν τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐκωλύοντο πίνειν ἀθρόως· ὅσοι δὲ ἠμέλησαν, ἔπινον ὁμοῦ καὶ ἀπέθνῃσκον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.12.115

While they were in this state Laronius, who had been sent by Agrippa with three legions, made his appearance a long way off. Although it was not yet plain that he was a friend, still, as they had been all the time hoping for something of this kind, they once more recovered their spirits. When they saw the enemy abandon the water in order not to be exposed to attack on both sides, they shouted for joy with all their strength. When the troops of Laronius shouted in return, they ran and seized the fountain. The leaders forbade the men to drink to excess. Some who neglected this advice died while drinking. In this unexpected manner did Cornificius, and what was left of his army, escape to Agrippa at Mylae.

Edition note

Dion Cassius (xlix. 6-7) gives an account, in many respects similar to this, of the terrible sufferings of Cornificius and his command in their march through Sicily, until rescued by Agrippa. The words at Mylae should be expunged. A few lines below we read that the garrison of Pompeius still held Mylae, and a little later that it was taken from him by Octavius.

5.12.116 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.12.116

οὕτω μὲν ἐξ ἀέλπτου Κορνιφίκιος καὶ τοῦ στρατοῦ τὸ φθάσαν μέρος περιεσώθη πρὸς Ἀγρίππαν ἐς Μύλας· ἄρτι δὲ ὁ Ἀγρίππας Τυνδαρίδα εἰλήφει, τροφῶν μεστὸν χωρίον καὶ εὐφυῶς ἐς πόλεμον ἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης ἔχον, καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐς αὐτὸ τὰ πεζὰ καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας διεβίβαζεν. ἐγένοντό τε αὐτῷ πάντες ἐν Σικελίᾳ ὁπλιτῶν μὲν ἐς εἴκοσι καὶ ἓν τέλος. ἱππέες δὲ δισμύριοι καὶ κοῦφοι πλείους τῶν πεντακισχιλίων. Μύλας δʼ ἔτι καὶ τὰ ἐκ Μυλῶν ἐπί τε Ναυλόχους καὶ Πελωριάδα καὶ τὰ παράλια πάντα φρουραὶ Πομπηίου κατεῖχον, αἳ φόβῳ μάλιστα Ἀγρίππου πῦρ διηνεκὲς ἔκαιον ὡς ἐμπρήσοντες τοὺς ἐπιπλέοντας. ἐκράτει δὲ καὶ τῶν στενῶν ἑκατέρων ὁ Πομπήιος. ἀμφὶ δὲ τὸ Ταυρομένιον καὶ περὶ Μύλας τὰς περιόδους τῶν ὀρῶν ἀπετείχιζε καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα ἐκ Τυνδαρίδος ἐς τὸ πρόσθεν ἰόντα ἠνώχλει, μὴ συμπλεκόμενον. Ἀγρίππου δὲ νομισθέντος ἐπελεῖν ἐς Πελωριάδα μετεπήδησεν, ἐκλιπὼν τὰ στενὰ περὶ Μύλας· καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτῶν τε κατέσχε καὶ Μυλῶν καὶ Ἀρτεμισίου, πολίχνης βραχυτάτης, ἐν ᾗ φασι τὰς Ἡλίου βοῦς γενέσθαι καὶ τὸν ὕπνον Ὀδυσσεῖ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.12.116

Agrippa had just taken Tyndaris, a stronghold full of provisions and admirably situated for naval warfare. Thither Octavius transported his infantry and cavalry. He had in Sicily all together twenty-one legions of the former, 20,000 of the latter, and more than 5000 light-armed troops. The garrison of Pompeius still held Mylae, and all the places from Mylae to Naulochi and Pelorus, and all the coast. These garrisons, in fear of Agrippa, kept fires burning continually, signifying that they would set fire to any ships that should sail against them. Pompeius was also master of the defiles on both sides of the island. The mountain passes in the neighborhood of Tauromenium and around Mylae were fortified by him, and he harassed Octavius when the latter was making a forward movement from Tyndaris, but not coming to an engagement. Believing that Agrippa was moving his fleet against him, Pompeius changed his position to Pelorus, abandoning the defiles around Mylae; and Octavius occupied them and also Mylae and Artemisium, a very small town, in which, they say, were the cattle of the Sun and where Ulysses fell asleep.

Edition note

Odyssey, xii. 338.

5.12.117 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.12.117

ψευδοῦς δὲ τῆς Ἀγρίππου δόξης φανείσης, ὁ Πομπήιος ἡσθεὶς τῶν στενῶν ἀφῃρημένος καὶ Τισιηνὸν ἐκάλει μετὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ. Τισιηνῷ δʼ ὁ Καῖσαρ ὑπήντα καὶ διημάρτανε τῆς ὁδοῦ περὶ ὄρος τὸ Μυκόνιον, ἔνθα ἄσκηνος ἐνυκτέρευσεν· ὄμβρου τε πολλοῦ καταρραγέντος, οἷος ἐν φθινοπώρῳ γίγνεται, τῶν ὁπλοφόρων τινὲς τὴν νύκτα πᾶσαν ἀσπίδα Κελτικὴν ὑπερέσχον αὐτοῦ. ἐγένοντο δὲ καὶ βρόμοι τῆς Αἴτνης σκληροὶ καὶ μυκήματα μακρὰ καὶ σέλα περιλάμποντα τὴν στρατιάν, ὥστε τοὺς μὲν Γερμανοὺς ἐξ εὐνίων ἀναπηδᾶν ὑπὸ δέους, τοὺς δέ, ἀκοῇ τῶν περὶ τῆς Αἴτνης λεγομένων, οὐκ ἀπιστεῖν ἐν τοσοῖσδε παραδόξοις ἐμπεσεῖσθαι σφίσι καὶ τὸν ῥύακα. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τὴν Παλαιστηνῶν γῆν ἔκειρε, καὶ Λέπιδος αὐτῷ συνήντετο σιτολογῶν, καὶ Μεσσήνῃ παρεστρατοπέδευον ἀμφότεροι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.12.117

When the report of Agrippa’s movement turned out to be false, Pompeius was troubled that he had lost the defiles, and he called to his assistance Tisienus with his army. Octavius sought to intercept Tisienus, but lost his way around Mount Myconium. He passed the night there without tents. There was a heavy rainfall, as often occurs in the autumn, and some of his armor-bearers held a Gallic shield over his head the whole night. Harsh mutterings and prolonged roars from Mount Etna were heard, accompanied by flames which lighted up the camp, so that the Germans sprang from their beds in fear. Others, who had heard what had been related of Mount Etna, would not have been surprised, in presence of these remarkable phenomena, if a torrent of fire had rolled upon them. After this Octavius ravaged the territory of the Abacaenians, where Lepidus, who was foraging, met him, and they both encamped near Messana.

Edition note

ἡσθεὶς τῶν στενῶν ἀφῃρημένος. The first of these words implies that Pompeius was delighted that he had lost the defiles. Both Candidus and Geslen took it to be an error for ἤσθετο (perceived). Schweighäuser suggested ἤχθετο (was troubled), and this change is approved by Mendelssohn.

Edition note

The text says Palestenians, but Cluver gives reasons for considering this an error for Abacaenians.

5.12.118 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.12.118

γιγνομένων δʼ ἀνʼ ὅλην τὴν Σικελίαν ἁψιμαχιῶν πολλῶν, ἔργου δὲ μείζονος οὐδενός, Ταῦρον ὁ Καῖσαρ ἔπεμψε τὰς ἀγορὰς τοῦ Πομπηίου περικόπτειν καὶ τὰς πόλεις τὰς χορηγούσας προκαταλαμβάνειν. καὶ τῷδε μάλιστα κάμνων ὁ Πομπήιος ἔκρινε μάχῃ μείζονι κριθῆναι περὶ ἁπάντων. τὰ μὲν δὴ πεζὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐδεδίει, ταῖς δὲ ναυσὶν ἐπαιρόμενος ἤρετο πέμπων, εἰ δέχοιτο ναυμαχίᾳ κριθῆναι. ὁ δὲ ὠρρώδει μὲν τὰ ἐνάλια πάντα, οὐ σὺν τύχῃ μέχρι δεῦρο κεχρημένος αὐτοῖς, αἰσχρὸν δὲ νομίσας ἀντειπεῖν ἐδέχετο. καὶ ὡρίζετο αὐτοῖς ἡμέρα, ἐς ἣν τριακόσιαι νῆες ἑκατέρων ἰδίᾳ παρεσκευάζοντο, βέλη τε παντοῖα φέρουσαι καὶ πύργους καὶ μηχανάς, ὅσας ἐπενόουν. ἐπενόει δὲ καὶ τὸν καλούμενον ἅρπαγα ὁ Ἀγρίππας, ξύλον πεντάπηχυ σιδήρῳ περιβεβλημένον, κρίκους ἔχον περὶ κεραίας ἑκατέρας· τῶν δὲ κρίκων εἴχετο τοῦ μὲν ὁ ἅρπαξ, σιδήριον καμπύλον, τοῦ δὲ καλῴδια πολλά, μηχαναῖς ἐπισπώμενα τὸν ἅρπαγα, ὅτε τῆς πολεμίας νεὼς ἐκ καταπέλτου λάβοιτο.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.12.118

As there had been many skirmishes throughout Sicily, but no general engagement, Octavius sent Taurus to cut off Pompeius’ supplies by first capturing the towns that furnished them. Pompeius was so much inconvenienced by this that he decided to stake everything on a great battle. Since he feared the enemy’s infantry, but had confidence in his own ships, he sent and asked Octavius if he would allow the war to be decided by a naval engagement. Octavius, although he dreaded all naval encounters, which until now had turned out badly for him, considered it base to refuse, and, accordingly, accepted the challenge. A day was fixed by them, for which 300 ships were put in readiness on either side, provided with missiles of all kinds, with towers and whatever machines they could think of. Agrippa devised one called the harpago, a piece of wood five cubits long bound with iron and having rings at the extremities. To one of these rings was attached the harpago, an iron claw, to the other numerous ropes, which drew the harpago by machine power after it had been thrown by a catapult and had seized the enemy’s ships.

5.12.119 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.12.119

ἐλθούσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας πρῶτα μὲν ἦν ἐρετῶν ἅμιλλα καὶ βοή, καὶ βέλη τὰ μὲν ἐκ μηχανῆς, τὰ δʼ ἀπὸ χειρῶν, ὅσα λίθοι καὶ πυρφόρα καὶ τοξεύματα. μετὰ δὲ αἱ νῆες αὐταὶ συνερρήγνυντο ἀλλήλαις, αἱ μὲν εἰς τὰ πλάγια, αἱ δὲ κατʼ ἐπωτίδας, αἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐμβόλους, ἔνθα μάλιστά εἰσιν αἱ πληγαὶ βίαιοι τινάξαι τε τοὺς ἐπιβάτας καὶ τὴν ναῦν ἀργοτέραν ἐργάσασθαι. ἄλλαι δὲ ἀλλήλας διεξέπλεον βάλλουσαί τε καὶ ἀκοντίζουσαι· καὶ τὰ ὑπηρετικὰ τοὺς ἐκπίπτοντας ἀνελάμβανεν. ἔργα τε χειρῶν ἦν καὶ βία ναυτῶν καὶ τέχνη κυβερνητῶν καὶ βοαὶ καὶ στρατηγῶν παρακελεύσεις καὶ μηχανήματα πάντα. εὐδοκίμει δὲ μάλιστα ὁ ἅρπαξ, ἔκ τε πολλοῦ ταῖς ναυσὶ διὰ κουφότητα ἐμπίπτων καὶ ἐμπηγνύμενος, ὅτε μάλιστα ὑπὸ τῶν καλῳδίων ἐφέλκοιτο ὀπίσω· κοπῆναί τε ὑπὸ τῶν βλαπτομένων οὐκ ἦν εὔπορος διὰ σίδηρον τὸν περιέχοντα, καὶ τὸ μῆκος αὐτοῦ δυσεφικτότατα τοῖς κόπτουσι τὰ καλῴδια ἐποίει· οὐδὲ τὸ μηχάνημά πω προέγνωστο, ὡς δρέπανα δόρασι περιθέσθαι· ἓν δʼ ἐπενόουν ὡς ἐν ἀδοκήτῳ, τὴν ναῦν κρούοντες ἐπὶ πρύμναν ἀντισπᾶν. τὸ δʼ αὐτὸ ποιούντων καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἴση μὲν ἦν ἡ βία τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ὁ δὲ ἅρπαξ ἐποίει τὸ ἴδιον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.12.119

When the appointed day came the rival shouts of the oarsmen were first heard, accompanied by missiles thrown by machines and by hand, such as stones, firebrands, and arrows. Then the ships dashed against each other, some striking amidships, others on the prows, others on the beaks, where the blows are most effectual in discomposing the crew and rendering the vessel useless. Others broke the opposing line by sailing through it, at the same time discharging arrows and javelins; and the small boats picked up those who fell overboard. There was a struggle of soldiers while the sailors put forth their strength and the pilots their skill and their lung-power. The generals cheered their men, and all the machines were brought into requisition. The harpago achieved the greatest success. Thrown from a long distance upon the ships, as it could be by reason of its lightness, it clutched them, especially when the ropes pulled on it from behind. On account of the iron bands it could not be easily cut by the men whom it attacked, and those who tried to cut the ropes were prevented from reaching them by its length. As this apparatus had never been known before, the enemy had not provided themselves with scythe-mounted poles. One thing seemed advisable in this unexpected emergency, and that was, to back water and draw the ship away; but as the enemy did the same the force exerted by the men was equal on both sides, and the harpago did its work.

5.12.120 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.12.120

ὅτε μὲν οὖν προσπελάσειαν αἱ νῆες, ἐμάχοντο παντοίως καὶ ἐς ἀλλήλους μεθήλλοντο. καὶ διαγνῶναι τὸν πολέμιον οὐκ ἦν ἔτι ὁμοίως εὔπορον· ὅπλοις τε γὰρ ὡς τὰ πολλὰ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐχρῶντο καὶ φωνῇ σχεδὸν ἅπαντες Ἰταλῇ, τά τε συνθήματα μιγνυμένων ἐς ἀμφοτέρους ἐξενήνεκτο, καὶ ἐκ τοῦδε μάλιστα ἐνέδραι πολλαὶ καὶ ποικίλαι παρὰ ἀμφοῖν, καὶ ἀπιστία πρὸς τοὺς λέγοντας αὐτὰ ἐπεγίγνετο, ἀγνωσία τε πάντας ἀλλήλων ἐπεῖχεν ὡς ἐν πολέμῳ καὶ θαλάσσῃ γεμούσῃ φόνων τε καὶ ὅπλων καὶ ναυαγίων. οὐ γάρ τινα πεῖραν ἔλιπον, ὅτι μὴ μόνον τὸ πῦρ· τούτου δὲ μετὰ τοὺς πρώτους ἐπίπλους ἐφείσαντο διὰ τὰς συμπλοκάς. ὁ δὲ πεζὸς ἑκατέρων στρατὸς ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς μετὰ φόβου καὶ σπουδῆς ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν ἀφεώρων, ὡς ἐν τῇδε καὶ αὐτοὶ περὶ τῆς σφῶν σωτηρίας τὴν ἐλπίδα ἔχοντες. διέκρινόν γε μὴν οὐδέν, οὐδʼ ἐδύναντο, καὶ μάλιστα περισκοποῦντες, οἷα νεῶν ἑξακοσίων ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἐκτεταγμένων καὶ τῆς οἰμωγῆς ἐναλλασσομένης ἀνὰ μέρος ἑκατέρωθεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.12.120

Accordingly, when the ships were drawn together, there was every kind of fighting, the men leaping upon each other’s decks. It was no longer easy to distinguish an enemy from a friend, as they used the same weapons for the most part, and nearly all spoke the Latin tongue, and the watchwords of each side were divulged to the other while they were mingled together. Hence arose many and divers frauds and lack of confidence on both sides on the part of those using the same watchword. They failed to recognize each other completely, and meanwhile the fighting and the sea were a confused medley of corpses, clashing arms, and crashing ships. They left nothing untried except fire. This they abstained from, after their first onset, because they were locked together. The foot-soldiers of each army on the land beheld this sea-fight with apprehension and eagerness, believing that their own hope of safety was bound up in it. They could not distinguish anything, however sharply they might look, but merely a long-drawn-out line of 600 ships, and an alternation of cries and groans now on one side and now on the other.

5.12.121 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.12.121

μόλις δέ ποτε ταῖς χροιαῖς τῶν πύργων, αἷς δὴ μόναις διέφερον ἀλλήλων, ὁ Ἀγρίππας συνεὶς πλέονας ἀπολωλέναι τοῦ Πομπηίου ναῦς ἐθάρρυνε τοὺς συνόντας ὡς ἤδη κατορθοῦντας· καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις αὖθις ἐμπεσὼν ἐπέκειτο ἀπαύστως, μέχρι βιασθέντες, ὅσοι μάλιστα κατʼ αὐτὸν ἦσαν, τούς τε πύργους κατέρριψαν καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐπιστρέψαντες ἐς τὸν πορθμὸν ἔφευγον. καὶ ἔφθασαν ἐσδραμεῖν ἑπτακαίδεκα νῆες. αἱ δὲ λοιπαί, διακλείσαντος αὐτὰς τοῦ Ἀγρίππου, αἱ μὲν ἐξώκελλον ἐς τὴν γῆν διωκόμεναι, καὶ συνεξώκελλον αὐταῖς ὑπὸ ὁρμῆς οἱ διώκοντες ἢ ὁρμιζομένας ἀπέσπων ἢ ἐνεπίμπρασαν· ὅσαι δὲ ἔτι κατὰ τὸ πέλαγος ἐμάχοντο, τὰ περὶ αὐτὰς γιγνόμενα κατιδοῦσαι παρεδίδοσαν ἑαυτὰς τοῖς πολεμίοις. καὶ ὁ τοῦ Καίσαρος στρατὸς ἐπινίκιον ἠλάλαξεν ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ, καὶ ὁ πεζὸς ἀντεβόησεν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. οἱ Πομπηίου δʼ ἀνῴμωξαν, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐκ τῶν Ναυλόχων ἀναθορὼν ἐς τὴν Μεσσήνην ἠπείγετο, οὐδὲν ὑπὸ ἐκπλήξεως περὶ τῶν πεζῶν οὐδʼ ἐπισκήψας· ὅθεν καὶ τούσδε ὁ Καῖσαρ Τισιηνοῦ παραδιδόντος ὑποσπόνδους ἐδέχετο καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς, τῶν ἱππάρχων παραδιδόντων. κατέδυσαν δὲ ἐν τῷ πόνῳ νῆες Καίσαρος μὲν τρεῖς, Πομπηίου δὲ ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι, καὶ αἱ λοιπαὶ κατεφλέχθησαν ἢ ἐλήφθησαν ἢ ἐς τὴν γῆν ὀκέλλουσαι συνετρίβησαν· αἱ δὲ ἑπτακαίδεκα μόναι διέφυγον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.12.121

Judging from the colors of the towers, which constituted the only difference between them, Agrippa with difficulty made out that Pompeius’ ships had sustained the greater loss, and he cheered on those who were close to him as though they were already victors. Then he drove at the enemy and pressed upon them without ceasing, until he overpowered those nearest him. They then lowered their towers and turned their ships in flight toward the straits. Seventeen of them, which were in advance, made their escape thither. The rest were cut off by Agrippa and some were pursued and driven aground. The pursuers ran aground with them in the rush, and either pulled off those that had come to a standstill or set fire to them. When the Pompeian ships that were still fighting saw what had befallen these, they surrendered to their enemies. Then the soldiers of Octavius who were in the ships raised a shout of victory and those on the land gave an answering shout. Those of Pompeius groaned. Pompeius himself, darting away from Naulochi, hastened to Messana, giving no orders to his infantry in his panic. Accordingly Octavius received the surrender of Tisienus on terms agreed upon, and of the cavalry besides, who were surrendered by their officers. Three of Octavius’ ships were sunk in the fight. Pompeius lost twenty-eight in this way, and the remainder were burned, or captured, or run aground, and stove in pieces, except the seventeen that escaped.

5.12.122 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.12.122

καὶ ὁ Πομπήιος ἐν ὁδῷ περὶ τῆς μεταγνώμης τοῦ πεζοῦ πυθόμενος τήν τε ἐσθῆτα ἤλλαξεν ἐς ἰδιώτην ἀπʼ αὐτοκράτορος καὶ προύπεμψεν ἐς Μεσσήνην ἐς τὰς ναῦς ἐντίθεσθαι τὰ δυνατά· παρεσκεύαστο δὲ ἅπαντα ἐκ πολλοῦ. Πλένιόν τε ἐκ Λιλυβαίου, μεθʼ ὧν εἶχεν ὀκτὼ τελῶν, ἐκάλει κατὰ σπουδὴν ὡς μετὰ τῶνδε φευξόμενος. καὶ Πλένιος μὲν ἠπείγετο πρὸς αὐτόν, αὐτομολούντων δὲ ἑτέρων, φίλων τε καὶ φρουρίων καὶ στρατῶν, καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἐς τὸν πορθμὸν ἐσπλεόντων, οὐκ ἀναμείνας οὐδὲ Πλένιον ὁ Πομπήιος ἐν πόλει καλῶς τετειχισμένῃ, ἔφευγεν ἐκ τῆς Μεσσήνης ἐπὶ τῶν ἑπτακαίδεκα νεῶν ἐς Ἀντώνιον, ὡς ἐξ ὁμοίων αὐτῷ τὴν μητέρα περισεσωκώς. καὶ ὁ Πλένιος αὐτὸν οὐ καταλαβὼν ἐς τὴν Μεσσήνην παρῆλθε καὶ κατεῖχε τῆς πόλεως. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ αὐτὸς μὲν ἔμεινεν ἐν τῷ περὶ Ναυλόχους στρατοπέδῳ, Ἀγρίππαν δʼ ἐκέλευσε τῇ Μεσσήνῃ παρακαθέζεσθαι· καὶ παρεκάθητο σὺν Λεπίδῳ. Πλενίου δὲ πρεσβευομένου περὶ σπονδῶν Ἀγρίππας μὲν ἠξίου περιμένειν Καίσαρα ἐς ἕω, Λέπιδος δὲ ἐδίδου τὰς σπονδὰς καὶ τὸν τοῦ Πλενίου στρατὸν οἰκειούμενος ἑαυτῷ συνεχώρει διαρπάσαι τὴν πόλιν μετὰ τοῦ ἄλλου στρατοῦ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.12.122

Pompeius learned of the defection of his infantry while on the road, and changed his costume from that of a commander to that of a private citizen, and sent orders to Messana to put on shipboard everything possible. All preparations to this end had been made long before. He summoned Plennius from Lilybaeum in haste, with the eight legions he had, intending to take flight with them. Plennius hastened to comply with this order, but as other friends, garrisons, and soldiers were deserting, and the enemy’s fleet was moving into the straits, Pompeius did not wait for Plennius in his well-fortified city, but fled, with his seventeen ships, from Messana to Antony, whose mother he had saved in similar circumstances. After his departure Plennius arrived at Messana and occupied the place. Octavius himself remained in the camp at Naulochi, but he ordered Agrippa to lay siege to Messana, which the latter did, in conjunction with Lepidus. Plennius sent envoys to treat for peace. Agrippa wanted to wait till morning for the arrival of Octavius, but Lepidus granted terms, and, in order to conciliate the soldiers of Plennius to himself, allowed them to join the rest of the army in plundering the city. They had asked for nothing but safety, and now, finding unexpected gain in addition, they plundered Messana the whole night, in conjunction with the soldiers of Lepidus, and then ranged themselves under his standards.

5.13.123 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.13.123

καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ σωτηρίᾳ, περὶ ἧς δὴ καὶ μόνης παρεκάλουν, κέρδος ἀδόκητον εὑρόμενοι, τὴν Μεσσήνην ὅλῃ τῇ νυκτὶ μετὰ τῶν Λεπίδου διήρπαζον καὶ μετεστρατεύοντο τῷ Λεπίδῳ· ὁ δὲ σὺν τούτοις ἔχων δύο καὶ εἴκοσι τέλη πεζῶν καὶ ἱππέας πολλοὺς ἐπῆρτο καὶ κρατήσειν ἐδόκει Σικελίας, πρόφασιν ἔχων, ὅτι πρῶτος ἐπιβαίη τῆς νήσου καὶ πλέονας πόλεις ἐπαγάγοιτο· ἔς τε τὰ φρούρια αὐτίκα περιέπεμπε τοὺς παρὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐλευσομένους μὴ προσίεσθαι καὶ τὰ στενὰ πάντα ἐκρατύνετο. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἦλθε μὲν τῆς ἐπιούσης καὶ ἐμέμφετο τῷ Λεπίδῳ διὰ τῶν φίλων, οἳ σύμμαχον αὐτὸν ἔφασκον ἐλθεῖν Καίσαρι ἐς Σικελίαν, οὐχ ἑαυτῷ κατακτησόμενον αὐτὴν· ὁ δὲ ἀντενεκάλει τῆς προτέρας τάξεως ἀφῃρῆσθαι καὶ μόνον ἔχειν αὐτὴν Καίσαρα βουλομένῳ τε νῦν ἀντιδιδόναι Λιβύην καὶ Σικελίαν ὑπὲρ ἐκείνης. χαλεπαίνων δʼ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἦλθε μὲν καὶ αὐτὸς ὑπὸ ὀργῆς, ὀνειδιῶν τὸν Λέπιδον ἐς χαριστίαν, διαπειλησάμενοι δὲ ἀλλήλοις διέστησαν, καὶ αὐτίκα αἵ τε φυλακαὶ διεκρίθησαν καὶ αἱ νῆες ὥρμουν ἐπʼ ἀγκυρῶν· ἐλέχθη γὰρ αὐτὰς ἐπινοεῖν ὁ Λέπιδος ἐμπρῆσαι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.13.123

Including this new accession, Lepidus now had twenty-two legions of infantry and a large body of cavalry. He was elated, and thought to make himself master of Sicily, using the pretext that he was the first to invade the island and that he had induced many cities to join the triumvirs. He sent word to the garrisons of these places that they should not admit the emissaries of Octavius, and he seized all the defiles. Octavius arrived on the following day, and reproached Lepidus through friends, who reminded him that he had come into Sicily as an ally of Octavius, not to acquire it for himself. Lepidus replied that he had been despoiled of his former allotment, which was now in the exclusive possession of Octavius, and that, if the latter pleased, he would now exchange Africa and Sicily for that former allotment. Octavius was exasperated. He came to Lepidus in anger and heaped reproaches on him for ingratitude. They separated, indulging in mutual threats. They forthwith surrounded themselves with guards, and the ships of Octavius were anchored away from the shore, as it was said that Lepidus intended to set fire to them.

5.13.124 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.13.124

ὁ δὲ στρατὸς ἤχθετο, εἰ πολεμήσουσιν αὖθις ἐμφύλιον πόλεμον ἕτερον καὶ οὔ ποτε σφᾶς ἐπιλείψουσιν αἱ στάσεις. οὐ μὴν ἐν ὁμοίῳ Καίσαρα καὶ Λέπιδον ἐτίθεντο, οὐδὲ οἱ τῷ Λεπίδῳ στρατευόμενοι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς τὸν Καίσαρα ἐθαύμαζον καὶ τὴν ἀργίαν συνῄδεσαν Λεπίδῳ, καὶ τῆς ἁρπαγῆς αὐτὸν ἐπεμέμφοντο αὐτῆς, ἐς τὸ ἴσον τοῖς ἡσσημένοις καταστάντες. ὧν ὁ Καῖσαρ πυνθανόμενος περιέπεμπε τοὺς τὰ συμφέροντα παραινέσοντας κρύφα ἑκάστοις. ὡς δὲ αὐτῷ διεφθάρατο πολλοί, καὶ μάλιστα οἱ γενόμενοι τοῦ Πομπηίου διὰ δέος τοῦ μήπω τὰς σπονδὰς βεβαίους σφίσιν, εἰ μὴ συνθοῖτο ὁ Καῖσαρ, εἶναι, ἀγνοοῦντος ἔτι ταῦτα τοῦ Λεπίδου διʼ ἀπραξίαν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτοῦ σὺν ἱππεῦσι πολλοῖς, οὓς πρὸ τοῦ χάρακος καταλιπὼν ἐσῄει μετʼ ὀλίγων, καὶ παριὼν ἐπεμαρτύρετο ἑκάστοις ἄκων ἐς πόλεμον καθίστασθαι. ἀσπαζομένων δὲ αὐτὸν ὡς αὐτοκράτορα τῶν ὁρώντων, οἱ Πομπηιανοὶ πρῶτοι συνέθεον, ὅσοι διεφθάρατο, καὶ συγγνῶναι σφίσι παρεκάλουν. ὁ δʼ ἔλεγε θαυμάζειν, εἰ συγγνώμην αἰτοῦντες οὐ πράσσουσιν οὔπω τὰ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς συνοίσοντα. οἱ δὲ συνέντες αὐτίκα ἥρπαζον τὰ σημεῖα καὶ ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα μετέφερον, καὶ σκηνὰς ἔλυον ἕτεροι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.13.124

The soldiers were angry at the thought of engaging in another civil war, and that there was never to be an end of sedition. They did not, however, seek to compare Octavius and Lepidus; not even the army of Lepidus did that. They admired the energy of Octavius, and.they were aware of the indolence of Lepidus. They also blamed him for admitting the defeated enemy to an equal share of the plunder. When Octavius learned their state of mind, he sent emissaries among them to advise them secretly of their individual interests. Many of them he tampered with, especially those who had served under Pompeius, who feared lest the terms of their capitulation should not be valid if Octavius did not ratify them. While Lepidus, by reason of his ineptitude, remained ignorant of these things Octavius came to his camp with a large body of horse, whom he left at the entrance, and himself went in with a few. Coming forward, he declared to those whom he met that he was drawn into war unwillingly. Those who saw him saluted him as imperator. First of all the Pompeians, who had been tampered with, collected together and asked his forgiveness. He said that he was astonished that persons asking forgiveness should not do what their own interests demanded. They understood his meaning, and forthwith seized their standards and went over to him, while others began to take down their tents.

5.13.125 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.13.125

καὶ τοῦ θορύβου Λέπιδος αἰσθόμενος ἐξέθορε τῆς σκηνῆς ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα. βολαί τε ἦσαν ἤδη, καὶ τῶν ὁπλοφόρων τις τῶν Καίσαρος ἔπιπτε, καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐς τὸν θώρακα ἐβλήθη· τὸ δὲ βέλος οὐκ ἐξίκετο ἐπὶ τὸν χρῶτα, ἀλλὰ δρόμῳ διέφυγεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἱππέας. Λεπίδου δέ τι φρούριον ἐπετώθασε τῷ δρόμῳ· καὶ οὐκ ἀνέσχεν ὁ Καῖσαρ ὑπὸ ὀργῆς, πρὶν ἐξελεῖν αὐτὸ σὺν τοῖς ἱππεῦσι καὶ καθελεῖν. ἑτέρων δʼ αὖ φρουρίων ἡγεμόνες, οἱ μὲν αὐτίκα, οἱ δὲ νυκτός, μετετίθεντο ἐκ Λεπίδου πρὸς Καίσαρα, οἱ μὲν ἄνευ τινὸς πείρας, οἱ δὲ καὶ ἐς ὑπόκρισιν ὑπὸ ἱππέων μικρὰ ἐνοχληθέντες. εἰσὶ δʼ οἳ τὰς προσβολὰς ἔτι ὑπέμενον καὶ ἀπεκρούοντο· καὶ γὰρ ὁ Λέπιδος περιέπεμπεν ἐς πάντα ἐπικούρους· καὶ αὐτῶν δὲ τῶν ἐπικούρων μεθισταμένων ἡ λοιπὴ τοῦ Λεπίδου στρατιά, καὶ εἴ τις εὔνους ἔτι ἦν, ἐτρέπετο τῇ γνώμῃ. καὶ πρῶτοι μὲν αὖθις οἱ Πομπηιανοί, ὅσοι ἔτι ἦσαν παρʼ αὐτῷ, μετεπήδων κατὰ μέρη· Λεπίδου δὲ ἐς κώλυσιν αὐτοῖς τοὺς ἑτέρους ἐφοπλίσαντος, οἳ ἐπὶ κώλυμα τῶν ἄλλων ὁπλισάμενοι τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἐπήγοντο σημεῖα καὶ σὺν τοῖς ἑτέροις ἐχώρουν πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα. Λέπιδος δʼ αὐτοῖς ἀπιοῦσιν ἠπείλει καὶ ἐδεῖτο καὶ τῶν σημείων εἴχετο καὶ οὐ μεθήσειν ἔλεγε, μέχρι τῶν φερόντων αὐτά τις εἶπε μεθήσειν ἀποθανόντα καὶ δείσας μεθῆκεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.13.125

When Lepidus became aware of this tumult he sprang from his tent to arms. Blows were exchanged and one of Octavius’ armor-bearers was killed. Octavius himself was struck by a weapon on his breastplate, but it did not penetrate the flesh, and he ran and took refuge with his horsemen. A detachment of guards belonging to Lepidus jeered at him as he ran. Octavius was so angry that he could not restrain himself from dashing upon them with his horsemen and destroying them. The officers of the other guards transferred their allegiance from Lepidus to Octavius, some immediately, others during the night; some without solicitation, others pretending to be coerced more or less by the cavalry. There were some who still resisted the assault and beat off the assailants, for Lepidus sent reenforcements in all directions; but when these very reënforcements went over, the remainder of his army, even those who were yet well disposed toward him, changed their opinion. Again the first to move were those Pompeians who still remained with him. They transferred themselves by detachments, one after another. Lepidus armed others to prevent them from going, but the very ones who were armed for this purpose seized their standards and went over to Octavius with the rest. Lepidus threatened and besought them as they took their departure. He held fast to the standards, and said he would not give them up, until one of the standard-bearers said to him, Let go, or you are a dead man. Then he was afraid and let go.

Edition note

πρὶν ἐξελεῖν αὐτὸ σὺν τοῖς ἱππεῦσι. Nauck suggests ἐπελθεῖν for ἐξελειν. The latter word is meaningless here.

5.13.126 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.13.126

οἱ δὲ ἱππέες τελευταῖοι χωροῦντες ἔπεμψάν τινα πευσόμενοι τοῦ Καίσαρος, εἰ κτείνωσι Λέπιδον, οὐκέτι ὄντα αὐτοκράτορα· ὁ δὲ ἀπεῖπεν. οὕτω Λέπιδος, ἀδοκήτῳ πάντων ἀπιστίᾳ συμπεσών, ἔρημος ἐκ τύχης τοσῆσδε καὶ στρατοῦ τοσοῦδε ἐγίγνετο ἐν βραχεῖ. καὶ τὸ σχῆμα ἀλλάξας ἔθει πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα δρόμῳ, συντρεχόντων ὡς ἐπὶ θέᾳ τῶν ὁρώντων. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ὑπανέστη τε αὐτῷ προσθέοντι καὶ προσπεσεῖν ἐθέλοντα κωλύσας ἔπεμψεν ἐς Ῥώμην, ἐφʼ οὗπερ ἦν σχήματος, ἰδιώτην ἀπʼ αὐτοκράτορος, οὐδὲν ἔτι πλὴν ἱερέα ἧς εἶχεν ἱερωσύνης.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.13.126

The last to come over were the cavalry. They sent a messenger to Octavius to ask if they should kill Lepidus, who was no longer a commander. He replied in the negative. Thus was Lepidus deserted by all and bereft, in a moment of time, of so exalted a station and so great an army. He changed his costume and hastened to Octavius, all the spectators running with him to enjoy the spectacle. Octavius started up as he approached, and prevented him from throwing himself at his feet, and sent him to Rome in the garb of a private citizen, which he was wearing, deprived of his command, but not of the priesthood, which he held. And so this man, who had often been a commander and once a triumvir, who had appointed magistrates and had proscribed so many men of his own rank, passed his life as a private citizen, asking favors of some of the proscribed, who were magistrates at a later period.

Edition note

See iv. 50 supra.

5.13.127 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.13.127

ὁ μὲν δὴ καὶ αὐτοκράτωρ πολλάκις καὶ τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν γενόμενος ἄρχοντάς τε ἀποφήνας καὶ προγράψας ἐπὶ θανάτῳ τοσούσδε ὁμοτίμους, ἰδιωτεύων καὶ ἐνίοις τῶν προγραφέντων ἄρχουσιν ὕστερον παριστάμενος διεβίωσε. Πομπήιον δὲ ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ οὐκ ἐδίωκεν οὐδʼ ἑτέροις ἐπέτρεπε διώκειν, εἴτε ὡς ἐς ἀλλοτρίαν ἀρχὴν τὴν Ἀντωνίου φυλασσόμενος ἐμβαλεῖν, εἴτε καραδοκῶν τὸ μέλλον καὶ τὰ ἐς αὐτὸν ἐσόμενα ἐξ Ἀντωνίου καὶ πρόφασιν ἕξων διαφορᾶς, εἰ μὴ δίκαια γίγνοιτο ʽοὐ γὰρ ἀνύποπτοί γε ἦσαν ἐκ πολλοῦ διὰ φιλαρχίαν, ὅτε τοὺς ἄλλους ἐξέλοιεν, ἀλλήλοις διερίσειν̓, εἴθʼ, ὡς αὐτὸς ἔλεγεν ὕστερον ὁ Καῖσαρ, ὅτι μὴ γένοιτο τοῦ πατρὸς ἀνδροφόνος ὁ Πομπήιος. τὴν δὲ στρατιὰν συνῆγε, καὶ ἐγένετο αὐτῷ τέλη μὲν ὁπλιτῶν πέντε καὶ τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἱππέες δισμύριοι καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι, κοῦφοι δὲ τῶν ἱππέων ὑπὲρ ἡμιολίους μακραί τε νῆες ἑξακόσιαι· τὸ δὲ τῶν φορτίδων πλῆθος, καίπερ ὂν ἄπειρον, τοῖς δεσπόταις διέπεμπε. καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐπινικίοις ἐδωρεῖτο, τὰ μὲν ἤδη διδούς, τά δὲ ὑπισχνούμενος, στεφάνους τε καὶ τιμὰς ἅπασιν ἔνεμεν καὶ συγγνώμην τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐδίδου τοῦ Πομπηίου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.13.127

Octavius neither pursued Pompeius nor allowed others to do so; either because he refrained from encroaching on Antony’s dominions, or because he preferred to wait and see what Antony would do to Pompeius and make that a pretext for a quarrel if he should do wrong (for they had long entertained the suspicion that ambition would bring them into mutual conflict when other rivals were out of the way), or, as Octavius said later, because Pompeius was not one of his father’s murderers. He now brought his forces together, and they amounted to forty-five legions of infantry, 25,000 horse, and some 40,000 light-armed troops. He also had 600 war-ships and an immense number of merchant vessels, which he sent back to their owners. To the soldiers he awarded the prizes of victory, paying a part down and promising the rest later. He distributed crowns and other honors to all, and granted pardon to the Pompeian leaders.

5.13.128 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.13.128

ζήλου δὲ αὐτῷ γέμοντι ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐνεμέσησε τοῦ ζήλου, καὶ ὁ στρατὸς ἐστασίασεν, ὁ οἰκεῖος αὐτοῦ μάλιστα, ἀπολυθῆναί τε τῆς στρατείας ἐπειγόμενοι καὶ γέρα λαβεῖν ὅμοια τοῖς ἐν Φιλίπποις ἀγωνισαμένοις. ὁ δὲ ᾔδει μὲν οὐχ ὅμοιον ἐκείνῳ τόνδε τὸν ἀγῶνα, ὑπισχνεῖτο δʼ ὅμως τὰ ἄξια δώσειν σὺν τοῖς ὑπʼ Ἀντωνίῳ στρατευομένοις, ὅτε κἀκεῖνος ἀφίκηται. περὶ δὲ τῆς ἀστρατείας ὑπεμίμνησκε σὺν ἀπειλῇ τῶν πατρίων νόμων τε καὶ ὅρκων καὶ κολάσεων. οὐκ εὐπειθῶς δὲ ἀκροωμένων ὑφῆκε τῆς ἀπειλῆς, ἵνα μή τις ἐκ τῶν νεολήπτων στρατῶν ἐπιγένοιτο θόρυβος, καὶ ἔλεγεν ἐν καιρῷ τε ἀπολύσειν σὺν Ἀντωνίῳ, καὶ ἄξειν νῦν οὐκ ἐπʼ ἐμφύλια ἔτι, πεπαυμένα σὺν τύχῃ χρηστῇ, ἐπὶ δʼ Ἰλλυριοὺς καὶ ἕτερα ἔθνη βάρβαρα, σαλεύοντα τὴν μόλις κτηθεῖσαν εἰρήνην, ὅθεν καταπλουτιεῖν αὐτούς. οἱ δʼ οὐκ ἔφασαν αὖθις στρατεύσεσθαι, πρὶν τῶν προτέρων λαβεῖν γέρα τε καὶ τιμάς. ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἔφη τὰς τιμὰς οὐδὲ νῦν ἀνατίθεσθαι, πολλὰς δὲ δοὺς προστιθέναι στεφάνους ἔτι τοῖς τέλεσιν ἄλλους καὶ λοχαγοῖς καὶ χιλιάρχοις περιπορφύρους ἐσθῆτας καὶ βουλευτικὴν ἐν ταῖς πατρίσιν ἀξίωσιν. ἔτι δὲ αὐτοῦ τοιάδε προστιθέντος ἕτερα, ὑπεφώνησε χιλίαρχος Ὀφίλλιος στεφάνους μὲν καὶ πορφύραν εἶναι παισὶν ἀθύρματα, στρατοῦ δὲ γέρα χωρία καὶ χρήματα· καὶ τοῦ πλήθους ἐπιβοήσαντος, ὅτι ὀρθῶς λέγοι, ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ ἀπέστη τοῦ βήματος δυσχεραίνων. οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ τὸν χιλίαρχον ἦσαν ἐπαινοῦντές τε καὶ τοῖς οὐ συνισταμένοις αὐτῷ λοιδορούμενοι. ὁ δʼ ἔφη καὶ μόνος ἀρκέσειν ἐπὶ οὕτω δικαίοις.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.13.128

Fortune became jealous of his great prosperity. His army revolted, especially his own troops. They demanded to be discharged from the service and that rewards should be given them equal to those given to the men who fought at Philippi. Octavius knew that the present war had not been of the same grade as that one. He promised nevertheless to pay what their services were worth, and to include the soldiers serving under Antony when the latter should return. As to their breach of discipline, he reminded them, in a threatening tone, of the laws of their ancestors, of their oaths and of the punishments. As they gave little heed to what he said, he abandoned his threatening tone lest the spirit of mutiny should extend to his newly acquired troops, and said that he would discharge them at the proper time in conjunction with Antony. He said, also, that he would not engage them in any more civil wars, which had fortunately come to an end, but in war against the Illyrians and other barbarous tribes, who were disturbing the peace which had been gained with so much difficulty; from which war the soldiers would acquire great riches. They said that they would not go to war again until they had received the prizes and honors of the previous wars. He said that he would not postpone the honors. So he distributed many prizes, and gave to the legions additional crowns, and to the centurions and tribunes purple-bordered garments and the dignity of chief councillors in their native towns. While he was distributing other awards of this kind, the tribune Ofilius exclaimed that crowns and purple garments were playthings for boys, that the rewards for soldiers were lands and money. The multitude cried out, Well said; whereupon Octavius descended from the platform in anger. The soldiers gathered around the tribune, praising him and railing at those who did not join with them. Ofilius said that he alone would suffice to defend so just a cause, but after saying this he disappeared the following day, and it was never known what became of him.

Edition note

Ζήλου δὲ αὐτῷ γέμοντι ἐπὶ τούτοις, τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐνεμέσησε τοῦ ζήλου. Mendelssohn thinks that the words τοῦ ζήλου should be expunged.

5.13.129 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.13.129

ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν τόδε εἰπὼν ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἀφανὴς ἦν, καὶ οὐδʼ, ὅ τι γένοιτο, ἐγινώσκετο· ὁ δὲ στρατὸς οὐκέτι μέν, ὑπὸ δέους, οὐδεὶς καθʼ ἕνα ἐφθέγγετο, κοινῇ δʼ ἐβόων, ἀνὰ μέρη συνιστάμενοι, ἀφεθῆναι τῶν στρατειῶν. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ αὐτῶν τοὺς μὲν ἄρχοντας ἐξωμίλει ποικίλως, τῶν δʼ ἐν Φιλίπποις καὶ Μουτίνῃ στρατευσαμένων, ὡς χρονιωτέρων ἄρα ὄντων, ἐδίδου τοῖς θέλουσιν ἀποστρατεύεσθαι. καὶ γενομένους ἐς δισμυρίους εὐθὺς ἀπέλυε καὶ ἐξέπεμπε τῆς νήσου, μὴ διαφθείραιεν ἑτέρους, τοσόνδε τοῖς ἐκ Μουτίνης μόνοις ἐπειπών, ὅτι σφίσιν ἀποδώσει τὰ τότε ὑπεσχημένα καίπερ οὕτως ἀπολυθεῖσιν. ἐς δὲ τὸ ἄλλο πλῆθος ἐπελθὼν τοὺς μὲν ἀποστάντας ἐμαρτύρετο τῆς ἐπιορκίας, οὐ κατὰ γνώμην τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος τῆς στρατείας ἀπολυθέντας, τοὺς δὲ παρόντας ἐπῄνει καὶ ἐπήλπιζεν ἀπολύσειν μὲν ταχέως, ὅτε μηδενὶ μετανοήσει, καταπλουτιεῖν δὲ ἀπολύων καὶ νῦν ἐπιδιδόναι δραχμὰς πεντακοσίας ἑκάστῳ. τοιάδε εἰπὼν Σικελίᾳ μὲν ἐπέβαλλεν ἐσφορὰν χίλια τάλαντα καὶ ἑξακόσια, στρατηγοὺς δʼ ἀπέφαινε Λιβύης καὶ Σικελίας καὶ στρατὸν ἐς ἑκατέραν διῄρει καὶ τὰς ναῦς τὰς Ἀντωνίου διέπεμπεν ἐς Τάραντα καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ στρατοῦ τὸν μὲν προύπεμπεν ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐπὶ νεῶν, τὸν δʼ ἐπαγόμενος αὐτὸς ἐκ τῆς νήσου διεπέρα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.13.129

The soldiers no longer dared to give utterance to their complaints singly, but they joined together in groups and called for their discharge in common. Octavius conciliated their leaders in various ways. He released those who had served at Philippi and Mutina, and who wished to be discharged, as their time had expired. These, to the number of 20,000, he dismissed and sent out of the island at once, lest they should seduce the others. To those only who had served at Mutina he added, that, although they were discharged in this way, he would fulfil the promises made to them at that time. He came before the rest of the army and called upon them to bear witness to the perjury of the revolters, who had been dismissed contrary to the wish of their military commander. He praised those who remained with him, and encouraged them to expect a speedy release, saying that nobody would be sorry, and that they would be discharged rich, and that he would give them 500 drachmas per man now. Having thus spoken, he exacted tribute from Sicily to the amount of 1600 talents, appointed propraetors for Africa and Sicily, and assigned a division of the army to each of these provinces. He sent back Antony’s ships to Tarentum. A part of the army he sent in advance of himself to Italy in ships, and took the remainder with him when he departed from the island.

5.13.130 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.13.130

ἐρχομένῳ δʼ ἥ τε βουλὴ τιμὰς ἐψηφίσατο ἀμέτρους, ὧν αὐτὸν ἐποίουν κριτήν, ἢ πάσας λαβεῖν ἢ ὅσας δοκιμάσειε· καὶ ὑπήντων ὅτι πορρωτάτω καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἐστεφανωμένοι ἔς τε τὰ ἱερὰ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν ἀπιόντα παρέπεμπον. τῆς δʼ ἐπιούσης αὐτὸς ἐβουληγόρησέ τε καὶ ἐδημηγόρησε, τὰ ἔργα καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν ἑαυτοῦ τὴν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἐς τότε καταλέγων· καὶ τὰ εἰρημένα συγγράψας τὸ βιβλίον ἐξέδωκε. κατήγγελλέ τε εἰρήνην καὶ εὐθυμίαν, ἐς τέλος τῶν ἐμφυλίων ἀνῃρημένων, καὶ τῶν εἰσφορῶν τοὺς ἔτι ὀφείλοντας ἀπέλυε καὶ φόρων τελώνας τε καὶ τοὺς τὰ μισθώματα ἔχοντας ὧν ἔτι ὀφείλοιεν. ἐκ δὲ τῶν ἐψηφισμένων τιμῶν ἐδέχετο πομπήν, ἐτήσιόν τε ἱερομηνίαν εἶναι, καθʼ ἃς ἡμέρας ἐνίκα, καὶ ἐπὶ κίονος ἐν ἀγορᾷ χρύσεος ἑστάναι μετὰ σχήματος οὗπερ ἔχων εἰσῆλθε, περικειμένων τῷ κίονι νεῶν ἐμβόλων. καὶ ἕστηκεν ἡ εἰκών, ἐπιγραφὴν ἔχουσα, ὅτι τὴν εἰρήνην ἐστασιασμένην ἐκ πολλοῦ συνέστησε κατά τε γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.13.130

When he arrived at Rome the Senate voted him unbounded honors, giving him the privilege of accepting all, or such as he chose. They and the people went out a long distance to meet him, wearing garlands on their heads, and escorted him, when he arrived, first to the temples, and then from the temples to his house. The next day he made speeches to the Senate and to the people, recounting his exploits and his policy from the beginning to the present time. These speeches he wrote down and distributed in pamphlet form. He proclaimed peace and good-will, said that the civil wars were ended, remitted the unpaid taxes, and released the farmers of the revenue and the holders of public leases from what they owed. Of the honors voted to him, he accepted an ovation and annual solemnities on the days of his victories, and a golden image to be erected in the forum, with the garb he wore when he entered the city, to stand on a column surrounded by the beaks of captured ships. There the image was placed bearing the inscription: PEACE, LONG DISTURBED, HE REËSTABLISHED ON LAND AND SEA.

Edition note

πομπὴν; a procession inferior in splendor and magnitude to a triumph, the latter being awarded only for victories over foreign enemies. This ceremony was concluded with the sacrifice of a sheep (ovis), from which the word ovation is supposed to be derived.

5.13.131 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.13.131

τοῦ δὲ δήμου τὴν μεγίστην ἱερωσύνην ἐς αὐτὸν ἐκ Λεπίδου μεταφέροντος, ἣν ἕνα ἔχειν νενόμισται μέχρι θανάτου, οὐκ ἐδέχετο καὶ κτείνειν τὸν Λέπιδον ὡς πολέμιον κελευόντων οὐκ ἠνείχετο. ἐς δὲ τὰ στρατόπεδα πάντα σεσημασμένας ἔπεμψεν ἐπιστολάς, ἐντελλόμενος ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ πάντας ἀνειλήσαντας αὐτὰς ἐπιχειρεῖν τοῖς κεκελευσμένοις. καὶ ἦν τὰ ἐπεσταλμένα περὶ τῶν θεραπόντων, ὅσοι παρὰ τὴν στάσιν ἀποδράντες ἐστρατεύοντο, καὶ αὐτοῖς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ᾐτήκει Πομπήιος, καὶ ἡ βουλὴ καὶ αἱ συνθῆκαι δεδώκεσαν. οἱ δὲ μιᾶς ἡμέρας συνελαμβάνοντο. καὶ ἀχθέντας αὐτοὺς ἐς Ῥώμην ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀπέδωκεν αὐτῶν τε Ῥωμαίων καὶ Ἰταλῶν τοῖς δεσπόταις ἢ διαδόχοις αὐτῶν, ἀπέδωκε δὲ καὶ Σικελιώταις. ὅσους δʼ οὐκ ἦν ὁ ληψόμενος, ἔκτεινε παρὰ ταῖς πόλεσιν αὐταῖς, ὧν ἀπέδρασεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.13.131

When the people desired to transfer from Lepidus to himself the office of pontifex maximus, which the law bestowed upon one person for life, he would not accept it, and when they prayed that Lepidus might be put to death as a public enemy he would not allow it. He sent sealed letters to all the armies, with instructions to open them all on a designated day and to execute the orders contained therein. These orders related to the slaves who had run away during the civil dissensions and joined the armies, for whom Pompeius had asked freedom, which the Senate and the treaty had granted. These were all arrested on the same day and brought to Rome, and Octavius returned them to their Roman or Italian masters, or to the heirs of the same. He also gave back those belonging to Sicilian masters. Those whom nobody claimed he caused to be put to death in the cities from which they had absconded.

5.13.132 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.13.132

τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τῶν τότε στάσεων ἐδόκει τέλος εἶναι. καὶ ἦν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐτῶν ἐς τότε ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι, καὶ αὐτὸν αἱ πόλεις τοῖς σφετέροις θεοῖς συνίδρυον. λῃστευομένης δὲ κατὰ συστάσεις τῆς τε Ῥώμης αὐτῆς καὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας περιφανῶς καὶ τῶν γιγνομένων ἁρπαγῇ μετὰ τόλμης ἢ λῃστείᾳ λανθανούσῃ μᾶλλον ἐοικότων, Σαβῖνος ὑπὸ Καίσαρος αἱρεθεὶς εἰς διόρθωσιν πολὺν μὲν εἰργάσατο φθόρον τῶν ἁλισκομένων, ἐνιαυτῷ δʼ ὅμως εἰς εἰρήνην ἀφύλακτον ἅπαντα περιήγαγε. καὶ ἐξ ἐκεινου φασὶ παραμεῖναι τὸ τῆς στρατιᾶς τῶν νυκτοφυλάκων ἔθος τε καὶ εἶδος. θαυμαζόμενος δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τῷδε ὀξέως οὕτως ἐξ ἀδοκήτου διωρθωμένῳ πολλὰ τῆς πολιτείας ἐφίει τοῖς ἐτησίοις ἄρχουσι διοικεῖν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια, καὶ γραμματεῖα, ὅσα τῆς στάσεως σύμβολα, ἔκαιε, καὶ τὴν ἐντελῆ πολιτείαν ἔλεγεν ἀποδώσειν, εἰ παραγένοιτο ἐκ Παρθυαίων Ἀντώνιος· πείθεσθαι γὰρ κἀκεῖνον ἐθέλειν ἀποθέσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν, τῶν ἐμφυλίων καταπεπαυμένων. ἐφʼ οἷς αὐτον εὐφημοῦντες εἵλοντο δήμαρχον ἐς ἀεί, διηνεκεῖ ἄρα ἀρχῇ προτρέποντες τῆς προτέρας ἀποστῆναι. ὁ δὲ ἐδέξατο μὲν καὶ τήνδε, Ἀντωνίῳ δὲ ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπέστελλεν. ὁ δὲ καὶ Βύβλον ἀπιόντα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐντυχεῖν ἐδίδασκεν· ἐς δὲ τὰ ἔθνη τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αὐτὸς ὁμοίως ἔπεμπε καὶ ἐς Ἰλλυριοὺς ἐπενόει συστρατεύειν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.13.132

This seemed to be the end of the civil dissensions. Octavius was now twenty-eight years of age. Cities joined in placing him among their tutelary gods. At this time Italy and Rome itself were openly infested with bands of robbers, whose doings were more like barefaced plunder than secret theft. Sabinus was chosen by Octavius to correct this disorder. He executed many of the captured brigands, and within one year brought about a condition of absolute security. At that time, they say, originated the custom and system of cohorts of night watchmen still in force. Octavius excited astonishment by having put an end to this evil with such unexampled rapidity. He allowed the yearly magistrates to administer public affairs, in many particulars, according to the customs of the fathers. He burned the writings which contained evidence concerning the civil strife, and said that he would abdicate entirely when Antony should return from the Parthian war, for he was persuaded that Antony, too, would be willing to lay down the government, the civil wars being at an end. Thereupon he was chosen tribune for life by acclamation, the people urging him, by the offer of this perpetual magistracy, to give up his former one. This he accepted, and at the same time he wrote privately to Antony in reference to their government. Antony gave instructions to Bibulus, who was going away from him, to confer with Octavius. He sent governors to take charge of his provinces in like manner as Octavius had done, and he had thoughts of joining the latter in his expedition against the Illyrians.

Edition note

The true date of his election to the tribuneship, deduced from the testament of Augustus inscribed on the wall of the Augusteum at Ancyra, was B.C. 25, i.e., eleven years later than Appian makes it.

5.14.133 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.14.133

Πομπήιος δʼ ἐκ μὲν Σικελίας ἄκρᾳ Λακινίᾳ προσέσχε καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς Ἥρας πλουτοῦν ἀναθήμασιν ἐσύλησε, φεύγων ἐς Ἀντώνιον· ἐς δὲ Μιτυλήνην καταχθεὶς διέτριβεν, ἔνθα αὐτὸν ἔτι παῖδα μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς ὑπεξέθετο ὁ πατήρ, Γαΐῳ Καίσαρι πολεμῶν, καὶ ἡττηθεὶς ἀνέλαβεν. Ἀντωνίου δὲ πολεμοῦντος ἐν Μηδίᾳ Μήδοις τε καὶ Παρθυαίοις, γνώμην ὁ Πομπήιος ἐποιεῖτο ἑαυτὸν ἐπανελθόντι ἐπιτρέψαι. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐπύθετο ἡσσῆσθαι Ἀντώνιον καὶ τὸ συμβὰν ἡ φήμη μειζόνως μετέφερεν, αὖθις ἦν ἐν ἐλπίσιν ὡς ἢ διαδεξόμενος Ἀντώνιον, εἰ τέθνηκεν, ἢ μεριούμενος ἐπανελθόντι· ἐνθύμιός τέ οἱ συνεχὲς ἦν Λαβιηνὸς οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐπιδραμών. ὧδε δὲ ἔχοντι ἀγγέλλεται Ἀντώνιος εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἐπανελθών. καὶ τεχνάζων ἔτι ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα διεπρεσβεύετο πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐπιτρέπων ἐκείνῳ καὶ φίλον εἶναι διδοὺς καὶ σύμμαχον, ἔργῳ δὲ τὰ Ἀντωνίου κατασκεπτόμενος. ἔς τε Θρᾴκην καὶ ἐς τὸν Πόντον ἔπεμπεν ἑτέρους κρύφα πρὸς τοὺς ἑκατέρων δυνάστας ἐπινοῶν, εἰ μὴ κρατεῖ τῶν ἐνθυμουμένων, διὰ τοῦ Πόντου φυγεῖν ἐς Ἀρμενίαν. ἔπεμπε δὲ καὶ ἐς Παρθυαίους, ἐλπίσας ἐς τὰ λοιπὰ τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς Ἀντώνιον αὐτοὺς δέξεσθαι προθύμως στρατηγὸν Ῥωμαῖόν τε καὶ παῖδα Μάγνου μάλιστα. τάς τε ναῦς ἐπεσκεύαζε καὶ τὸν ἐν αὐταῖς στρατὸν ἐγύμναζεν, ὑποκρινόμενος ἢ δεδιέναι Καίσαρα ἢ Ἀντωνίῳ τάδε παρασκευάζειν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.14.133

Pompeius, fleeing from Sicily to Antony, stopped at the Lacinian promontory and robbed the rich temple of Juno of its gifts. He landed at Mitylene and spent some time at that place, where his father, when at war with Caesar, had bestowed him with his mother, when he was still a boy, and where his father had recovered him after his defeat. As Antony was now waging war in Media against the Medes and the Parthians, Pompeius decided to intrust himself to Antony on his return. When he heard that Antony had been worsted, and this result was confirmed by the reports, his hopes once more revived, and he fancied that he might succeed Antony if the latter were dead, or share his power if he returned. He was continually thinking of Labienus, who had overrun Asia not long before. While he was in this frame of mind the news reached him that Antony had returned to Alexandria. Scheming with both projects, he sent ambassadors to Antony ostensibly to place himself at the latter’s disposal and to offer himself as a friend and ally, but really to get accurate information about Antony’s affairs. At the same time he sent others secretly to the princes of Thrace and Pontus, intending, if he should not obtain what he desired from Antony, to take flight through Pontus to Armenia. He sent also to the Parthians, hoping that, for the remainder of their war against Antony, they would be eager to receive him as a general, because he was a Roman, and especially because he was the son of Pompey the Great. He refitted his ships and drilled the soldiers he had brought in them, pretending at one time that he was in fear of Octavius, and at another that he was getting ready to assist Antony.

5.14.134 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.14.134

ὁ δὲ Ἀντώνιος πυθόμενος μὲν εὐθὺς ἀμφὶ τοῦ Πομπηίου, στρατηγὸν ἐπʼ αὐτῷ Τίτιον ᾕρητο καὶ ναῦς καὶ στρατὸν ἐκ Συρίας λαβόντα ἐκέλευε πολεμοῦντι μὲν τῷ Πομπηίῳ πολεμεῖν κατὰ κράτος, ἐπιτρέποντα δὲ αὑτὸν Ἀντωνίῳ μετὰ τιμῆς ἄγειν. ἐλθοῦσι δὲ τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ἐχρημάτιζεν, ἀγγέλλουσιν οὕτως· ἡμᾶς Πομπήιος ἔπεμψεν οὐκ ἀπορῶν μὲν ἐς Ἰβηρίαν, εἰ πολεμεῖν ἐγνώκει, διαπλεῦσαι, φίλην οὖσαν αὐτῷ πατρόθεν καὶ συλλαβοῦσαν ἔτι ὄντι νεωτέρῳ καὶ καλοῦσαν ἐπὶ ταῦτα καὶ νῦν, αἱρούμενος δὲ εἰρηνεύειν τε σὺν σοὶ καὶ πολεμεῖν, εἰ δεήσειεν, ὑπὸ σοί. καὶ τάδε οὐ νῦν πρῶτον, ἀλλʼ ἔτι κρατῶν Σικελίας καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν πορθῶν, ὅτε σοι τὴν σὴν μητέρα περισώσας ἔπεμπε, προύτεινε. καὶ εἰ ἐδέξω, οὔτʼ ἂν ὁ Πομπήιος ἐξέπεσε Σικελίας (οὐ γὰρ ἂν Καίσαρι τὰς ναῦς κατʼ αὐτοῦ παρέσχες), οὔτʼ ἂν σὺ ἥττησο ἐν Παρθυαίοις, Καίσαρός σοι τὸν στρατὸν οὐ πέμψαντος, ὃν συνέθετο· ἐκράτεις δʼ ἂν ἤδη πρὸς οἷς εἶχες καὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας. οὐ δεξάμενον δέ σε ταῦτα, ἐν καιρῷ τότε μάλιστʼ ἄν σοι γενόμενα, ἀξιοῖ καὶ νῦν μὴ πολλάκις ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἐνεδρευθῆναι λόγοις τε καὶ τῷ γενομένῳ κήδει, μνημονεύοντα, ὅτι Πομπηίῳ τε κηδεύων μετὰ συνθήκας ἐπολέμησεν ἄνευ προφάσεως, καὶ Λέπιδον κοινωνὸν ὄντα τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ μέρος ἀφείλετο καὶ οὐδέτερα αὐτῶν ἐνείματό σοι.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.14.134

As soon as Antony heard of the coming of Pompeius he designated Titius to take the field against him. He ordered the latter to take ships and soldiers from Syria and to wage war vigorously against Pompeius if he showed himself hostile, but to treat him with honor if he submitted himself to Antony. Then he gave audience to the ambassadors who had arrived, and who addressed him as follows: Pompeius has sent us to you, not because he was without a place of refuge (if he were minded to continue the war) in Spain, a country friendly to him on his father’s account and which espoused his own cause when he was younger, and even now calls upon him for that purpose, but because he prefers to enjoy peace with you, or, if need be, to fight under your orders. He makes these advances now not for the first time, but did so while he was master of Sicily and was ravaging Italy, and when he rescued your mother and sent her to you. If you had accepted these advances, Pompeius would not have been driven out of Sicily (for you would not have provided Octavius with ships against him), nor would you have been defeated in Parthia, in consequence of Octavius, not sending you the soldiers he agreed to send. In fact, you would now be in possession of Italy in addition to your other dominions. As you did not accept the offer at the time when it would have been most advantageous to you, he repeats it now in order that you may not be so often ensnared by Octavius’ words and by the marriage relationship existing between you; for you will remember that, although he is connected by marriage with Pompeius, he declared war against the latter after the treaty had been made, and without excuse. He also deprived Lepidus, his partner in the government, of his share, and divided no part of it with you.

5.14.135 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.14.135

λοιπὸς δʼ ἐς τὴν περιπόθητον αὐτῷ μοναρχίαν σὺ νῦν ὑπολείπῃ· ἤδη γάρ σοι καὶ ἐν χερσὶν ἦν, εἰ μὴ Πομπήιος ἔτι ἦν ἐν μέσῳ. καὶ τάδε εἰκὸς μὲν καὶ σὲ προορᾶν ἐπὶ σεαυτοῦ, προφέρει δέ σοι καὶ Πομπήιος ὑπὸ εὐνοίας, αἱρούμενος ἄνδρα ἄκακον καὶ μεγαλόφρονα ἀντὶ ὑπούλου τε καὶ δολεροῦ καὶ φιλοτέχνου. οὐδὲ ἐπιμέμφεταί σοι τῆς δόσεως τῶν νεῶν, ἃς ἐπʼ αὐτὸν Καίσαρι ἔδωκας ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης, ἀντιλαβεῖν στρατὸν ἐς Παρθυαίους δεόμενος, ἀλλʼ ὑπομιμνήσκει, τὸν οὐ πεμφθέντα στρατὸν προφέρων. συνελόντι δὲ εἰπεῖν, Πομπήιος ἑαυτὸν ἐπιτρέπει σοι μετὰ τῶν νεῶν, ἃς ἔτι ἔχει, καὶ τοῦ στρατοῦ, πιστοτάτου γε ὄντος αὐτῷ καὶ οὐδʼ ἐν τῇ φυγῇ καταλιπόντος, εἰρηνεύοντι μὲν μέγα κλέος, εἰ τὸν Μάγνου παῖδα περισῴζοις, πολεμοῦντι δὲ μοῖραν ἱκανὴν ἐς τὸν ἐσόμενον πόλεμον, ὅσον οὔπω παρόντα.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.14.135

You are now the only remaining one who stands between him and the monarchy that he longs for. He would already have been at blows with you, had not Pompeius stood in the way. Although you ought to have foreseen these things for yourself, Pompeius calls your attention to them out of good-will, because he prefers a candid and magnanimous man to a deceitful, treacherous, and artful one. He does not blame you for the gift of ships which you made to Octavius against him as a matter of necessity, in order to procure soldiers for the Parthian war in exchange, but he reminds you that those soldiers were not sent. In short, Pompeius delivers himself to you with the ships which he still has and his most faithful soldiers, who have not abandoned him even in his flight. If peace is maintained, it will be a great glory to you to have saved the son of Pompey the Great. In case of war, he will be a considerable help to your party in the conflict which is coming, unless, to be sure, it has already come.

5.14.136 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.14.136

τοιαῦτα τῶν πρέσβεων εἰπόντων, ὁ Ἀντώνιος τὰς ἐντολὰς αὐτοῖς ἐξέφερεν, ἃς ἐντείλαιτο Τιτίὼ· καὶ εἰ τῷ ὄντι ταῦτα φρονοίη Πομπήιος, ἥξειν αὐτὸν ἔφασκεν παραπεμπόμενον ὑπὸ Τιτίου. ἅμα δὲ ταῦτα ἐγίγνετο, καὶ οἱ πεμφθέντες ἐς Παρθυαίους ὑπὸ τοῦ Πομπηίου ἐλήφθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀντωνίου στρατηγῶν καὶ ἐς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἤχθησαν. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἕκαστα μαθὼν ἐκάλει τοὺς τοῦ Πομπηίου πρέσβεις καὶ τοὺς ληφθέντας αὐτοῖς ὑπεδείκνυεν. οἱ δὲ καὶ ὣς παρῃτοῦντο νέον ἄνδρα ἐν συμφοραῖς ἐσχάταις ὑπὸ δέους, εἰ ἄρα μὴ προσοῖτο φιλίως αὐτὸν ὁ Ἀντώνιος, ἀναγκασθέντα καὶ τῶν ἀεὶ Ῥωμαίοις ἐχθίστων ἀποπειρᾶσαι· δηλώσειν τʼ αὐτὸν αὐτίκα, ὅτε μάθοι τὰ Ἀντωνίου, μηδὲν ἔτι πείρας ἢ μηχανῆς δεόμενον. οἷς ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐπίστευσεν, ὢν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα αἰεὶ τὸ φρόνημα ἁπλοῦς καὶ μέγας καὶ ἄκακος.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.14.136

When the ambassadors had thus spoken, Antony showed them the orders he had sent to Titius, and said that if Pompeius was truly in this frame of mind he should come in person under the escort of Titius. In the meantime, the messengers who had been sent by Pompeius to the Parthians were captured by Antony’s generals and brought to Alexandria. After Antony had examined each of them he summoned the ambassadors of Pompeius and showed the captives to them. They made excuses for Pompeius even then as a young man in a desperate plight, fearful lest Antony should not treat him kindly, and driven by necessity to make trial even of the bitterest enemies of Rome. They said that he would show his true disposition as soon as he should learn Antony’s, and would then need no other attempt or devices. Antony believed them, being in other respects and at all times of a frank, magnanimous, and unsuspecting nature.

Edition note

Y.R> 719

5.14.137 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.14.137

ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Φούρνιος, ὁ τῆς Ἀσίας ἡγούμενος Ἀντωνίῳ, τὸν Πομπήιον ἐλθόντα μὲν καὶ ἀτρεμοῦντα ἐδέχετο, οὔτε κωλύειν ἀξιόμαχος ὢν οὔτε πω τὴν γνώμην εἰδὼς τὴν Ἀντωνίου· γυμνάζοντα δὲ τὸν στρατὸν ὁρῶν κατέλεγέ τινας ἐκ τῶν ὑπηκόων καὶ Ἀηνόβαρβον ἄρχοντα γείτονος στρατοῦ καὶ Ἀμύνταν ἑτέρωθεν ἐκάλει κατὰ σπουδήν. συνελθόντων δʼ ὀξέως, ὁ Πομπήιος ἐμέμφετο, εἰ πολέμιον ἡγοῦνται τὸν πρέσβεις ἐς Ἀντώνιον ἀπεσταλκότα καὶ τὰ παρʼ ἐκείνου περιμένοντα. καὶ ταῦτα λέγων Ἀηνόβαρβον ὅμως ἐπενόει συλλαβεῖν ἐκ προδοσίας Κουρίου τινὸς τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἀηνόβαρβον, ἐλπίζων ἐς ἀντίδοσιν αὑτοῦ μεγάλην ἕξειν μοῖραν Ἀηνόβαρβον. γνωσθείσης δʼ οὖν τῆς προδοσίας, Κούριος μὲν ἐν τοῖς παροῦσι Ῥωμαίων ἐλεγχθεὶς ἀπέθανε, Πομπήιος δὲ Θεόδωρον ἐξελεύθερον, ὃς μόνος οἱ συνῄδει τὸ βούλευμα, ὡς ἐξειπόντα ἔκτεινεν. οὐκέτι δὲ τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Φούρνιον λήσειν ἐλπίσας, Λάμψακον ἐκ προδοσίας κατέλαβεν, ἣ πολλοὺς εἶχεν Ἰταλοὺς ἐξ ἐποικίσεως Γαΐου Καίσαρος, καὶ μισθοῖς μεγάλοις εὐθὺς ἐστράτευε τοὺς Ἰταλούς. ἤδη δὲ ἔχων ἱππέας τε διακοσίους καὶ πεζοὺς τρία τέλη, ἐπεχείρησε Κυζίκῳ κατά τε γῆν καὶ διὰ θαλάσσης. οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν ἑκατέρωθεν ἀπεκρούσαντο· καὶ γάρ τις ἦν ἐν τῇ Κυζίκῳ στρατὸς οὐ πολὺς Ἀντωνίῳ, φύλακες τῶν ἐκεῖ τρεφομένων αὐτῷ μονομάχων. ἐς δὲ τὸν Ἀχαιῶν λιμένα ἐπανελθὼν ἐσιτολόγει.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.14.137

In the meantime Furnius, who was governing the province of Asia for Antony, had received Pompeius when he arrived, as he was behaving quietly; since Furnius had not sufficient force to prevent him and did not yet know Antony’s mind. Seeing Pompeius drilling his troops, he mustered a force from the provincials and hastily summoned Ahenobarbus, who had command of an army in the vicinity, and also Amyntas from the other side. They responded promptly, and Pompeius complained against Furnius for regarding him in the light of an enemy when he had sent ambassadors to Antony and was waiting for an answer from him. While he was saying this he was meditating the project of seizing Ahenobarbus, with the connivance of Curius, one of Ahenobarbus’ officers, intending to hold that general as a valuable hostage to exchange for himself in case of need. The treachery was discovered and Curius was convicted before the Romans present and put to death. Pompeius put to death his freedman Theodorus, the only person who was privy to the plan, believing that he had divulged it. As he no longer expected to conceal his projects from Furnius, he possessed himself of Lampsacus by treachery, a city which contained many Italians, colonized there by Gaius Caesar. These Italians he induced to enter his military service by large bounties. Having now 200 horse and three legions of infantry, he attacked Cyzicus by land and sea. He was repulsed on both sides, because there was a force, although not a large one, in Cyzicus, that was guarding some gladiators whom Antony supported there. So Pompeius retired to the harbor of the Achaeans and collected provisions.

Edition note

B.C. 35

5.14.138 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.14.138

Φουρνίου δὲ οὐκ ἄρχοντος μὲν χειρῶν, ἀεὶ δʼ αὐτῷ παραστρατοπεδεύοντος σὺν ἱππεῦσι πολλοῖς καὶ σιτολογεῖν οὐκ ἐῶντος οὐδὲ προσποιεῖσθαι τὰς πόλεις, ὁ Πομπήιος ἱππέας οὐκ ἔχων ἐπεχείρησε τῷ τοῦ Φουρνίου στρατοπέδῳ κατὰ μέτωπον καὶ κατόπιν ἐκ περιόδου λαθών. ὅθεν ὁ Φούρνιος ἐς τὸν Πομπήιον ἐπεστραμμένος ὑπὸ τῶν ὄπισθεν ἐξεβλήθη τοῦ στρατοπέδου. καὶ φεύγοντας αὐτοὺς διὰ τοῦ Σκαμανδρίου πεδίου διώκων ὁ Πομπήιος ἔκτεινε πολλούς· καὶ γὰρ ἦν τὸ πεδίον ὑγρὸν ἐξ ὄμβρων. οἱ δὲ περισωθέντες τότε μὲν ὑπεχώρουν, οὐκ ὄντες ἀξιόμαχοι. προσδεχομένων δὲ ἀπό τε Μυσίας καὶ τῆς Προποντίδος καὶ ἑτέρωθεν, οἳ πενόμενοι διὰ τὰς συνεχεῖς εἰσφορὰς ἐμισθοφόρουν ἀσμένως τῷ Πομπηίῳ κατὰ δόξαν μάλιστα τῆς ἐν Ἀχαιῶν λιμένι γενομένης νίκης, ἱππικοῦ δʼ ἀπορῶν ὁ Πομπήιος, καὶ παρʼ αὐτὸ βλαπτόμενος ἐν ταῖς προνομαῖς, ἐπύθετο ἴλην ἱππέων Ἰταλικὴν ἐς Ἀντώνιον χωρεῖν, ὑπὸ Ὀκταουίας χειμεριζούσης ἐν Ἀθήναις ἀπεσταλμένην· καὶ εὐθὺς ἔπεμπέ τινας ἐς διαφθορὰν τῆς ἴλης μετὰ χρυσίου.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.14.138

Furnius did not begin hostilities, but he continually camped alongside of Pompeius with a large body of horse and prevented his foe from foraging or winning the cities to his side. As Pompeius had no cavalry, he assaulted the camp of Furnius in front and, at the same time, sent a force secretly around to his rear. Furnius accordingly directed his forces against Pompeius’ front attack, but he was driven out of his camp by the force in his rear. Pompeius pursued his men and killed many as they fled over the Scamandrian plain, which was saturated with recent rains. Those who were saved withdrew to a place of safety, as they were not fit for battle. While they were waiting for assistance from Mysia, the Propontis, and elsewhere, the inhabitants, who were distressed by continual exactions, enlisted gladly under Pompeius, especially on account of the reputation he had gained by his victory at the harbor of the Achaeans. While Pompeius was deficient in cavalry, and was thus crippled in procuring supplies, he learned that a troop of Italian horse was coming to Antony, sent by Octavia, who was passing the winter in Athens. So he sent emissaries with gold to corrupt this troop, but Antony’s governor of Macedonia caught these men and distributed their gold to the cavalry.

5.14.139 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.14.139

ἀλλὰ τούσδε μὲν ὁ τῆς Μακεδονίας ἡγούμενος Ἀντωνίῳ συνέλαβε καὶ τὸ χρυσίον τοῖς ἱππεῦσι διένειμεν· ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος Νίκαιάν τε καὶ Νικομήδειαν καταλαβὼν ἐχρηματίζετο λαμπρῶς, καὶ ἐς μεγάλα ταχέως αὐτῷ πάντα ηὔξετο παρʼ ἐλπίδα. Φουρνίῳ δὲ οὐ μακρὰν παραστρατοπεδεύοντι πρῶται μὲν ἧκον ἐκ Σικελίας, ἦρος ἀρχομένου, νῆες ἑβδομήκοντα, ὅσαι περιεσώθησαν ἐξ ὧν Ἀντώνιος ἐκεχρήκει κατὰ Πομπηίου Καίσαρι ʽμετὰ γὰρ τὸ Σικελικὸν ἔργον αὐτὰς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀπέλυσεν̓, ἧκεν δὲ καὶ ἐκ Συρίας Τίτιος ἑτέραις ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι ναυσὶ καὶ στρατῷ πολλῷ, καὶ κατῆραν ἅπαντες ἐς Προκόννησον. δείσας οὖν ὁ Πομπήιος τὰς ναῦς ἐνέπρησε καὶ τοὺς ἐρέτας ὥπλισεν, ὡς ἄμεινον ὁμοῦ πᾶσι κατὰ τὴν γῆν συνοισόμενος. Κάσσιος δὲ ὁ Παρμήσιος καὶ Νασίδιος καὶ Σατορνῖνος καὶ Θέρμος καὶ Ἀντίστιος ὅσοι τε ἄλλοι τῶν ἀξιολόγων ἔτι τῷ Πομπηίῳ παρῆσαν φίλοι, καὶ ὁ τιμιώτατος αὐτῷ Φάννιος καὶ ὁ κηδεστὴς αὐτοῦ Πομπηίου Λίβων ὡς εἶδον αὐτὸν οὐδὲ Τιτίου παρόντος, ὅτῳ τὰ περὶ αὐτὸν Ἀντώνιος ἐπέτρεπε, παυόμενον τοῦ πρὸς τὸν ἀμείνονα πολέμου, ἀπέγνωσαν αὐτοῦ καὶ πράξαντες ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν πίστιν ἐς Ἀντώνιον μετῆλθον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.14.139

Pompeius took Nicaea and Nicomedia, from which he obtained large supplies of money, and his strength was augmented in all respects with a rapidity that exceeded his expectations. But Furnius, who was camping not far away from him, was reënforced, at the beginning of spring, first with seventy ships that had come from Sicily, which had been saved from those that Antony had lent to Octavius against Pompeius; for after the close of the war in Sicily Octavius had dismissed them. Then Titius arrived from Syria with 120 additional ships and a large army; and all these had landed at Proconnesus. Pompeius became alarmed and burned his own ships and armed his oarsmen, believing that he could fight to better advantage with all of his forces combined on land. Cassius of Parma, Nasidius, Saturninus, Thermus, Antistius, and the other distinguished men of his party who were still with him as friends, and Fannius, who held the highest rank of all, and Pompeius’ father-in-law, Libo, when they saw that he did not desist from war against superior forces even after Titius, to whom Antony had given entire charge, had arrived, despaired of him, and, having made terms for themselves, went over to Antony.

5.14.140 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.14.140

ὁ δʼ ἔρημος ὢν ἤδη φίλων ἐς τὰ μεσόγαια τῆς Βιθυνίας ἀνεχώρει, λεγόμενος ἐς Ἀρμενίους ἐπείγεσθαι. καὶ αὐτόν, νυκτὸς ἀναζεύξαντα ἀφανῶς, ἐδίωκεν ὅ τε Φούρνιος καὶ ὁ Τίτιος, καὶ ἐπʼ ἐκείνοις Ἀμύντας. συντόνῳ δὲ δρόμῳ περὶ ἑσπέραν καταλαβόντες ἐστρατοπέδευσαν ἕκαστος ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ περὶ λόφῳ τινί, ἄνευ τάφρου καὶ χάρακος, ὡς ἐν ἑσπέρᾳ καὶ κόπῳ. ὧδε δὲ αὐτοῖς ἔχουσιν ὁ Πομπήιος νυκτὸς ἐπέθετο πελτασταῖς τρισχιλίοις καὶ πολλοὺς ἔκτεινεν εὐναζομένους ἔτι καὶ ἀναπηδῶντας· οἱ δὲ καὶ γυμνοὶ πάμπαν αἰσχρῶς ἔφευγον. καὶ δοκεῖ τότε ὁ Πομπήιος ἅπαντι τῷ στρατῷ νυκτὸς ἐπελθὼν ἢ τῆς γε τροπῆς γενομένης ἐπαγαγὼν τάχʼ ἂν αὐτῶν ἐντελῶς ἐπικρατῆσαι. νῦν δʼ ὁ μὲν καὶ ταῦτα θεοῦ βλάπτοντος ὑπερεῖδε καὶ οὐδὲν ἐπʼ ἔργῳ τοιῷδε πλέον ἢ αὖθις ἐς τὸ μεσόγαιον ἐχώρει· οἱ δʼ ἁλισθέντες εἵποντο καὶ σιτολογοῦντα ἠνώχλουν, ἕως κινδυνεύων ὑπὸ τῆς ἀπορίας ἠξίωσεν ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν Φουρνίῳ, φίλῳ τε Μάγνου γεγενομένῳ καὶ ἀξιώσει προύχοντι τῶν ἄλλων καὶ βεβαιοτέρῳ τὸν τρόπον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.14.140

Pompeius, now deserted by his friends, withdrew to the interior of Bithynia, being reported as making his way to Armenia. One night as he marched out of his camp quietly, Furnius and Titius followed him, and Amyntas joined in the pursuit. After a hot chase they came up with him toward evening, and each encamped by himself around a certain hill without ditch or palisade, as it was late and they were tired. While they were in this state, Pompeius made a night attack with 300 light troops and killed many who were still asleep or springing out of bed. The rest took to disgraceful flight in a state of nudity. It is evident that if Pompeius had made this night attack with his entire army, or if he had followed up energetically the victory he did win, he would have overcome them completely. But, misled by a god, he gave no heed to these opportunities, and he gained no other advantage from the affair than to penetrate farther into the interior of the country. His enemies, having formed a junction, followed him and cut off his supplies, until he was in danger from want. Then he sought an interview with Furnius, who had been a friend of Pompey the Great, and who was of higher rank and of a more trustworthy character than the others.

5.14.141 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.14.141

ποταμὸν δʼ ἐν μέσῳ λαβὼν ἔλεγε μὲν, ὅτι πρεσβεύσαιτο πρὸς Ἀντώνιον, ἐπετίθει δʼ, ὅτι τροφῶν ἐν τοσούτῳ δεόμενος καὶ ἀμελούμενος ὑπὸ αὐτῶν, τάδε ἐργάσαιτο. ὑμεῖς δὲ εἰ μὲν Ἀντωνίου γνώμῃ πολεμεῖτέ μοι, κακῶς ὁ Ἀντώνιος ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ βουλεύεται, τὸν ἐπιόντα πόλεμον οὐ προορῶν· εἰ δὲ τὴν Ἀντωνίου γνώμην φθάνετε, μαρτύρομαι καὶ παρακαλῶ περιμεῖναι τὴν πρεσβείαν μου τὴν ἐς Ἀντώνιον ἀπεσταλμένην ἢ λαβόντας ἄγειν ἤδη πρὸς αὐτόν. ἐπιτρέψω δʼ ἐμαυτὸν ἐγὼ σοὶ μόνῳ, Φούρνιε, τοσοῦτον ἐς πίστιν αἰτήσας, ὅτι με σῶον ἄξεις ἐς Ἀντώνιον· ὁ μὲν οὕτως εἶπεν, Ἀντωνίῳ τε θαρρῶν ὡς ἀγαθῷ τὴν φύσιν καὶ μόνα τὰ ἐν μέσῳ δεδιώς· ὁ δὲ Φούρνιος αὐτὸν οὕτως ἠμείψατο· ἐπιτρέποντος μὲν ἦν ἑαυτὸν Ἀντωνίῳ χωρεῖν ἐς αὐτὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἢ περιμένειν ἀτρεμοῦντα ἐν Μιτυλήνῃ τὰς ἀποκρίσεις, πολεμοῦντος δέ, ἃ πεποίηκας ἅπαντα· τί γὰρ αὐτὰ δεῖ πρὸς εἰδότα λέγειν; εἰ δὲ νῦν μετέγνωκας, μὴ συγκρούειν μὲν ἡμᾶς τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἐς ἀλλήλους, Τιτίῳ δὲ σαυτὸν ἐπιτρέπειν· Τιτίῳ γὰρ ἐπιτέτραπται τὰ περὶ σὲ ὑπὸ Ἀντωνίου· καὶ πίστιν, ἣν αἰτεῖς παρʼ ἡμῶν, ἔνι σοι καὶ Τίτιον αἰτεῖν. κεκέλευσται δʼ ὑπὸ Ἀντωνίου πολεμοῦντα μέν σε κατακανεῖν, ἐγχειρίζοντα δὲ πέμπειν ἐς αὐτὸν ἐντίμως.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.14.141

Taking a position where a river flowed between them, Pompeius said that he had sent ambassadors to Antony, and he added that, being in need of provisions meanwhile, and nobody supplying him, he had done what he had done. If you have fought against me, he continued, by Antony’s direction, Antony has misconceived his own interests in not foreseeing the coming war. If you are anticipating Antony’s intentions, I protest and implore you to wait for the embassy that I sent to Antony or to take and bring me to him now. I will surrender myself to you alone, Furnius, asking merely your pledge that you will conduct me to him in safety. He spoke thus because he had confidence in Antony as a man of generous nature, and he apprehended merely that something might happen to him on the journey. Furnius replied to him as follows: If you wished to surrender yourself to Antony you ought to have done so in the beginning, or else have waited quietly at Mitylene for his answer. But if you desired the war you should have done as you have done. Why is it necessary to recount your deeds to one who knows them? If now you repent, do not bring us, generals, into collision with each other, but surrender yourself to Titius, to whom these matters have been intrusted by Antony. The pledge which you ask from me you can ask from him. He has been ordered by Antony to put you to death if you wage war, but, if you surrender yourself, to send you to him in an honorable manner.

5.14.142 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.14.142

ὁ δὲ Πομπήιος Τιτίῳ μὲν ἀχαριστίας ὠργίζετο, τὸν πόλεμον τόνδε ὑποδεξαμέμῳ πολεμήσειν πρὸς αὐτόν· ἁλόντα γὰρ αὐτὸν αἰχμάλωτον περισεσώκει. ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ ὀργῇ καὶ ἠδόξει, Πομπήιος ὤν, ἐπὶ Τιτίῳ γενέσθαι, οὐκ ἐπιφανεῖ πάνυ ἀνδρί, καὶ ὑπώπτευεν αὐτὸν ὡς οὐ βέβαιον ἔς τε τὸν τρόπον ὑπονοῶν καί τινα συγγινώσκων ἐς αὐτὸν ὕβριν παλαιὰν πρὸ τῆς εὐεργεσίας. Φουρνίῳ δʼ αὖθις ἑαυτὸν ἐπέτρεπε καὶ δέξασθαι παρεκάλει. ὡς δʼ οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ὁ δὲ καὶ Ἀμύντᾳ ἔλεγεν ἑαυτὸν ἐπιτρέψειν. τοῦ Φουρνίου δὲ φήσαντος οὐδʼ Ἀμύνταν ἂν δέξασθαι τόδε ὕβριν ἔχον ἐς τὸν ἐξ Ἀντωνίου τὸ πᾶν ἐπιτετραμμένον, διελύθησαν. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν Φούρνιον δόξα ἦν, ὅτι ὁ Πομπήιος ἐξ ἀπορίας τῶν παρόντων ἑαυτὸν ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν ἐκδώσει τῷ Τιτίῳ· ὁ δὲ νυκτὸς τὰ συνήθη πυρὰ καίεσθαι καταλιπὼν καὶ τοὺς σαλπιγκτὰς σημαίνειν τὰ διαστήματα τῆς νυκτός, ὥσπερ ἦν ἔθος, ἔλαθε μετὰ τῶν εὐζώνων ὑπεξελθὼν τοῦ στρατοπέδου, οἷς οὐδὲ αὐτοῖς προεῖπεν, οἷ χωρήσειν ἔμελλεν. ἐπενόει δʼ ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἐλθὼν ἐμπρῆσαι τὸ τοῦ Τιτίου ναυτικόν. καὶ τάχα ἂν ἔδρασεν, εἰ μὴ Σκαῦρος αὐτομολήσας ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ τὴν μὲν ἔξοδον ἐμήνυσε καὶ τὴν ὁδόν, ἣν ἐφέρετο, τὴν δʼ ἐτίνοιαν οὐκ ᾔδει. τότε δὴ χιλίοις καὶ πεντακοσίοις ἱππεῦσιν Ἀμύντας ἐδίωκε τὸν Πομπήιον ἱππέας οὐκ ἔχοντα. καὶ ἐς τὸν Ἀμύνταν οἱ τοῦ Πομπηίου πλησιάσαντα μετεχώρουν, οἱ μὲν ἀποδιδράσκοντες, οἱ δὲ καὶ φανερῶς. μονούμενος οὖν ὁ Πομπήιος καὶ δεδιὼς ἤδη τὰ οἰκεῖα, ἑαυτὸν ἄνευ σπονδῶν ἐνεχείρισεν Ἀμύντᾳ, ὁ Τιτίῳ μετὰ σπονδῶν ἀδοξήσας.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.14.142

Pompeius was angry with Titius as an ingrate, in that he undertook to wage this war against him, for he had once been taken prisoner and spared by Pompeius. Besides being angry he considered it beneath his dignity to be in the power of Titius, who was not of noble birth. Moreover he suspected Titius, either because he was acquainted with his character and did not consider him trustworthy, or because he was conscious of some old injury done to him previous to the benefaction above mentioned. Again he offered to surrender himself to Furnius, and begged that he would receive him. When the latter refused he said that he would surrender to Amyntas. Furnius said that Amyntas would not receive him, because that would be an insult to the one whom Antony had intrusted with this whole business; and so the interview ended. The opinion prevailed in the camp of Furnius that, for want of other resources, Pompeius would deliver himself up to Titius on the following day. When night came Pompeius left the customary fires burning, and the trumpets giving the usual signal at intervals through the night, while he quietly withdrew from the camp with a well-prepared band, who had not been previously advised whither they were to go. He intended to go to the sea-shore and burn Titius’ fleet, and perhaps would have done so had not Scaurus deserted from him and communicated the fact of his departure and the road he had taken, although ignorant of his design. Amyntas, with 1500 horse, pursued Pompeius, who had no cavalry. When Amyntas drew near, Pompeius’ men passed over to him, some privately, others openly. Pompeius, being almost entirely deserted and afraid of his own men, surrendered himself to Amyntas without conditions, although he had scorned to surrender to Titius with conditions.

5.14.143 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.14.143

οὕτω μὲν ἑάλω Πομπήιος Σέξστος, ὁ λοιπὸς ἔτι παῖς Πομπηίου Μάγνου, νεώτερος μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπολειφθεὶς καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ μειράκιον ἤδη, λαθὼν δʼ ἐπʼ ἐκείνοις ἐς πολὺ καὶ κρύφα λῃστεύων ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ, μέχρι, πολλῶν συνδραμόντων ἐς αὐτὸν ἐπιγνωσθέντα εἶναι Πομπηίου παῖδα, ἐλῄστευέ τε φανερώτερον, καὶ μετὰ Γάιον Καίσαρα ἐπολέμησεν ἐγκρατῶς καὶ στρατὸν ἤγειρε πολὺν καὶ ναῦς καὶ χρήματα, καὶ νήσους εἷλε, καὶ θαλασσοκράτωρ τῆς ἀμφὶ τὰς δύσεις θαλάσσης ἐγένετο, καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν περιήνεγκεν ἐς λιμὸν καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐς συμβάσεις, ἃς ἤθελε. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, ἐπίκουρος ἐν ταῖς προγραφαῖς τῇ πόλει πανώλεθρα πασχούσῃ γενόμενος περιέσωσεν ἄνδρας ἀρίστους τε καὶ πολλούς, οἳ τότε διʼ αὐτὸν ἦσαν ἐν τῇ πατρίδι. ὑπὸ δὲ θεοβλαβείας αὐτὸς οὔ ποτε ἐπεχείρησε τοῖς πολεμίοις, πολλὰ τῆς τύχης εὔκαιρα παρεχούσης, ἀλλʼ ἠμύνετο μόνον.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.14.143

Thus was Sextus Pompeius captured. He was the last remaining son of Pompey the Great, and had been deprived of his father when very young and of his brother while still a stripling. After their death he concealed himself for a long time and practised robbery secretly in Spain until he had collected a large following, because he made himself known as Pompey’s son. Then he practised more open robbery. After the death of Gaius Caesar he carried on war vigorously and collected a large army, together with ships and money, took islands, became master of the western sea, brought famine upon Italy, and compelled his enemies to make peace on such terms as he chose. Of most importance was the aid that he rendered to the proscribed in Rome exposed to utter destruction, rescuing many of the nobility who were, at this later time, safe at home by means of him. But stricken with mental aberration, he never pursued an aggressive policy against his foes, although fortune offered him many opportunities; he only defended himself. After such a career Pompeius was taken prisoner.

5.14.144 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.14.144

καὶ Πομπήιος μὲν τοιόσδε γενόμενος ἑαλώκει, Τίτιος δὲ τὸν μὲν στρατὸν αὐτοῦ μετεστράτευσεν Ἀντωνίῳ, αὐτὸν δὲ Πομπήιον, τεσσαρακοστὸν ἔτος βιοῦντα, ἐν Μιλήτῳ κατέκανεν, εἴτε διʼ αὑτοῦ, μηνίων ἄρα τῆς ποτὲ ὕβρεως καὶ ἀχάριστος ἐς τὴν ἔπειτα εὐεργεσίαν γενόμενος, εἴτε καὶ ἐπιστείλαντος Ἀντωνίου. εἰσὶ δʼ οἱ Πλάγκον, οὐκ Ἀντώνιον λέγοντες ἐπιστεῖλαι, καὶ νομίζουσιν ἄρχοντα Συρίας, καὶ ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς ἐπιτετραμμένον ἐς τὰ ἐπείγοντα ἐπιγράφειν τὸν Ἀντώνιον καὶ τῇ σφραγῖδι χρῆσθαι. καὶ Πλάγκον δὲ γράψαι νομίζουσιν οἱ μὲν συνειδότος Ἀντωνίου καὶ αἰδουμένου γράψαι διὰ ὄνομα τοῦ Πομπηίου καὶ διὰ Κλεοπάτραν, εὔνως ἔχουσαν τῷ Πομπηίῳ διὰ τὸν πατέρα Μάγνον, οἱ δὲ αὑτὸν ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ Πλάγκον, τάδε αὐτὰ συνιδόντα καὶ φυλαξάμενον, μὴ τὴν αἰσίαν Ἀντωνίου καὶ Καίσαρος ἐς ἀλλήλους αἰδῶ Πομπήιος καὶ Κλεοπάτρα Πομπηίῳ συνεργοῦσα ἀνατράψαιεν.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.14.144

Titius brought Pompeius’ soldiers into Antony’s service and put Pompeius himself to death at Miletus in the fortieth year of his age. This he did either on his own account, angry at some former insult, and ungrateful for the subsequent kindness, or in pursuance of Antony’s order. Some say that Plancus, not Antony, gave this order. They think that Plancus, while governing Syria, was authorized by letters to sign Antony’s name in cases of urgency and to use his seal. Others think that it was written by Plancus with Antony’s knowledge, but that the latter was ashamed to write it on account of the name Pompeius, and because Cleopatra was favorable to him on account of Pompey the Great. Still others think that Plancus, being cognizant of these facts, took it upon himself to give the order as a matter of precaution, lest Pompeius, with the coöperation of Cleopatra, should breed dissension between Antony and Octavius.

Edition note

φυλαξάμενον μὴ τὴν αἰτίαν Ἀντωνίου καὶ Καίσαρος ἐς ἀλλήλους διδῷ Πομπήϊος, καὶ Κλεοπάτρα Πομπηΐω συνεργοῦσα, ἀναθρέψαιεν. This sentence has given much trouble to commentators. Schweighäuser rejected the word διδῷ altogether.

5.14.145 · Appian

Original

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-grc2:5.14.145

ἀλλὰ Πομπήιος μὲν ἐτεθνήκει, Ἀντώνιος δὲ αὖθις ἐς Ἀρμενίαν ἐστράτευε, καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ Ἰλλυριούς, οἳ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐλῄστευον, οἱ μὲν οὐχ ὑπακούσαντές πω Ῥωμαίων, οἱ δʼ ἐν τοῖς ἐμφυλίοις ἀποστάντες. καί μοι ἔδοξε τὰ Ἰλλυρικά, οὔτε ἀκριβῶς γενόμενά μοι γνώριμα οὔτε συντελοῦντα μῆκος ἰδίας συγγραφῆς οὔτε χώραν ἔχοντα ἑτέρωθι λεχθῆναι, τοῦ χρόνου, καθʼ ὃν ἐλήφθησαν, συνάγοντος αὐτὰ ἐς τέλος, προαναγράψαι καὶ ὑποθεῖναι αὐτὰ τῇ ὁμόρῳ Μακεδονικῇ.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:5.14.145

After the death of Pompeius Antony made a new expedition to Armenia, and Octavius made one against the Illyrians, who were plundering Italy, some of whom had never been subject to the Romans, while others had revolted during the civil wars. Since these Illyrian affairs are not very well known to me, and are not of sufficient length to make a book by themselves, and have no suitable place to be treated elsewhere, I have recorded them above (beginning with the time when Illyria was acquired by the Romans and bringing them down to the end), and added them to the history of the neighboring Macedonia.

1.intro.1 · Appian

Original

No corresponding unit in this selected edition.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.intro.1

THE plebeians and Senate of Rome [in the olden time] were often at strife with each other concerning the enactment of laws, the cancelling of debts, the division of lands, or the election of magistrates. Internal discord did not bring them to blows, however; these were dissensions merely and contests within the law, which they composed by making mutual concessions, and with much respect for each other. Once when the plebeians were going to a war they fell into such a controversy, but they did not use the weapons in their hands, but withdrew to the hill, which from this time on was called the Sacred Mount. Even then no violence was done, but they created a magistrate for their protection and called him the tribune of the plebs, to serve especially as a check upon the consuls, who were chosen by the Senate, so that the political power should not be exclusively in their hands. Whence arose still greater bitterness, and the magistrates were arrayed in stronger animosity to each other after this event, and the Senate and plebeians took sides with them, each believing that it would prevail over the other by augmenting the power of its own magistrates. In the midst of contests of this kind Marcius Coriolanus, having been banished contrary to justice, took refuge with the Volsci and levied war against his country.

Edition note

ὁ δῆμος. The Greek language uses this word for the whole body of free citizens. In Latin the word plebs was used for the commonalty and populus for the whole body of commonalty and aristocracy together. In this translation the word people will be used in all cases as the equivalent of δῆμος, except where a distinction between plebs and populus is necessary to a correct understanding of the text.

Edition note

Y.R. 260

Edition note

B.C. 494

Edition note

Cf. Livy, ii. 33, 34.

Edition note

Y.R. 262

Edition note

B.C. 492

1.intro.2 · Appian

Original

No corresponding unit in this selected edition.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.intro.2

This is the only case of armed strife that can be found in the ancient seditions, and this was caused by an exile. The sword was never carried into the assembly, and there was no civil butchery until Tiberius Gracchus, while serving as tribune and bringing forward new laws, was the first to fall a victim to internal commotion; and many others besides, who were assembled with him at the Capitol, were slain around the temple. Sedition did not end with this abominable deed. Repeatedly the parties came into open conflict, often carrying daggers; and occasionally in the temples, or the assemblies, or the forum, some one serving as tribune, or praetor, or consul, or a candidate for those offices, or some person otherwise distinguished, would be slain. Unseemly violence prevailed almost constantly, together with shameful contempt for law and justice. As the evil gained in magnitude open insurrections against the government and large warlike expeditions against the country were undertaken by exiles, or criminals, or persons contending against each other for some office or military command. There were chiefs of factions in different places aspiring to supreme power, some of them refusing to disband the troops intrusted to them by the people, others levying forces against each other on their own account, without public authority. Whichever of them first got possession of the city, the others made war nominally against their adversaries, but actually against their country. They assailed it like a foreign enemy. Ruthless and indiscriminate massacres of citizens were perpetrated. Men were proscribed, others banished, property was confiscated, and some were even subjected to excruciating tortures.

Edition note

Y.R. 621

Edition note

B.C. 133

Edition note

Y.R. 672

1.intro.3 · Appian

Original

No corresponding unit in this selected edition.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.intro.3

No unseemly deed was wanting until, about fifty years after the death of Gracchus, Cornelius Sulla, one of these chiefs of factions, doctoring one evil with another, made himself the absolute master of the state for an indefinite period. Such officials were formerly called dictators — an office created in the most perilous emergencies for six months only, and long since fallen into disuse. Sulla, although nominally elected, became dictator for life by force and compulsion. Nevertheless he became satiated with power and was the first man, so far as I know, holding supreme power, who had the courage to lay it down voluntarily and to declare that he would render an account of his stewardship to any who were dissatisfied with it. And so, for a considerable period, he walked to the forum as a private citizen in the sight of all and returned home unmolested, so great was the awe of his government still remaining in the minds of the onlookers, or their amazement at his laying it down. Perhaps they were ashamed to call for an accounting, or entertained other good feeling toward him, or a belief that his despotism had been beneficial to the state. Thus there was a cessation of factions for a short time while Sulla lived, and a compensation for the evils which Sulla had wrought.

Edition note

B.C. 82

Edition note

Y.R. 675

Edition note

B.C. 79

1.intro.4 · Appian

Original

No corresponding unit in this selected edition.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.intro.4

After his death the troubles broke out afresh and continued until Gaius Caesar, who had held the command in Gaul by election for some years, was ordered by the Senate to lay down his command. He charged that it was not the wish of the Senate, but of Pompey, his enemy, who had command of an army in Italy, and was scheming to depose him. So he sent a proposal that both should retain their armies, so that neither need fear the other’s enmity, or that Pompey should dismiss his forces also and live as a private citizen under the laws in like manner with him-self. Both requests being refused, he marched from Gaul against Pompey in the Roman territory, entered it, put him to flight, pursued him into Thessaly, won a brilliant victory over him in a great battle, and followed him to Egypt. After Pompey had been slain by the Egyptians Caesar set to work on the affairs of Egypt and remained there until he had settled the dynasty of that country. Then he returned to Rome. Having overpowered by war his principal rival, who had been surnamed the Great on account of his brilliant military exploits, he now ruled without disguise, nobody daring any longer to dispute him about anything, and was chosen, next after Sulla, dictator for life. Again all civil dissensions ceased until Brutus and Cassius, envious of his great power and desiring to restore the government of their fathers, slew in the Senate this most popular man, who was also the one most experienced in the art of government. The people mourned for him greatly. They scoured the city in pursuit of his murderers. They buried him in the middle of the forum and built a temple on the place of his funeral pile, and offered sacrifice to him as a god.

Edition note

Y.R. 705

Edition note

B.C. 49

Edition note

Y.R. 706

Edition note

B.C. 48

Edition note

Y.R. 710

Edition note

B.C. 44

Edition note

Y.R. 711

1.intro.5 · Appian

Original

No corresponding unit in this selected edition.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.intro.5

And now civil discord broke out again worse than ever and increased enormously. Massacres, banishments, and proscriptions of both senators and the so-called knights took place straightway, including great numbers of both classes, the chief of factions surrendering their enemies to each other, and for this purpose not sparing even their friends and brothers; so much does animosity toward rivals overpower the love of kindred. So in the course of events the Roman empire was partitioned, as though it had been their private property, by these three men: Antony, Lepidus, and the one who was first called Octavius, but afterward Caesar from his relationship to the other Caesar and adoption in his will. Shortly after this division they fell to quarrelling among themselves, as was natural, and Octavius, who was the superior in understanding and skill, first deprived Lepidus of Africa, which had fallen to his lot, and afterward, as the result of the battle of Actium, took from Antony all the provinces lying between Syria and the Adriatic gulf. Thereupon, while all the world was filled with astonishment at these wonderful displays of power, he sailed to Egypt and took that country, which was the oldest and at that time the strongest possession of the successors of Alexander, and the only one wanting to complete the Roman empire as it now stands. In consequence of these exploits he was at once elevated to the rank of a deity while still living, and was the first to be thus distinguished by the Romans, and was called by them Augustus. He assumed to himself an authority like Caesar’s over the country and the subject nations, and even greater than Caesar’s, not needing any form of election, or authorization, or even the pretence of it. His government being strengthened by time and mastery, and himself successful in all things and revered by all, he left a lineage and succession that held the supreme power in like manner after him.

Edition note

B.C. 43

Edition note

Y.R. 718

Edition note

B.C. 36

Edition note

Y.R. 723

Edition note

B.C. 31

Edition note

Y.R. 727

Edition note

B.C. 27

1.intro.6 · Appian

Original

No corresponding unit in this selected edition.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:1.intro.6

Thus, out of multifarious civil commotions, the Roman state passed into solidarity and monarchy. To show how these things came about I have written and compiled piled this narrative, which is well worth the study of those who wish to know the measureless ambition of men, their dreadful lust of power, their unwearying perseverance, and the countless forms of evil. It is especially necessary for me to describe these things beforehand since they are the preliminaries of my Egyptian history, and end where that begins, for Egypt was seized in consequence of this last civil commotion, Cleopatra having joined forces with Antony. On account of its magnitude I have divided the work, first taking up the events that occurred from the time of Sempronius Gracchus to that of Cornelius Sulla; next, those that followed to the death of Caesar. The remaining books of the civil wars treat of those waged by the triumvirs against each other and the Roman people, until the end of these conflicts, and the greatest achievement, the battle of Actium, fought by Octavius Caesar against Antony and Cleopatra together, which will be the beginning of the Egyptian history.

3.12.83 · Appian

Original

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urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.12.83

For various reasons the election was postponed in accordance with the law. Meanwhile, Antony passed over the Alps with the permission of Culleo, who had been stationed there by Lepidus to guard them, and advanced to a river where the latter was encamped. He neglected to surround himself with palisade and ditch, as though he were camping alongside a friend. Messengers were going back and forth between them constantly, Antony reminding Lepidus of their friendship and of his various good offices, and showing him that after he (Antony) should be destroyed all who had enjoyed Caesar’s friendship would suffer a like fate, one by one. Lepidus feared the Senate, which had ordered him to make war on Antony, but he promised nevertheless that he would not do so voluntarily. The army of Lepidus, having respect for Antony’s dignity and perceiving the messengers going back and forth, and being gratified with the simple manners prevailing in Antony’s camp, mingled with his men, at first secretly, then openly, like fellow-citizens and fellow-soldiers, disregarding the orders of the tribunes, who forbade their doing so; and in order to facilitate their intercourse they made a bridge of boats across the river. The so-called Tenth Legion, that had been enlisted by Antony originally, arranged things for him inside the camp of Lepidus.

3.appendix.0 · Appian

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urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.appendix.0

WHEN I heard of the death of Trebonius I was both glad and sorry. It rejoiced me to know-that a wretch had paid the penalty due to the ashes and bones of the most illustrious of men, and that the vengeance of the gods had overtaken him within the term of the revolving year, and that punishment for the parricidal act is either accomplished or impending. I mourn that Dolabella was voted an enemy as soon as he had put the assassin to death, and that the son of a buffoon should seem dearer to the Roman people than Gaius Caesar, the father of his country. Most grievous is it that you, Aulus Hirtius, loaded as you are with Caesar’s benefactions, and left by him in a condition that must be a surprise to yourself, and you, O boy, who owe everything to his name, should so conduct yourselves that Dolabella should be condemned by law, and this pest [Decimus Brutus] delivered from siege, and Brutus and Cassius strengthened as much as possible. You look upon the present state of things too much as you have viewed the past. You call Pompey’s camp the Senate. You have taken the vanquished Cicero for a leader. You are strengthening Macedonia with armies. You have placed Africa in charge of Varus, who was twice taken prisoner. You have sent Cassius into Syria. You have allowed Casca to hold the tribuneship. You have taken away the revenues of the Luperci assigned to them by Caesar. You have abolished the colonies of veterans established by law and senatus consultum. You promise to restore to the Massilians what was taken from them by the law of war. Do you forget that under the law of Hirtius no Pompeian who lives can hold office? You have supplied Brutus with the money of Apuleius. You applauded the execution of Paetus and Menedemus, Caesar’s hosts, who had been given the citizenship by him. You took no notice of Theopompus when he was stripped and driven out by Trebonius and fled to Alexandria. You tolerate Servius Galba in your camp girded with the same dagger [with which he stabbed Caesar]. You have enlisted my soldiers and the veterans under pretence of exterminating those who killed Caesar, and have hurled them, in ignorance of what they were doing, against their quaestor, their general, their comrades. In short, what have you not approved of, what have you not done, that Pompey himself would do if he could come to life, or his son if he were at home? Finally, you say that peace is not possible unless I let Brutus go free or supply him with corn. What? Is this the opinion of those veterans who can still choose their own course? Since you have sold yourselves for adulation and poisoned gifts, . . . But you say you are bringing aid to beleaguered soldiers. I will not hinder them from escaping and going where they please if they will let that man perish who has deserved to perish. You write me that mention has been made of peace in the Senate, and of five ambassadors of consular rank. It is hard to believe that those who drove me headlong when I offered the fairest conditions, and was even thinking of abating some part of them, can contemplate any moderate or humane act. It is hardly probable that those who voted Dolabella an enemy for his most righteous deed could spare me, who hold the same sentiments with him. Wherefore you ought rather to reflect whether it is more fitting, and more useful to our party, to avenge the death of Trebonius or that of Caesar, and whether it is more equitable for us to compete with each other in bringing to life the cause of Pompey that has so often had its throat cut, or to combine, so that we be not a laughing-stock to our enemies, who will be the gainers whichever of us shall fall. Fortune itself has thus far shunned that spectacle, that it might not behold two armies belonging to one body fighting each other, with Cicero for trainer, who is a happy man in so far as he can deceive you with the same compliments with which he boasted that he deceived Caesar. I am resolved to endure no affront either to myself or to my friends, nor to desert the party that Pompey hated, nor to allow the veterans to be moved from their settlements or be put to the torture one by one; nor shall I come short of the faith I pledged to Dolabella, nor violate my alliance with Lepidus, that most conscientious man, nor betray Plancus, the partner of my counsels. If the immortal gods aid me, as I hope, in my righteous course, I shall be glad to live; but if another fate awaits me I shall enjoy your punishment in advance, for if the Pompeians are so insolent when vanquished, what they will be when victorious you will learn by experience rather than myself. Finally, the sum and substance of my decision is this, I can bear the injuries that my friends have done me if they are willing to forget that they have done them, or if they are ready to join me in avenging Caesar’s death. I do not believe that ambassadors are coming to the theatre of war. When they do come I shall know what they demand. Cicero, Phil. xiii

Edition note

Cicero said that the only answer made by Hirtius and Octavius to this letter was to move nearer to Antony’s works. (Phil. xiii, 20.)

4.appendix.0 · Appian

Original

No corresponding unit in this selected edition.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.appendix.0

Just before the arrival of the triumvirs Marcus Cicero left the city, considering it certain that he had no more chance of being saved from the vengeance of Antony than Brutus and Cassius had of escaping that of Octavius, — which was the fact. He fled first to his Tusculan villa and thence proceeded by cross-roads to that of Formiae in order to take ship at Caieta. There, after advancing several times seaward, he was driven back by adverse winds, and again he found himself unable to endure the tossing of the ship on the gloomy rolling waves, and he began at length to grow weary both of flight and of life. So he returned to his upper villa, which was a little more than a mile from the shore, saying, I will die in my fatherland that I have so often saved. It is well established that his slaves were ready to fight for him bravely and faithfully, but that he ordered them to put down the litter and endure with patience whatever an adverse fate should compel. As he leaned out of the litter and offered his neck unmoved, his head was cut off. Nor did this satisfy the senseless cruelty of the soldiers. They cut off his hands, also, for the offence of having written something against Antony. Thus the head was brought to Antony and placed by his order between the two hands on the rostra, where, often as consul, often as a consular, and, that very year against Antony, he had been heard with admiration of his eloquence, the like of which no other human voice ever uttered. The people, raising their eyes bedimmed with tears, could scarcely bear the sight of his dismembered parts. He lived sixty-three years, so that in the absence of violence his death could not have been considered premature. His genius served him well both in his works and in the rewards thereof. He enjoyed the favors of fortune for a long time, yet in the intervals of his protracted career of prosperity he suffered some severe blows, exile, the ruin of the party he had espoused, the death of his daughter, and his end so sad and bitter, none of which calamities did he bear as became a man except his death, which to one who weighs the matter impartially must seem the less undeserved, since he suffered nothing more cruel at the hands of his victorious enemy than he would himself have inflicted if fortune had put the same power in his hands. Yet if we weigh his virtues and his faults he must be pronounced a great, energetic, and ever memorable man, to fitly sound whose praises another Cicero would be needed. (Livy, cxx.) This judgment of the gravest of Roman historians is the one which the better part of mankind have ratified in all succeeding ages. The glowing words of Velleius also deserve a place here; and these likewise have found their echo in all later generations, viz.: You have gained nothing, Mark Antony (for the indignation bursting from my mind and breast compels me to exceed the intended character of this work); you have gained nothing, I say, by paying the price for closing that celestial voice and cutting off that most noble head, and instigating, by a cruel reward, the death of a man who had once been so great a consul and the saviour of the republic. You deprived Marcus Cicero of a life of anxiety and a feeble old age, of an existence worse under your chieftainship than death under your triumvirate. But the fame and glory of his deeds and words you have not taken from him in the least, but rather augumented. He lives and will live in the memory of all ages. So long as this body of the natural universe, whether created by chance or by providence, or however constituted, which he almost alone of the Romans penetrated with his intellect, embraced with his genius, and illuminated with his eloquence, shall endure, it will bear the praise of Cicero as coeval with it. All posterity will admire what he wrote against you and execrate what you did against him, and sooner shall the human race perish from the earth than his fame decay. (Velleius, ii. 66.) Valerius Maximus, under the heading of Ingratitude among the Romans, says: Cicero, at the instance of M. Caelius, with no less zeal than eloquence, defended C. Popilius Laena, a man of Picenum, and, though he had a doubtful case, returned him in safety to his home. This Popilius, of his own accord, although he had never afterward been harmed by Cicero by word or deed, asked Antony to send him to pursue and kill that illustrious proscript. When he had obtained this detestable commission he hastened with joy and gladness to Caieta and ordered that man who, not to mention his very great dignity, had certainly been Laena’s preserver, and was entitled to veneration for the zealous and distinguished service rendered in his private capacity, to lay bare his throat. Then, with absolute coolness, he cut off the head of Roman eloquence and the most renowned right hand of peace. Loaded with these, as with the honorable spoils of war, he returned gayly to the city. As he bore the infamous burden it never occurred to him that he was carrying the very head that once had pleaded eloquently for his own. Words are powerless to stigmatize this monster, since no other Cicero exists to deplore in fitting terms the misfortune that befell that one. (Val. Max., v. 3. 4.) The following is Plutarch’s account of Cicero’s death. While these events were in progress Cicero was at his country place near Tusculum, and his brother was with him. When they heard of the proscription they decided to go down to Astura, Cicero’s place on the sea-coast, and sail thence to Macedonia to join Brutus, for it was already rumored that he had mastered those parts. They were conveyed, sorrow-stricken, in litters, and often stopped on the road, bringing their litters near together, and condoled with each other. Quintus was particularly disturbed as he remembered his needy condition. So he said that, as he had brought nothing from home, and as Cicero’s provision was also very scanty, it would be best for the latter to continue his flight, while Quintus should return home and provide himself with necessaries. After this was decided upon they embraced each other, wept, and went different ways. Quintus, not many days later, was betrayed by his servants to the pursuers, and was killed, together with his son. Cicero was conveyed to Astura, where he found a ship ready, in which he embarked and sailed as far as Circaeum with a favorable wind. The pilots wished to proceed from that place immediately, but Cicero, either fearing the sea, or not having lost all faith in Octavius, went ashore and travelled 100 stades by land toward Rome. Again he became anxious, changed his mind, and went back to the sea-shore at Astura. There he passed the night in great trouble and perplexity. He even contemplated going secretly to the house of Octavius and killing himself on his hearthstone, in order to bring divine vengeance upon him, but the fear of torture changed his purpose. Then, falling a prey to other perplexed and varying counsels, he allowed his servants to convey him by sea to Caieta, where he had a country place, an agreeable retreat in the summer season when the north winds blow fresh. There was a small temple on the sea-shore at this place, out of which crows flew in large numbers and with loud noise, to Cicero’s ship as it neared the land, and, alighting on either side of the yard-arm, some of them croaked and others pecked at the ends of the ropes. This seemed to all to be an ill omen. Nevertheless, Cicero disembarked and proceeded to his villa, where he went to bed to take a little rest. The crows alighted at the window, where they clamored tumultuously, and one of them flew down upon the bed where Cicero was covered up, and, little by little, drew the covering from his face with its beak. When the servants saw this they reproached themselves for remaining idle spectators of their master’s fate, and not rescuing him in his undeserved distress, while the brute creation was lending him aid. So, partly by entreaty, partly by force, they put him in the litter and carried him toward the sea-shore. In the meantime the murderers were coming, under the command of the centurion Herennius and the military tribune Popilius, whom Cicero had once defended when he was prosecuted for killing his own father. Finding the doors closed, they broke them open, but they did not find Cicero, and those who were within said that they did not know where he was. It is said that a young man named Philologus, who had been educated by Cicero in the liberal arts and sciences, a freedman of his brother Quintus, told the tribune that they were carrying the litter through the bushy shaded walks toward the sea. The tribune took a few men and ran around to the exit of these paths. Herennius kept his course along the path, and when Cicero saw him he ordered the servants to put down the litter. Then, leaning his chin on his left hand as was his custom, he looked straight at the murderers. His haggard appearance and his unshaven face, wasted with anxiety, caused most of them to hide their own heads while Herennius murdered him. He was killed while holding his neck out of the litter, being then in the sixty-fourth year of his age. By Antony’s command his head was cut off and also the hands with which he wrote the Philippics, for he styled his orations against Antony the Philippics, and they are so called to this day. (Life of Cicero, 47-48). It thus appears from Plutarch’s account, as well as from Livy’s, that, if Cicero had really desired to escape, he had abundant opportunity. It was perhaps the intention of Octavius and Lepidus that he should do so. Dion Cassius gives a very brief account of Cicero’s death, but adds some particulars about the indignities offered to his remains, viz.: When the head of Cicero was brought to the triumvirs (for he was captured and killed while fleeing), Antony heaped many bitter reproaches on it, and then ordered that it be put in a more conspicuous place than the others on the rostra, so that in the place where Cicero had been heard speaking against himself it might be seen, together with the right hand, as that also had been cut off. Before it was removed Fulvia took the head in her hands, and, after abusing it with bitter words and spitting on it, placed it on her knees, opened the mouth, drew out the tongue, and pierced it with pins that she used in dressing her hair, all the time heaping disgusting epithets upon it. (Dion, xlvii. 8.)

Edition note

Both in letters and in public speeches Cicero declared that if he had had a part in the assassination of Caesar he would have put Antony to death also. Thus in the letter to Cassius (Ad Fan. xii. 3) he says: The fury of your friend [Antony] increases from day to day. For a first example, there is the statue which he has placed in the forum inscribed To the most worthy Father of his Country, whereby you are stigmatized not only as assassins, but even as parricides. You stigmatized, do I say? Rather myself, for this madman says that I was the leader in your most noble deed. Would that I had been! In that case he would not be troubling us now. In the second Philippic (7) he says that if Rome had the same kind of a leader now that she had in the time of the conspiracy of Catiline, Antony would share the fate of those conspirators. When Cicero wrote the second Philippic he knew that he took his life in his hand. Addressing, himself to Antony, he said: I defended the republic when I was young, I will not abandon it now that I am old. I despised the sword of Catiline, I will not quail before yours. I will offer my body freely if my death can bring back liberty to the state. . . . Death is even desirable to me, Conscript Fathers, after the honors I have gained and the deeds I have done. I ask for only these two things: first, that dying, I may leave the Roman people free; the immortal gods can grant me nothing that I desire more. The other is that the rewards of each man may be in proportion to what he has deserved of the republic. (Phil. ii. 46.)

fragments.1.1 · Appian

Original

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Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:fragments.1.1

WHEN Troy was captured on the 8th day of the month of December, Aeneas fled to Mount Ida, passing through the Achaeans, who gave way to him as he was carrying off his household gods and his family. Others say that it was not that pious sight that saved him, but that Aeneas had often urged the barbarians to give Helen back to the Achaeans. There, having collected a band of Phrygians, he departed to Laurentum, and having married Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus, king of the Aborigines, he built a city and named it Lavinium after his wife. Three years later Latinus died, and Aeneas succeeded to the kingdom, by virtue of his marriage relationship, and gave the name of Latins to the Aborigines. Three years later still, Mezentius, the king of the Rutuli, engaged in war with him because Lavinia had been previously betrothed to himself, and Aeneas was slain.

Edition note

Mendelssohn considers the text spurious down to this point.

fragments.1.2 · Appian

Original

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Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:fragments.1.2

Ascanius then became king in his stead. Despising Lavinium as a paltry town, Ascanius founded another under the Alban mount and named it Alba, which, after it had held sway 300 years, the Romans destroyed, so that not even a foundation was left. Silvius, the third in descent, succeeded Ascanius. Then another Aeneas was the fourth, Latinus was the fifth, Capys the sixth, Capetus the seventh, Tiberinus the eighth, Agrippa the ninth, Romulus the tenth, Aventinus the eleventh, Procas the twelfth, and Numitor and Amulius the thirteenth.

fragments.1.3 · Appian

Original

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urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:fragments.1.3

The father of these left the kingdom to Numitor as the elder of the two. His brother Amulius dispossessed him and became king. Amulius, fearing vengeance, slew Egestus, Numitor’s son, while hunting, and being apprehensive lest the sister of Egestus should bear children he made her a vestal. She became pregnant, as she said, by Mars, while drawing water from a fountain sacred to him, and gave birth to Remus and Romulus. Amulius accordingly incarcerated her and gave the boys to be thrown into the Tiber, which was at that time called the Thubris. The bearers took the boys to the river. They were shepherds, and they placed the basket on the margin of the water where the river was marshy. After they had gone away the water receded and the babes were left on dry land, and a she-wolf stepped into the basket and suckled them. Laurentia, the wife of the shepherd Faustulus . . . They were reared to manhood in the practice of robbery, and Remus was captured while raiding the estates of Numitor, and was brought before Amulius.

fragments.1.4 · Appian

Original

No corresponding unit in this selected edition.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:fragments.1.4

The latter sent him to his brother Numitor, as the one who had suffered the robbery, to be condemned and punished. But Numitor, when he beheld the young man and reckoned up the time when he was exposed and the other circumstances, began to suspect the truth, and examined him closely as to his bringing up. Romulus became alarmed, and learning from Faustulus the facts concerning himself and his brother, and how his mother had been incarcerated, collected a band of shepherds and with them attacked Amulius, and, having killed him, proclaimed Numitor king of the Albans. Then they built a city on the bank of the river by the side of which they had been exposed and nourished, and where they had practised robbery after they had grown up; and they named it Rome. It was previously called the Tetragon, because its perimeter was sixteen stades, having four stades on each side.

fragments.2.0 · Appian

Original

No corresponding unit in this selected edition.

Translation

urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:fragments.2.0

[APPIAN says, at the end of his twenty-fourth book:] While I was once fleeing from the Jews, during the war that occurred in Egypt, and was passing through Arabia Petraea to a river where a small boat was waiting to convey me to Pelusium, an Arab was conducting me on my journey by night, and as I thought we were nearing the boat, a raven croaked, just before dawn, and the Arab exclaimed, in alarm, We have lost our way. Again the raven croaked, and he said, We are lost completely. While I was troubled and was looking around for a guide, but could find none (as it was still very early in the morning and in a hostile country), the Arab heard the bird a third time, and joyfully exclaimed, We are lost for our own good, and we shall find our road. I smiled at the idea of our finding our lost road and gave myself up to despair, being surrounded by enemies on all sides and unable to turn back on account of those behind me, to escape whom I had come hither. And so, for want of any other resource, I followed, surrendering myself to the oracle. While I was in this condition another river appeared unexpectedly, one very near to Pelusium, and also a trireme bound for that place, in which I embarked and was saved. The small boat that was waiting for me in the other river was captured by the Jews. So remarkable was the good fortune that I enjoyed and so great was my astonishment at the oracle. These men are very religious, they are skilled in the art of divination, they are tillers of the soil, and they understand the use of drugs. It is probable that, finding good land in Egypt (being agriculturists), and a race like themselves devoted to religion, practising divination, and not inexperienced in drugs and astrology, they were pleased to abide there as among people of like habits with themselves.

Edition note

This fragment was first published in the Revue Archaeologique, in 1869, by C. Miller, from a manuscript not indicated. It appears from the following note of Mendelssohn (ii. 1) that it was known to the monks of Mount Athos earlier: As regards the matter related to Graevius by a certain Greek named Jeremiah, concerning various unpublished fragments of Appian, which have been preserved on Mount Athos (see Burmann, ep. syll. vol. iv. p. 69), he seems to have had in mind the fragment of the twenty-fourth book, published by Miller and more lately by Treu.